0092 EZrv0 LOLI Ε Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2008 with funding from Andrew W. Mellon Foundation https://archive.org/details/josephuswithengl07joseuoft i - " ᾽ ἱ ; Me δ] ᾿ ; Ms ΝᾺ i) 1 7 , ει er > yin te ᾿ , ! γι 7, po a δ δ. « Ὁ THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D. EDITED BY ΤΊΝΙ PAGE, Ck, Lrer.p: ΤῈ. CAPPS, PH.D., LL.D. 7 W. H. ἢ. ROUSE, trrt.p. L. A. POST, m.a. E. H. WARMINGTON, .a., F.R.HIST.SOO. JOSEPHUS VII “<-JOSEPHUS WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY RALPH MARCUS, Pu.D. PROFESSOR OF HELLENISTIC CULTURE, UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO IN NINE VOLUMES VII JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, BOOKS XITI-XIV LONDON WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS MCMLVII / Δ 2 First printed 1943 δ Ι : Reprinted 1957 ar? τ Coy: (? 662936 oo. ey Printed in Great Britain CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII Preratory Note δ 4 Z J : THE JEWISH ANTIQUITIES Boox XII Book XIII : ν Βοοκ XIV : ἢ 8 Appenpix A. AN Ancient TABLE OF CONTENTS Appenprix B. Tue Date or THe Hicu Priest Srmon THE Just (THE RIGHTEOUS) Appenpix C. Tue Earty Sereucip Ruters AND THE JEWS Appenpix D. Antiocnus III anp THE Jews (Ants xii, 150. 158}... emai? ἢ Appenpix E. Serecrep LireraTURE ON THE OntrAps AND Tosiaps AND PALESTINE UNDER Protemaic Rute (Ant. xii. 154-256). . 732 737 CONTENTS AppenpIx F. Sevecrep Lirerature on SPAR- TANS AND JEws (Ant. xii. 226-227 ; xiii. 164- TOYS ig! oe Oa, ee Appenpix G. Sevecrep LITERATURE ON THE BacKGROUND OF THE MaccaBaEAN Revo_rT Appenpix H. Se.Lecrep LIreERATURE ON THE SE- * LEUcID ERA IN 1 AND 2 MAcCABEES AND THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE HasMONAEAN PERIOD Appenpix I. Sevecrep LireraTurRE on ANTI- ocHus EPpIPHANES AND THE SAMARITANS (Ant. xii. 257-264) 2. π΄ Ὁ Appenpix J. Sevecrep LITERATURE ON THE HELLENtIsTIc AND Roman DeEcreEEs IN ANT. XII-XIV . : ἶ : 4 " Appenpix Κα. ΘΕΈΠΕΟΤΕΡ LirerRATURE ON THE HasMONAEANS IN Rapsrnic TRADITION 4 Appenpix L. SeLecrep LITERATURE ON THE Stratus oF JUDAEA UNDER Roman Rute 63-37 B.c. : ΐ : ‘ ¢ Aprenpix M. Sexecrep Lirerature on Has- MONAEAN COINAGE ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE EXPLANATORY Notes AND APPENDICES , Σ : ᾿ PAGE 770 - ~] vo 774 783 PREFATORY NOTE Ir is a matter of great regret to me that illness, pressure of other duties and the excessive size of this volume have caused me to abandon the plan of dis- cussing in Appendices E to M some of the historical problems connected with Ant. XII-XIV, as has been done in Appendices B,C and D. ἴῃ place of detailed discussions I have given selected bibliographies. 1 hope to deal with these problems in a work on the history of the Jews during the period of the Second Commonwealth, which should appear some time after the completion of the last volume of this translation of Josephus. Ratpn Marcus January 15, 1942 Vii A JEWISH ANTIQUITIES VOL. VII A2 IOYAAIKHE APXAIOAOTIAS BIBAION IB (i. 1) ᾿Αλέξανδρος μὲν οὖν ὁ τῶν Μακεδόνων βασιλεὺς καταλύσας τὴν Περσῶν ἡ ἡγεμονίαν καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν τὸν προειρημένον καταστησά- 2 μενος τρόπον τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον. μεταπεσούσης δ᾽ 9 \ ~ > ~ > / \ ~ > / εἰς πολλοὺς τῆς ἀρχῆς ᾿Αντίγονος μὲν τῆς ᾿Ασίας ἐπικρατεῖ, Σέλ δὲ Βαβυλῶ L τῶ 70 patet, Σέλευκος δὲ Βαβυλῶνος καὶ τῶν κεῖθι > ~ if A \ « / ~ ἐθνῶν, Λυσίμαχος δὲ τὸν ‘EAAjomovtov διεῖπεν, τὴν δὲ Μακεδονίαν εἶχε Κάσσανδρος, [Πτολεμαῖος 3 δὲ ὁ Λάγου τὴν Αἴγυπτον εἰλήφει. στασιαζόντων δὲ τούτων καὶ “πρὸς ἀλλήλους φιλοτιμουμένων ὑπὲρ τῆς ἰδίας ἀρχῆς πολέμους τε συνεχεῖς καὶ μακροὺς συνέβη γίγνεσθαι' καὶ τὰς πόλεις κακο- παθεῖν καὶ πολλοὺς ἐν τοῖς “ἀγῶσιν «ἀποβάλλειν τῶν οἰκητόρων, ὡς καὶ τὴν Συρίαν ἅπασαν ὑπὸ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λάγου τότε Σωτῆρος χρηματί- ζοντος τἀναντία παθεῖν αὐτοῦ τῇ ἐπικλήσει. 4« κατέσχε δὲ οὗτος καὶ τὰ “Ἱεροσόλυμα δόλῳ καὶ > / / > \ \ / > ἀπάτῃ χρησάμενος: εἰσελθὼν yap σαββάτοις εἰς 1 συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι EVE: συνέβη γίνεσθαι L. @ Josephus’ sources for Hellenistic history will be discussed in an appendix to the last volume of this translation. z JEWISH ANTIQUITIES BOOK XII i. 1)* Havine overthrown the Persian empire and si the affairs of Judaea in the manner described above, Alexander, the king of Macedon, died.’ And his empire fell to the share of many, Antigonus be- coming master of Asia, and Seleucus of Babylon and the nations thereabouts, while Lysimachus ruled the Hellespont, Cassander held Macedon, and Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, took Egypt. But, as these quarrelled and fought jealously with one another, each for his own kingdom, the result was that con- tinual and prolonged wars arose, and the cities suffered through their struggles and lost many of their inhabit- ants, so that all δὲ Syria at the hands of Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, who was then called Soter (Saviour), suffered the reverse of that which was indicated by his surname. And this king seized Jerusalem by resorting to cunning and deceit. For he entered the » At Babylon, in June, 323 B.c. ¢ He was appointed satrap of Egypt by Philip Arrhidaeus, the new Macedonian king, about 5 months after Alexander’s death, and assumed the title of king about 305 B.c.; ef. E. Bevan, A History of Egypt under the Ptolemaic Dynasty, 1927, pp. 18 ff 4 According to Pausanias, i. 8. 6, it was the Rhodians who gave Ptolemy this surname. Bevan, p. 51, says he assumed the title ‘‘ saviour and lord ” between 308 and 306 x.c. 8 Quarrels of Alexander’s successors. JOSEPHUS \ / « / , ~ > / Ψ ‘ τὴν πόλιν ὡς θύσων, μήτε τῶν "lovdaiwy αὐτὸν ἀμυνομένων, οὐδὲν' γὰρ ὑπενόουν πολέμιον, καὶ διὰ τὸ ἀνύποπτον καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐν ἀργίᾳ καὶ ῥαθυμίᾳ τυγχανόντων, ἀπόνως ἐγκρατὴς γίγνεται 5 τῆς πόλεως καὶ πικρῶς ἦρχεν αὐτῆς. μαρτυρεῖ δὲ ~ / / ἘΦ / ¢ , « ‘ τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ καὶ ᾿Αγαθαρχίδης ὁ Κνίδιος ὁ τὰς τῶν διαδόχων πράξεις συγγραψάμενος, ὀνειδίζων tv δεισιδαιμονίαν ὡς δι᾿ αὐτὴν ἀποβαλοῦσι τὴν μ " τὴ 6 ἐλευθερίαν, λέγων οὕτως" “᾿ ἔστιν ἔθνος ᾿Ιουδαίων λεγόμενον, ot πόλιν ὀχυρὰν καὶ μεγάλην ἔχοντες Ἱεροσόλυμα ταύτην περιεῖδον ὑπὸ [Πτολεμαίῳ γενομένην, ὅπλα λαβεῖν οὐ θελήσαντες, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν ἄκαιρον δεισιδαιμονίαν χαλεπὸν ὑπέμειναν 7 ἔχειν δεσπότην. ᾿Αγαθαρχίδης μὲν οὖν ταῦτα περὶ τοῦ ἔθνους ἡμῶν ἀπεφήνατο. ὁ δὲ Πτολεμαῖος πολλοὺς αἰχμαλώτους. λαβὼν ἀπό τε τῆς ὀρεινῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας καὶ τῶν περὶ Ἱεροσόλυμα τόπων καὶ τῆς Σαμαρείτιδος καὶ τῶν ev? Ταριζείν, κατῴκισεν 8 ἅπαντας εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἀγαγών. ἐπεγνωκὼς" δὲ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν “ἱεροσολύμων περί τε τὴν τῶν a \ \ A / 4 ὅρκων φυλακὴν καὶ τὰς πίστεις βεβαιοτάτους « / > ᾿ς 3 / > / ὃ ὑπάρχοντας ἐξ ὧν ἀπεκρίναντο ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ πρεσ- βευσαμένῳ πρὸς αὐτοὺς μετὰ τὸ κρατῆσαι Δαρείου τῇ μάχῃ, πολλοὺς αὐτῶν εἰς τὰ φρούρια κατα- / \ a , > > / οχίσας καὶ τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ 1 οὐδὲ FVW. 2 ἐν τῷ ὄρει τῷ Cod. NC ap. Hudson. 3 ἐγνωκὼς FLV. @ Or “religious scrupulousness,” if we suppose that Josephus is giving the word δεισιδαιμονία a more favourable connotation (as in Ant. x. 42) than his source Agatharchides. 4 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 4-8 city on the Sabbath as if to sacrifice, and, as the Jews Ptolemy ter takes did not oppose him—for they did not suspect any Jerusalem. hostile act—and, because of their lack of suspicion and the nature of the day, were enjoying idleness and ease, he became master of the city without difficulty and ruled it harshly. This account is attested by Agatharchides of Cnidus, the historian of the Dia- dochi, who reproaches us for our superstition,? on account of which we lost our liberty, in these words.°® “ There is a nation called Jews, who have a strong and great city called Jerusalem, which they allowed to fall into the hands of Ptolemy by refusing to take up arms and, instead, through their untimely superstition submitted to having a hard master.”” This, then, was the opinion which Agatharchides expressed about our nation. Now Ptolemy, after taking many captives both from the hill country of Judaea and the district round Jerusalem and from Samaria and those on Garizein,° brought them all to Egypt and settled them there. And, as he recognized that the people of Jerusalem were most constant in keeping their oaths and pledges, as shown by the reply which they gave to Alexander when he sent an embassy to them after defeating Darius in battle, he assigned many of them to his garrisons, and at Alexandria gave them equal » The following statement, included in a longer excerpt from Agatharchides, is found in Ap. i. 205 ff. © Mount Gerizim, where the Samaritan temple stood, cf. Ant. xi. 310, 346. 4 This information is taken in part from the Letter of Aristeas, on which see § 11 note ὁ, but the following sentence on the reply made by the Jews to the envoys of Alexander and on the alleged civic rights of the Jews is not found in Arist. The date of the settlement of Ptolemy’s captives in Egypt is not known ; perhaps it was after the battle of Gaza between Ptolemy and Demetrius Poliorcetes in 312 B.c, 5 Cf. Aristeas 18. om JOSEPHUS , 3 / “ ” ᾽ ΕῚ ΄ ποιήσας ἰσοπολίτας, ὅρκους ἔλαβε παρ᾽ αὐτῶν u - > ~ ὅπως τοῖς ἐκγόνοις τοῦ παραθεμένου τὴν πίστιν 9 διαφυλάξωσιν. οὐκ ὀλίγοι δ᾽ οὐδὲ τῶν ἄλλων > , ε Galas ie eet) \ ” , Ἰουδαίων ἑκουσίως" εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον παρεγένοντο, ~ ~ ~ , ~ ~ τῆς TE ἀρετῆς τῶν τόπων αὐτοὺς Kal τῆς τοῦ 10 Πτολεμαίου φιλοτιμίας προκαλουμένης ἡ στάσεις 11 μέντοι γε τοῖς ἐκγόνοις αὐτῶν πρὸς τοὺς Zapa- ρείτας τὴν πάτριον ἀγωγὴν τῶν ἐθῶν ἀποσώ- ζειν προαιρουμένοις ἐγίγνοντο καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐπολέμουν, τῶν μὲν ἱἹεροσολυμιτῶν τὸ παρ᾽ αὑτοῖς" « - ἱερὸν ἅγιον εἶναι λεγόντων καὶ τὰς θυσίας ἐκεῖ πέμπειν ἀξιούντων, τῶν δὲ Σικιμιτῶν εἰς τὸ Γαριζεὶν ὄρος κελευόντων. (ii. 1) Βασιλεύσαντος δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου ἔτη ΄ὔ ‘ > > \ , ΄- = ~ δώδεκα Kal μετ᾽ αὐτὸν Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Σωτῆρος τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἕν, ἔπειτα τὴν βασιλείαν τῆς ’ /, Ν 6 / \ ‘ Αἰγύπτου παραλαβὼν ὁ Φιλάδελῴος καὶ κατασχὼν 1 ἑκουσίως om. P. * Naber: προσκαλουμένης codd. EK: invitati Lat. 3 Naber: αὐτοῖς codd. 4 καὶ ἕν om. E Lat. @ The historicity of Josephus’ various references to the civic rights of Alexandrian Jews will be discussed in an appendix to the last volume of this translation. Ὁ This statement is ascribed to Hecataeus of Abdera in Ap.i. 186 f., who is quoted as saying that after the battle of Gaza many of the inhabitants of Syria (= Palestine), “ hearing of his kindliness and humanity (τὴν ἠπιότητα καὶ φιλαν- Opwriav), desired to accompany him to Egypt and to associate themselves with his realm,’’ and that among these was ““ Ezechias, a chief priest (ἀρχιερεύς) of the Jews.” The authenticity of these quotations from Hecataeus is defended by (among others) H. Lewy, (cf. Ant. xi. 339 note) and A. Olmstead, who writes in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, lvi., 1936, p. 244, ““ 80 long as this was the only reference to Ezechias, its authenticity might be denied, but by his excavations at Beth Zur Professor Sellers has given us 6 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 8-11 civic rights with the Macedonians ὦ and exacted oaths of them that they would keep faith with the descend- ants of him who had placed them in a position of trust. But not a few of the other Jews as well came to Egypt of their own accord, for they were attracted by the excellence of the country and Ptolemy’s liberality.’ Their descendants, however, had quarrels with the Samaritans because they were determined to keep alive their fathers’ way of life and customs, and so they fought with each other, those from Jerusalem saying that their temple was the holy one, and requiring that the sacrifices be sent there, while the Shechemites ὦ wanted these to go to Mount Garizein. (ii. 1) Alexander reigned twelve years, and after Ptolemy him Ptolemy Soter forty-one“; then Philadelphus ἐν τη took over the royal power in Egypt and held it for pore lransiation another witness, again contemporary, a Philisto-Arabian coin with the names of Jehohanan and Hezekiah in Hebrew [0. R. Sellers, Citadel of Beth Zur, 1933, pp. 78 ff.]. Jehohanan is Honnai or Onias I, the true high priest, Heze- kiah or Ezechias is a high priest, his chief financial officer, what the Greeks called διοικητής, who naturally placed his name also on the coins he minted. With this unexpected proof that Hecataeus knew more than his critics, we are constrained to accept his other statements, that Jewish soldiers were taken to Egypt by Ptolemy I, given some sort of modified citizenship, and granted lands under military tenure.” For detailed discussions of Jewish settlements in Egypt in the early Hellenistic period cf. L. Fuchs, Die Juden Aegyptens, 1924, pp. 5 f., and A. Tscherikower, Jews and Greeks (in Hebrew), 1930, pp. 278 ff.; for the literature consult W. Schubart, Winfiihrung in die Papyruskunde, 1918 pp. 329 f. © Gr. “ Sikemites ” ; Shechem was the biblical name of the city later occupied by the Samaritans; cf. Ant. xiii. 75. @ Variant “forty” ; he was satrap from 323 to 305 B.c., and king from 305 to 283 B.c., thus ruling Egypt for 41 years. 7 13 14 JOSEPHUS αὐτὴν ἐπ᾽ “ἔτη ἑνὸς δέοντα τεσσαράκοντα τόν τε νόμον ἡρμήνευσε καὶ τοὺς δουλεύοντας ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τῶν “Ἱεροσολυμιτῶν ἀπέλυσε τῆς δουλείας ὄντας περὶ δώδεκα μυριάδας ef αἰτίας τοιαύτης" Δη- μήτριος ὁ Φαληρεύς, ὃς ἦν ἐπὶ τῶν βιβλιοθηκῶν τοῦ βασιλέως, σπουδάζων εἰ δυνατὸν εἴη πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην συναγαγεῖν βιβλία καὶ συνωνούμενος, εἴ τι που μόνον ἀκούσειε σπουδῆς ἄξιον ὃν ἢ ἴδοι, τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως προαιρέσει (μάλιστα γὰρ περὶ τὴν συλλογὴν τῶν βιβλίων εἶχε φιλοκάλως) συνηγωνίζετο. ἐρομένου δ᾽ αὐτόν ποτε τοῦ IlroAeuatov πόσας ἤδη μυριάδας ἔχοι συνειλεγμένας βιβλίων, τῶν μὲν ὑπαρχόντων εἶπεν εἶναι περὶ εἴκοσι, ὀλίγου δὲ χρόνου εἰς πεντήκοντα συναθροίσειν. μεμηνῦσθαι δ᾽ ἔλεγεν αὐτῷ πολλὰ εἶναι καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς νομίμων συγγράμματα σπουδῆς ἄξια καὶ τῆς βασιλέως βιβλιοθήκης, ἃ τοῖς ἐκείνων χαρακτῆρσιν καὶ τῇ διαλέκτῳ γεγραμμένα πόνον αὐτοῖς οὐκ ὀλίγον παρέξειν εἰς τὴν ᾿ λληνικὴν μεταβαλλόμενα γλῶτταν. δοκεῖ μὲν γὰρ εἶναι τῇ ἰδιότητι τῶν Συρίων γραμμάτων ἐμφερὴς ὁ χαρακτὴρ αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν φωνὴν ὁμοίαν αὐτοῖς ἀπηχεῖν, ἰδιότροπον « From 283 to 245 B.c. » Here begins Josephus’ close paraphrase of the so-called Letter of Aristeas, a Hellenistic Jewish apologetic work, probably written sometime in the 2nd century B.c. The English reader may conyeniently consult the following trans- lations (with notes): H. St. J. Thackeray in the Jewish Quarterly Review, xv., 1903, pp. 337-391, also in a separate volume, revised, 1928 : M. Andrews in CAP ii. 83-122; H. Meecham, The Oldest Version of the Bible, 1932. The neost learned and comprehensive edition, with translation and 8 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 11-15 thirty-nine years; and he had the Law translated ὃ of the Jewish Law and released from slavery some hundred and twenty for nis thousand © natives of Jerusalem who were slaves in !ibrary. Egypt, for the following reason. Demetrius of Phalerum,? who was in charge of the king’s library, was anxious to collect, if he could, all the books in the inhabited world, and, if he heard of, or saw, any book worthy of study, he would buy it; and so he endeavoured to meet the wishes of the king, for he was very much devoted to the art of book-collecting. Now, when Ptolemy once asked him how many tens of thousands of books he had already gathered to- gether, he replied that the present number was about two hundred thousand but that within a short time he would assemble some five hundred thousand. He added that he had been informed that among the Jews also there were many works on their law, which were worthy of study and of a place in the king’s library, but, being written in the script and language of this people, they would be no small trouble to have translated into the Greek tongue. For, he said, though their script seemed to be similar to the peculiar Syrian (Aramaic) writing, and their language to sound like the other, it was, as it happened, of a commentary, is by R. Tramontano, La Lettera di Aristea a Filocrate, 1931. For the relation of Josephus’ text to that of Arist. consult G. Stahlin, Josephus und der Aristeasbrief in Theologische Studien und Kritiken, cii., 1930, pp. 323-331. Josephus reproduces about one-third of his original, the chief omissions being Arist. §§ 82-171 and §§ 187-292. ° Arist. “a little more than 100,000”; cf. ὃ 24 note. 4 A famous Athenian philosopher of the Peripatetic school, born c. 350 B.c. He came to Egypt in 297 3s.c. and was employed in state affairs by Ptolemy I, but was dismissed and banished by Ptolemy Philadelphus soon after his accession to the throne, Arist,’s account of him is therefore fictitious. 9 Aristeas § 9, JOSEPHUS δὲ αὐτὴν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν. οὐδὲν οὖν ἔλεγε Kw- λύειν καὶ ταῦτα μεταβαλόντα (δύνασθαι γὰρ τῆς εἰς ταῦτα χορηγίας εὐποροῦντα") ἔχειν ἐν τῇ βιβλιο- / \ \ > > / / ¢ \ 6 θήκῃ καὶ Ta παρ᾽ ἐκείνοις. δόξας οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἄριστα τὸν Δημήτριον φιλοτιμουμένῳ" περὶ πλῆ- θος αὐτῷ βιβλίων ὑποτίθεσθαι γράφει τῷ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερεῖ ταῦτα γίγνεσθαι. 17. (2) ᾿Αρισταῖος" δέ τις φίλος ὧν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα ~ ~ \ / « > > ~ \ τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ σπουδαζόμενος ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ διὰ μετριότητα, πολλάκις μὲν καὶ πρότερον ἔγνω / \ / a > ,΄ A παρακαλέσαι τὸν βασιλέα ὅπως ἀπολύσῃ τοὺς > / > / id \ \ / αἰχμαλώτους ᾿Ιουδαίους, ὅσοι κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν 1s ἦσαν αὐτοῦ, καιρὸν δ᾽ ἐπιτήδειον τοῦτον εἶναι δοκιμάσας τῆς δεήσεως, πρώτοις περὶ τούτου 7) a] p aA Μ ~ διαλέγεται τοῖς ἄρχουσι τῶν σωματοφυλάκων Σωσιβίῳ τῷ Ταραντίνῳ καὶ ᾿Ανδρέᾳ, συναγωνί- -- ry) σασθαι περὶ ὧν ἐντυγχάνειν μέλλει τῷ βασιλεῖ 19 παρακαλῶν αὐτούς. προσλαβὼν οὖν' καὶ τὴν τῶν προειρημένων γνώμην ὁ ᾿ΑἈρισταῖος, προσελθὼν τῷ βασιλεῖ λόγους πρὸς αὐτὸν τοιούτους ἐποιήσατο" 20 “‘ οὐ χρῆν ἀπατωμένους ἡμᾶς, ὦ βασιλεῦ, περιορᾶν, 3 \ > \ > / \ A ~ > , ἀλλὰ τἀληθὲς ἀπελέγχειν: τοὺς γὰρ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων 1 εὐποροῦντας PLW fort. recte. * φιλοτιμούμενον LAV W et fort. Lat. 3 ᾽Αριστέος Ὁ: ᾿Αριστέας Arist. 4 FLV: 6¢ rell. ” @ Variant “ they. ® Variant ‘“‘ had given him excellent advice in his (Deme- trius’) zeal to obtain.” 10 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 15-20 distinct type. There was, however, nothing, he said, to prevent them from having these books translated and haying the writings of this people also in their library, for he ὁ had abundant resources from which to meet the expense. And so the king, deciding that Demetrius had given him excellent advice as to how to realize his ambition of obtaining ἢ a large number of books, wrote to the high priest of the Jews that this might be done. (2) Now a certain Aristaeus,° who was one of the king’s closest friends and was respected by him for his discreet behaviour,? had even before this often made up his mind to urge the king to set free the Jewish captives throughout his kingdom, and, judging this to be a favourable moment for his request, he first spoke of it to the commanders of the bodyguard, Sosibius of Tarentum ὁ and Andreas,f and urged them to second his efforts in the matter on which he was about to petition the king. And so, when he had secured the assent of the forementioned men, Aris- taeus went to the king and addressed him in the following words. τ We ought not, O King, to allow ourselves to be deceived, but to show the truth as it is; ° Gr. Aristaios ; the name is spelled ‘* Aristeas ”’ in the original Letter. 4 Or, more literally, ‘‘ moderation.” “ The only Sosibius known to have lived at Alexandria in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus was an historian who came from Sparta. Better known is the Sosibius mentioned by Polybius, xv. 25 ff., as the ψευδεπίτροπος of Ptolemy Philo- pator, cf. Bevan, pp. 220 ff.; his son, also named Sosibius, was a member of the bodyguard of Ptolemy Epiphanes. For other persons of this name living in Egypt cf. Tramontano’s note ad loc. ‘ There seems to be only one prominent Andreas in Egypt known to us, a physician at the court of Ptolemy Philopator, cf. Polybius y. 81. 11 Aristaeus persnades Ptolemy Phil- adelphus to free the Jewish slaves in Ezypt. Aristeas iP, 22 23 JOSEPHUS / , / / > \ ‘ νόμους οὐ μεταγράψαι μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ μεθερμη- νεῦσαι διεγνωκότες εἰς τὸ σοὶ κεχαρισμένον, τίνι \ / / ~ / Μ ~ καὶ λόγῳ χρώμενοι τοῦτο πράξαιμεν av, πολλῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἐν τῇ σῇ βασιλείᾳ δουλευόντων; οὕς τῇ σαυτοῦ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ καὶ χρηστότητι ποιῶν 3 / > / ΄- / \ ἀκολούθως ἀπόλυσον τῆς ταλαιπωρίας, τὴν βασι- λείαν σου διέποντος τοῦ θεμένου τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῖς θεοῦ, καθὼς ἐμοὶ πολυπραγμονήσαντι μα- θεῖν ὑπῆρξεν. τὸν γὰρ ἅπαντα συστησάμενον θεὸν \ oe \ ¢ ~ / ~ ~ καὶ οὗτοι Kat ἡμεῖς σεβόμεθα, Ziva καλοῦντες 2. ΓΑ Sif hale κ A > ΄ \ A \ αὐτὸν ἐτύμως, ἀπὸ τοῦ πᾶσιν ἐμφύειν τὸ ζῆν τὴν Sais wins , οὖν εὐ Εἴ > \ A A ἐπίκλησιν αὐτοῦ θέντες." ὅθεν εἰς τιμὴν τοῦ θεοῦ τοῖς ἐξαίρετον τὴν εἰς αὐτὸν θρησκείαν πεποιη- / 3 > / ~ \ / εἶ ‘ > ᾽ ~ μένοις" ἀπόδος τοῖς τὴν πατρίδα Kal τὸν ev αὐτῇ βίον ἀπολελοιπόσιν. ἴσθι μέντοι γε, ὦ βασιλεῦ, « v / / > a“ ΜΝ « / Ws οὔτε γένει προσήκων αὐτοῖς οὔτε ὁμόφυλος nn ~ \ > ~ > ~ / \ > / ὧν ταῦτα περὶ αὐτῶν ἀξιῶ: πάντων δὲ ἀνθρώπων δημιούργημα ὄντων τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ δὴ γιγνώσκων A (corr.): ἑτοίμως rell. 2 νρήσαντες FVE. 3 rots . . . πεποιημένοις ed. pr.: τοὺς. . . πεποιημένους codd. 4 ἀπειληφόσιν FV: ὅθεν. . . ἀπολελοιπόσιν] quopropter ad honorem dei, quem eximia religione placant, liberos eos patriae moribusque suis restitue Lat. δ δὴ om. PFLV. * That is, to make a copy of the Hebrew original (to be obtained from Palestine) ; μεταγράψαι, however, is taken by 12 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 20-23 for, since we have decided not only to transcribe ¢ the laws of the Jews but also to translate them for your pleasure, by what right should we do this while so many Jews are slaves in your kingdom? In accord- ance, therefore, with your magnanimity and goodness set them free from their misery, since the God who gave them their laws is the same who presides over your kingdom, as I have succeeded in learning after much study. For both they and we worship the God who created the universe, whom we call by the appro- priate term Zéna,” giving Him that name from the fact that He breathes life (τη) into all creatures.° Do you, then, for the honour of God restore (their free- dom) to those who worship Him with peculiar devotion but have been deprived of their native land and the manner of life which they led there.? You should, however, know, O King, that it is not because I am related to them by race or am their countryman that I ask these things on their behalf, but I urge you to do this because all men are the handiwork of God, F. Wutz, Die Transkriptionen von der Septuaginta bis zu Hieronymus, Pt. I, 1925, to mean “ transliterate,”’ that is, to transcribe the Hebrew text in Greek characters (as in Origen’s Hexaplar). Proceeding on this assumption, Wutz attempts to prove that the Septuagint is a translation made not from a Hebrew text in Hebrew characters, but from a Hebrew text in Greek characters. This theory (first proposed by Tychsen in the 18th century) is generally rejected by scholars, rightly so in the opinion of the present writer. > Accus. case of “ Zeus.” © Such etymologizing of divine names to show the universal and natural attributes of the Greek gods was common in the Stoic writings of the late Hellenistic period ; a similar etymo- logy of “ Zeus ”’ appears in the fragments of the Hellenistic Jewish philosopher Aristobulus (ap. Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica xiii. 12. 7), τὸν διὰ τῶν ποιημάτων Δία καὶ Ζῆνα. 4 Text somewhat uncertain. 13 24 26 27 JOSEPHUS αὐτὸν ἡδόμενον τοῖς εὖ ποιοῦσιν, ἐπὶ τοῦτο Kal σὲ παρακαλῶ." (3) Ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος τοῦ ᾿Αρισταίου ἀναβλέψας εἰς αὐτὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἱλαρῷ καὶ γεγηθότι τῷ προ- σώπῳ “᾿ πόσας, εἶπεν, “ ὑπολαμβάνεις τῶν ἀπο- λυθησομένων ἔσεσθαι μυριάδας; ” ὑποτυχόντος δὲ ᾿Ανδρέου, παρειστήκει γάρ, καὶ φήσαντος ὀλίγῳ πλείονας ἔσεσθαι τῶν ἕνδεκα, μυριάδων “‘ 7) μικρὰν apa,’ εἶπεν, “᾿ἡμᾶς, ᾿Αρισταῖε, δωρεὰν αἰτεῖς.᾽᾿ Σωσιβίου δὲ καὶ τῶν παρόντων φησάντων ws ἀξιον αὐτὸν δέοι τῆς αὐτοῦ μεγαλοψυχίας τῷ παρεσχηκότι τὴν βασιλείαν θεῷ χαριστήριον ποιήσασθαι, δια- χυθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐκέλευσεν, ὅταν τοῖς στρατιώταις ἀποδιδῶσιν τὸ μισθοφορικόν, καὶ ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς αἰχμαλώτων. καταβαλεῖν δραχμὰς ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι" καὶ περὶ ὧν ἠξίουν" προθεῖναι γράμματα ὑπέσχετο μεγαλοπρεπῶς τε ἔχοντα καὶ τὴν ᾿Αρισταίου προαίρεσιν βεβαιοῦντα καὶ πρὸ ταύτης τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ βούλησιν, Kal” ἣν οὐ μόνον τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀχθέντας αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς ἐκείνου στρατιᾶς ἀπολύσειν ἔλεγεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς προὐπάρχοντας ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ εἴ τινες αὖθις ἐπεισήχθησαν. πλειόνων δ᾽ ἢ τετρακοσίων ταλάν- των τὰ τῆς" ἀπολυτρώσεως γενήσεσθαι φαμένων ταῦτά τε συνεχώρει καὶ τὸ ἀντίγραφον τοῦ προσ- 1 δέκα Zonaras Lat. Arist.: ιβ΄ Syncellus. 2 ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι] εἴκοσι Arist. hic et infra. 3 ἠξίου PFV. 4 τὰ τῆς Cocceji: τῆς codd. E. * This last sentence gives a somewhat different sense from the corresponding section in Arist., in which Aristeas expresses confidence that God will cause the king to grant his request because He favours men who pray with pure motives. » Arist. “ a little more than 100,000.” 14 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 23-27 and particularly because I know that He is pleased with those who do good.*”’ (3) When Aristaeus had spoken these words, the Ptolemy king looked at him with a cheerful and happy expres- has sion, and asked, “‘ How many tens of thousands to be orders the set free do you suppose there will be?” And when pe Andreas, who was standing beside him, replied that os there would be a little more than a hundred and ten ¢ 19. thousand,’ the king said, “ΤῸ is indeed but a small gift that you are asking, Aristaeus.” But Sosibius and the others present said that he ought to make a thank-offering worthy of his own magnanimity to God who had bestowed the kingdom on him, and so, being gently persuaded by them, he gave orders that, when they paid the soldiers their wages, they should also pay them a hundred and twenty drachmas “ for every captive they had. And, as for what they 4 requested, he promised to publish a decree conceived in liberal terms and giving effect to the proposal of Aristaeus and, what was more, the will of God, in accordance w ith which he said that he would set free not only those brought by his father and his army, but also those who had previously been found in the kingdom and any who were subsequently brought in. And although they said that the cost of redeeming them ery be more than four hundred talents,?¢ he © Only 20 drachmas in Arist. 4 Variant “‘ he ” (Aristeas). ¢ So Arist. here, but cf. § 33 note e. The silver talent was equal to 6000 drachmas; the reckoning in Arist. of a little more than 100,000 slaves at 20 drachmas each would give somewhat less than 400 talents, whereas Josephus’ reckoning of 110,000 slaves at 120 drachmas each would give 2200 talents. ‘Thus he is inconsistent in here reproducing Arist.’s total of 400 talents (unless, indeed, 120 drachmas is a scribal error for 20). 15 JOSEPHUS τάγματος εἰς δήλωσιν τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως peyado- » ῤροσύνης ἔγνωσαν" διαφυλάξαι. ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτον" “ὅσοι τῶν συστρατευσαμένων ἡμῶν τῷ πατρὶ τήν τε Συρίαν καὶ Φοινίκην ἐπέδραμον καὶ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν καταστρεψάμενοι σώματα λαβόντες αἰχμάλωτα διεκόμισαν εἴς τε τὰς πόλεις ἡμῶν καὶ τὴν χώραν καὶ ταῦτα ἀπημπόλησαν, τούς τε πρὸ αὐτῶν ὄντας ἐν τῇ ἐμῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ εἴ τινες νῦν εἰσήχθησαν, τούτους ἀπολυέτωσαν οἱ παρ᾽ αὑτοῖς ἔχοντες, ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου σώματος λαμβάνοντες δραχμὰς ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι, οἱ μὲν στρατιῶται μετὰ καὶ τῶν ὀψωνίων, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλικῆς τραπέζης κομι- 29 ζόμενοι τὰ λύτρα. νομίζω" γὰρ αὐτοὺς καὶ παρὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς προαίρεσιν καὶ παρὰ τὸ δέον ἠχμαλωτίσθαι, τήν τεῦ χώραν αὐτῶν διὰ τὴν στρα- τιωτικὴν αὐθάδειαν κεκακῶσθαι, καὶ διὰ τὴν εἰς Αἴγυπτον αὐτῶν μεταγωγὴν πολλὴν ὠφέλειαν ἐκ 80 τούτου τοῖς στρατιώταις γεγονέναι. τὸ δίκαιον οὖν σκοπῶν καὶ τοὺς καταδεδυναστευμένους παρὰ τὸ προσῆκον ἐλεῶν, ἀπολύειν κελεύω τοὺς ἐν ταῖς οἰκετείαις ὄντας ᾿Ιουδαίους, τὸ προγεγραμμένον κομιζομένους ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν κεφάλαιον τοὺς κεκτη- μένους, καὶ μηδένα περὶ τούτων κακουργεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ 31 ὑπακούειν τοῖς προστεταγμένοις. βούλομαι δὲ τὰς ἀπογραφὰς" ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἐξεπέμῴφθησαν ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ἐπ᾽" αὐτῶν ὑπάρχοντας, παραδεικνύντας εὐθὺς" καὶ τὰ σώματα: τοῦτο γὰρ τοῖς ἐμαυτοῦ πράγμασιν ἡγοῦμαι συμφέρειν. προσ- tS 1 ἔγνω W: ἔγνων in quibusdam codd. teste Hudson. γ yvev in q ® youilov, PAW. 3 δὲ FLV. * ex Arist. Hudson: προγραφὰς codd.: dispositiones Lat. 16 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 27-31 granted it ; and as evidence of the king’s munificence they 7 decided to preserve a copy of the decree, which was as follows : “ All the slaves whom those serving in our father’s army took captive after invading Syria and Phoenicia and subduing Judaea, and brought to our cities and our country and sold them, and those * slaves who were formerly in my kingdom and any who have recently been imported—all these their owners shall set free and receive a hundred and twenty drachmas ὃ for each slave, the soldiers to get this redemption money together with their wages, the others from the king’s exchequer. For I believe that it was contrary to my father’s intention and to what is right that they were made captives, and that their country was ravaged through the army’s lack of discipline, and also that from their removal to Egypt the soldiers have greatly benefited. Having regard, therefore, to justice and feeling pity for those who have been unworthily oppressed, I command their owners to set free those Jews who are in their service, for whom they are to receive the forementioned sum, and no one shall act dishonestly in this matter, but they shall obey these orders. And it is my will that they present their lists ° of slaves before those who are in charge of the matter within three days after the publication of this edict, and that they produce their slaves promptly. For I regard this as being to the interest of my government. And any- @ Variants “ he’ and ‘‘I”’; Arist. has “1 believe it will be useful to include (κατακεχωρίσθαι) a copy of the decree.” > Cf. § 25 note c. ¢ “ Lists’ is restored from Arist., the mss. of Josephus have ‘‘ notices ᾿ (of sale). 5 P: ὑπ᾽ rell. § αὐτοῖς ed. pr. 17 Text of Ptolemy’s decree. Aristeas ς 99 oe 32 33 34 JOSEPHUS αγγελλέτω δὲ τοὺς ἀπειθήσαντας ὁ βουλόμενος, e / > \ ~ ΄- ὧν τὰς οὐσίας εἰς τὴν βασιλικὴν κτῆσιν ἀνενεχθῆναι βούλομαι. τούτου δὲ τοῦ προστάγματος ava- , A A \ \ \ ” af oe γνωσθέντος τῷ βασιλεῖ Kai τὰ μὲν ἄλλα' ἔχοντος, μόνου δὲ λείποντος τοῦ περὶ τῶν πρότερον καὶ τῶν αὖθις εἰσηγμένων ᾿Ιουδαίων μὴ διεστάλθαι, προσ- ἔθηκεν αὐτὸς μεγαλοφρόνως καὶ τὸ περὶ τούτων φιλάνθρωπον, καὶ τὴν τῶν διαφόρων" δόσιν οὖσαν ἀθρόαν ἐκέλευσε τοῖς ὑπηρέταις τῶν πραγμάτων" ἀπομερίσαι καὶ τοῖς βασιλικοῖς τραπεζίταις. γενο- μένου δὲ τούτου, ταχέως ἐν ἑπτὰ ταῖς πάσαις « / / iN / \ ὃ θ / ~ - ἡμέραις τέλος εἰλήφει τὰ δοχθέντα τῷ βασιλεῖ, τάλαντα δ᾽ ὑπὲρ ἑξήκοντα καὶ τετρακόσια τῶν λύτρων ἐγένετο" καὶ yap ὑπὲρ τῶν νηπίων εἰσέ- πραττον ot ἱ δεσπόται τὰς εἴκοσι καὶ ἑ ἑκατὸν δραχμάς, ὡς τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτων διδόναι κελεύ- σαντος ἐν τῷ προγράψαι ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου σώματος λαμβάνειν τὸ προειρημένον. 571. \ \ ~ > > 2. \ \ ~ (4) ᾿Επειδὴ δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἐγένετο κατὰ τὴν τοῦ / / “-“ / \ βασιλέως βούλησιν μεγαλοπρεπῶς, ἐκέλευσε τὸν Δημήτριον εἰσδοῦναι' καὶ τὸ περὶ τῆς τῶν ἼἼου- δαϊκῶν βιβλίων ἀναγραφῆς δόγμα: οὐδὲν γὰρ εἰκῆ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν φκονομεῖτο, πάντα δὲ μετὰ 1 ἄλλ᾽ εὖ Naber. 2 φόρων PLAW. 3 ταγμάτων FV Arist. 4 P Arist.: ἐκδοῦναι aut δοῦναι rell. ° + τούτοις Hudson. § Bekker: φὠκονόμηται (-ιται P) PAW: ὠκονόμητο FLVE. 2 Arist. adds that the person denounced is to become the slave of the informer. > The variant, usually meaning “ἡ tribute,” is corrupt. © Variant (also in Arist.) ‘‘ paymasters of the troops.” 4 Banking was a royal monopoly in Egypt; for a brief account of the royal bankers cf. Bevan, pp. 150 ff. 18 “ec JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 31-34 one who so wishes may inform against those who dis- obey,” and it is my will that their property be turned over to the royal estate.’ When this edict was read over to the king, it contained all the other provision~ but omitted the directions concerning the Jews wh- had previously or subsequently been brought into the country, and so he himself magnanimously added his humane instructions concerning them as well; and as the money for expenses ἢ was to be paid out as a lump sum, he ordered it to be apportioned between the officials of the government’ and the royal bankers.?. When this was done, the decree of the king was quickly carried out in just seven days, and the redemption-money came to more than four hundred and sixty ° talents, for the slave-holders collected the hundred and tw enty 7 drachmas even for infants, as if the king had commanded that pay- ment should be made for these too, when he an- nounced that they should receive the forementioned sum for each slave.9 (4) When this had been done on a lavish scale in accordance with the king’s wish, he ordered Demetrius to present a memorial of the decree concerning the copying of the Jewish books, for nothing used to be directed by the kings in a haphazard manner, but ὁ Arist. 660 ; cf. § 27 note ὁ. 7 Arist. 20. 9 The totals in both Arist. and Josephus fail to agree with the sums indicated by the number of persons ransomed ;_ in Arist. the sum of 660 talents is too great for 100,000 at 20 drachmas and their children, unless there were as many children as adults (in which case 660 talents would be just about right), while the 460 talents of Josephus (in itself a reasonable sum for 100,000 adults and a third as many children at 20 drachmas each) would suffice for only 23,000 persons at 120 drachmas each. 19 Demetrius of Phalerum presents a memorial of the proposed translation, Aristeas § 28. 35 36 37 JOSEPHUS ~ > / > / \ ‘ ‘ “-“ πολλῆς ἐπιμελείας ἐπράττετο. διὸ καὶ τὸ τῆς εἰσδόσεως, ἀντίγραφον καὶ τὸ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν κατατέτακται καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἀπεσταλμένων ἀναθημάτων καὶ τὸ ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστου κατασκευασθέν, ὡς ἀκριβεστάτην εἶναι τὴν τοῦ τεχνίτου τοῖς ὁρῶσι μεγαλουργίαν καὶ διὰ τὴν τῶν κατασκευασμάτων ἐξοχὴν τὸν ἑκάστου δημιουργὸν εὐθέως ποιῆσαι" ~ > > γνώριμον. τῆς μέντοι γ᾽ εἰσδόσεως τὸ ἀντίγραφον ὑπῆρχε τοιοῦτον: “᾿ βασιλεῖ μεγάλῳ παρὰ An- μητρίου. προστάξαντός σου, ὦ βασιλεῦ, περί τε ~ ” / > > / ~ / τῶν ἔτι λειπόντων εἰς ἀναπλήρωσιν τῆς βιβλιοθήκης συγγραμμάτων, ὅπως συναχθῇ, καὶ περὶ τῶν διαπεπτωκότων, ὅπως τῆς δεούσης ἐπιμελείας τύχῃ, πάσῃ κεχρημένος περὶ ταῦτα σπουδῇ δηλῶ \ ~ > / / / , σοι τὰ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίων νομοθεσίας βιβλία λείπειν ἡμῖν σὺν ἑτέροις: χαρακτῆρσιν γὰρ ‘EBpaiKots γε- γραμμένα καὶ φωνῇ τῇ ἐθνικῇ ἐστιν ἡμῖν ἀσαφῆ. / > > \ \ > / δ Μ 3 συμβέβηκε δ᾽ αὐτὰ καὶ ἀμελέστερον ἢ ἔδει" σε- σημάνθαι διὰ τὸ βασιλικῆς οὔπω τετυχηκέναι προνοίας. ἔστι δὲ ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι καὶ ταῦτα παρὰ \ / / \ λέ: / σοὶ διηκριβωμένα: φιλοσοφωτέραν yap Kal ἀκέραιον τὴν νομοθεσίαν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν ὡς ἂν οὖσαν θεοῦ. 1 ἐκδόσεως cod. NC ap. Hudson, Eusebius. 2 coni. Niese: ποιήσειν PAW: εἶναι FLV. 3 Dauisius: ἔχει codd. E Lat. fort. recte. « Meaning slightly uncertain, possibly ‘‘ so that the great skilfulness of the craftsman was quite clear to any who saw (the offerings).”’ > yowofecia is a word frequently used by Hellenistic Jewish writers to denote the Pentateuch. 20 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 35-37 everything was done with great care. Therefore a copy of the memorial and of the letters has been set down here, as well as the number of the dedicatory offerings sent (to Jerusalem) and the workmanship of each, so that the great skilfulness of the craftsman may be quite clear to any who sees this account 4 and that the artificer of each may become known for the outstanding quality of his work. Now, as for the copy of the memorial, it read as follows: “ΤῸ the great king from Demetrius. You have commanded, O King, that the writings which are still wanting to complete the library shall be collected and that those which are imperfect shall be given the necessary care, wherefore I have taken pains in this matter, and I wish to inform you that we still lack, among others, the books of the Jewish legislation.? For being written in Hebrew characters and in the language of that nation they are unintelligible to us. And it so happens that they have been copied ° with less care than they needed,’ because they have not yet been made an object of royal concern. But it is necessary that these too should be found among your books in an emended form, for their legislation is very wise and pure as a result of coming from God. For this reason, ¢ The exact meaning of σεσήμανται in Arist., which Josephus has taken over in the infin. σεσημάνθαι, is a matter of dispute. Some scholars take it to mean ‘ interpreted ”’ and think it refers to previous Greek translations of the Penta- teuch, cf. Z. Frankel, Vorstudien zu der Septuaginta, 1841, Ῥ. 61, note k. It seems clear from the context, however, that it refers to Hebrew mss. of the Pentateuch which have been carelessly copied from an original scroll (presumably kept in the Temple at Jerusalem). 4 Conjectured : mss. “than are”’ (cf. Arist. ‘‘ than exist,” which probably means ‘ than exist elsewhere ’’). 21 JOSEPHUS 88 διὸ καὶ τοὺς ποιητὰς αὐτῆς καὶ τοὺς wed (i ad τῶν ἱστοριῶν οὐκ ἐπιμνὴ" τϑῆναί φησιν ‘Exaratos ὁ ᾿Αβδηρίτης, οὐδὲ τῶν κατ᾽ αὐτὴν πολιτευσαμένων > ~ ~ % ἀνδρῶν, ws ἁγνῆῖς οὔσης καὶ μὴ δέον αὐτὴν βε- 7, , x aA > A 39 βήλοις στομασιν διασαφεῖσθαι. εαν οὖν σοι δοκῇ, βασιλεῦ, γράψεις τῷ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερεῖ ὅπως ἀποστείλῃ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἕξ ἀφ᾽ ἑκάστης φυλῆς >? TOUS ἐμπειροτάτους τῶν νόμων, παρ᾽ ὧν τὸ τῶν βιβλίων οαφὲς καὶ σύμφωνον ἐκμαθόντες, καὶ τὸ \ ΄ κατὰ τὴν ἑρμηνείαν ἀκριβὲς λαβόντες, τῶν πραγ- / > ~ =~ 2 ~ μάτων, ἀξίως ταῦτα καὶ τῆς" σῆς προαιρέσεως συναγάγωμεν.᾽᾽ ~ / io ~ > / / ¢ 40 (5) Τοιαύτης οὖν τῆς εἰσδόσεως γενομένης ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκέλευσεν ᾿Βλεαζάρῳ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων γραφῆναι περὶ τούτων, ἅμα καὶ τὴν ἄφεσιν τῶν δουλευόντων παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίων δηλοῦντας αὐτῷ, καὶ πρὸς κατασκευὴν δὲ κρατήρων καὶ φιαλῶν καὶ σπονδείων ἔπεμψε χρυσίου μὲν SA ~ tr / 3 ALO δὲ λ λῶ ὁλκῆς τάλαντα πεντήκοντα" λίθων δὲ πολυτελῶν 3 / / ~ / A ‘ \ 41 ἀσυλλόγιστόν τι πλῆθος. προσέταξε δὲ Kal τοὺς - - « / φύλακας TOV κιβωτῶν, ev ais ἐτύγχανον ot λίθοι, A a ΑΝ, τὴν ἐκλογὴν τοῖς τεχνίταις αὐτοῖς οὗπερ ἂν > / » “ Ψ ΄ \ \ ἐθελήσωσιν εἴδους ἐπιτρέπειν. διετάξατο δὲ καὶ ,ὔ / ‘ νομίσματος εἰς θυσίας καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς χρείας πρὸς ~ a ~ ΄ 42 ἑκατὸν τάλαντα τῷ ἱερεῖ δοθῆναι. διηγήσομαι δὲ τὰ κατασκευάσματα καὶ τὸν τρόπον τῆς 1 γραμμάτων A. καὶ τῆς ex Arist. Nies*: τῆς codd. E. 8 + ἀργυρίου δὲ τάλαντα ἑβδομήκοντα ex Arist. Naber. 4 ἱερῷ FLAV. 2 @ Whether Arist. here cites the genuine work of the Greek historian Hecataeus, who wrote a History of Egypt and 22 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 38-42 Hecataeus of Abdera® tells us, the poets and his- torians have made no mention of it or of the men whose lives have been governed by it, on the ground that it was sacred and not to be revealed by profane mouths. If, then, O King, it be your pleasure, write to the high priest of the Jews to send six elders from each tribe who are most versed in their laws, in order that when we have learned from them the clear and consistent meaning of these and obtained an accurate translation, we may have a collection of these books which shall be worthy of their contents and of your design.” (5) Such, then, was the memorial, and, when it was submitted, the king ordered a letter to be written about these matters to Eleazar, the high priest of the Jews, informing him, at the same time, of the release of the Jewish slaves in their country ; and for the making of mixing-bowls, shallow bowls and libation bowls he sent fifty talents’ weight of gold ® and an incalculable number of precious stones. He also ordered the keepers of the chests in which the stones lay to leave to the craftsmen themselves the choice of whatever kind they wished. He also directed that money to the amount of one hundred talents be given to the priest © for sacrifices and other necessities. Now I shall describe the objects and the form of their was a contemporary of Ptolemy I (ef. Dr. Thackeray’s note on dp. i. 183), or a Hellenistic Jewish pseudepigraph, (“* Pseudo-Hecataeus ’’) has long been disputed. H. Lewy (cf. § 9 note δ) believes that the phrase (in Arist. § 31) “ because the view of life contained in them (the books of Moses) has something sacred and solemn” is a quotation from the genuine Hecataeus. For a more detailed discussion of this point cf. Tramontano, pp. 94 ff. » Arist. adds “ and 70 talents of silver.”’ 5 Variant “ temple.” 23 Ptolemy Phil- adelphus orders gifts to be sent to the high priest Eleazar. Aristeas § 33. 43 44 45 46 JOSEPHUS δημιουργίας αὐτῶν μετὰ τὸ προεκθέσθαι τὸ ἀντί- ypagov τῆς ἐπιστολῆς τῆς γραφείσης ᾿Βλεαζάρῳ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ, ταύτην λαβόντι τὴν τιμὴν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης" τελευτήσαντος ᾿Ονίου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ὃ παῖς αὐτοῦ Σίμων γίγνεται διάδοχος, ὁ καὶ δίκαιος > \ / A \ \ \ > \ \ ‘ ἐπικληθεὶς διά τε τὸ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβὲς καὶ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους εὔνουν. ἀποθανόντος δὲ τούτου καὶ νήπιον υἱὸν καταλιπόντος τὸν κληθέντα > Oviav, ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ ᾿Βλεάξαρος, περὶ οὗ τὸν λόγον ποιούμεθα, τὴν “ἀρχιερωσύνην παρέλαβεν, ᾧ γράφει Πτολεμαῖος τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον" ‘ βασιλεὺς ἡτολεμαῖος. ᾿μλεαζάρῳ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ χαίρειν. πολ- λῶν ἐν τῇ ἐμῇ βασιλείᾳ κατῳκισμένων ᾿Ιουδαίων, οὗς αἰχμαλωτισθέντας ὑπὸ Ι]ερσῶν ὅτ᾽ ἐκράτουν ὁ ἐμὸς πατὴρ ἐτίμησε, καὶ τοὺς μὲν εἰς τὸ στρα- τιωτικὸν κατέταξεν ἐπὶ μείζοσιν μισθοφοραῖς," τισὶν δὲ γενομένοις ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ σὺν αὐτῷ τὰ φρούρια καὶ τὴν τούτων φυλακὴν παρέθετο, ἵνα τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις ὦσιν φοβεροί, τὴν ἀρχὴν" "ἐγὼ παραλαβὼν πᾶσι μὲν φιλανθρώπως ἐχρησάμην, μάλιστα δὲ τοῖς σοῖς πολίταις, ὧν ὑπὲρ δέκα μὲν μυριάδας αἰχμαλώτων δουλευόντων ἀπέλυσα, τοῖς ' P: μισθοφορίαις rell. Arist. 2 καὶ χωρία καὶ AWE. 3 γὴν δ᾽ ἀρχὴν P Lat.: ἀρχὴν οὖν LAWE. « The following sections, §§ 43-44, come from another source than Arist. On Simon the Just and the other high priests of the pre-Maccabean period, cf. Appendix B. δ Lit. ‘‘ the fortresses and the guarding of these.” ° The mss. of Arist. have ὅπως τὸ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἔθνος φόβον μὴ ἔχῃ διὰ τούτων, “in order that through them the Egyptian nation might not have any fear”; most editors of Arist., how- ever, omit μὴ, “ not,” asdo Josephus andEusebius, understand- 24 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 42-46 workmanship after | have reproduced a copy of the letter written to the high τος Eleazar, who obtained this office in the following νὰν. On the death of the high priest Onias, he was succeeded by his son Simon, Ww hd was surnamed the Just because of both his piety toward God and his benevolence to his countrymen. But as he, when he died, left an infant son named Onias, his brother Eleazar, of whom we are now writing, took over the high priesthood, and it was to him that Ptolemy wrote in the following manner. “ King Ptolemy to Eleazar the high priest, greeting. There® are many Jews settled in my kingdom το were made captiv es by the Persians when ‘they were in power and whom my father honoured, enrolling ἢ some of them in his army with high pay, and entrust- ing to others, who came to Egypt with him, the guard- ing of the fortresses ὃ in order that they might inspire the Egyptians with fear ©; and, when I took over the royal power, I showed kindness to all men, especially to your fellow-citizens,? of whom I have set free over one hundred thousand captive slaves,’ paying their ing Arist. to mean that the Jewish garrisons were intended to protect the Ptolemaic ruler against native uprisings. 4 This use of πολῖται, both in Arist. and Josephus, to denote the co-religionists in Egypt of the Jews of Palestine is one of several instances which show how far it was from the Hellenistic mind, whether pagan or Jewish, to distinguish between race and nationality or between nationality and religion, as is assumed by S. Zeitlin in Jewish Quarterly Review, N.S. xxvi., 1936, pp. 313-348. ¢ M. Rostovtzeff writes in Yale Classical Studies, iii., 1932, p. 68, ‘‘ Many Jewish slaves might have appeared on the Alexandrian market after or during the so-called First Syrian War of Ptolemy Philadelphus ; it seems probable that a little later a detail of that διάγραμμα was regulated by a special order, of which a fragme nt is P. Hib. 29 (c. 265 B.c.).” See also W. L. Westermann in 4J/P 59 (1938), 19-28. VOL. VII B 25 Ptolemy’s letter to Eleazar. Aristeas § 35 47 48 49 50 JOSEPHUS δεσπόταις αὐτῶν ex τῶν ἐμῶν λύτρα καταβαλών. τοὺς δὲ ἀκμάζοντας ταῖς ἡλικίαις εἰς τὸν στρατιωτι- κὸν κατάλογον κατέταξα, τινὰς δὲ τῶν περὶ ἡμᾶς καὶ τὴν τῆς αὐλῆς πίστιν εἶναι δυναμένων; ταύτης ἠξίωκα, νομίζων ἡδὺ τῷ θεῷ τῆς ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ προνοίας ἀνάθημα τοῦτο καὶ μέγιστον ἀναθήσειν. βουλόμενος δὲ καὶ τούτοις χαρίζεσθαι καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ᾿Ιουδαίοις τὸν νόμον ὑμῶν ἔγνων μεθερμηνεῦσαι, καὶ γράμμασιν ‘EA- ληνικοῖς ἐκ τῶν ᾿βραϊκῶν μεταγραφέντα κεῖσθαι ἐν τῇ ἐμῇ βιβλιοθήκῃ. καλῶς οὖν -ποιήσεις ἐπι- λεξάμενος ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς ἕξ ἀφ᾽ ἑκάστης φυλῆς ἤδη πρεσβυτέρους," οἵ καὶ διὰ τὸν χρόνον ἐμπείρως ἔχουσι τῶν νόμων καὶ δυνήσονται τὴν ἑρμηνείαν αὐτῶν ἀκριβῆ ποιήσασθαι" νομίζω γὰρ τούτων ἐπιτελεσθέντων μεγίστην δόξαν ἡμῖν" περιγενή- σεσθαι. ἀπέσταλκα δέ σοι περὶ τούτων δια- λεξομένους ᾿Ανδρέαν τὸν ἀρχισωματοφύλακα καὶ ᾿Αρισταῖον ἐμοὶ τιμιωτάτους, du’ ὧν καὶ ἀπαρχὰς ἀναθημάτων εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ θυσιῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀπέσταλκα τάλαντα ἀργυρίου ἑκατόν. καὶ 1 say... δυναμένων] τὴς ἐμῆς αὐλῆς (βουλῆς A) πιστῶν εἶναι δυναμένων ΤΊ ΑΝ : περὶ τὴν τῆς αὐλῆς πίστιν ἱκανῶν Naber (qui verba εἶναι δυναμένων post περὶ ἡμᾶς repon.). 2 4+ πέμψαι (πέμψας E) FLVE Lat. 3 ἡμῖν post ἐπιτελεσθέντων hab. PAW. α Text slightly uncertain; Arist. has τοὺς δὲ δυναμένους καὶ περὶ ἡμᾶς εἶναι τῆς περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν πίστεως ἀξίους. For similar phrases cf. § 215, τῶν περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν δυνατῶν (also found in Herodotus), and 1 Mace. x. 37, καὶ ἐκ τούτων κατασταθήσεται ἐπὶ χρειῶν τῆς βασιλείας τῶν οὐσῶν εἰς πίστιν : the similarity of this last clause with the phrase in Arist. § 37 is one of the points of Momigliano’s argument, Prime Linee di Storia della Tradizione Maccabaica, 1931, 26 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 46-50 owners the redemption-money out of my own purse. Those who were in the prime of life I enrolled in the army list, and on others, who might be of service to us and occupy positions of trust at court, I have conferred this honour in the belief that I should thus be making a welcome and also very considerable offer- ing to God in return for His providential care of me. Being also desirous to confer a favour both on these Jews and on all those throughout the habitable world, I have decided to have your Law translated and, when it has been rendered from the Hebrew into a Greek text,” to have it deposited in my library. You will, therefore, do well to select ὁ from each tribe six good men of advanced age who by reason of their age are well versed in the laws and will be able to make an accurate translation of it. For I believe that from this achievement the greatest glory will accrue to us. And I have sent Andreas, the commander of the bodyguard, and Aristaeus—men whom I hold in the greatest honour—to discuss these matters with you, and by their hands I have also sent dedicatory offer- ings as first-fruits ὦ for the temple, and one hundred talents of silver for sacrifices and other purposes. p- 164, that Arist. is in part based on 1 Macc. Other parallels to the phrase in Arist. are cited by Tramontano in his note ad loc. > γράμμασι here (and in Arist.) means, of course, ‘ litera- ture ’ not “ letters ”’ (i.e. characters). This passage is there- fore no support for the transcription theory of Wutz, cf. § 20 note a. ° The variant adds “ and send.”’ 4 Lit. “ first-fruits (or “ oblations .) of dedicatory-offer- ings” ; ἀπαρχαί in τιχχ translates Heb. t*ramah “ offering ” (to the priest or temple) as well as résith ‘‘ first-fruits.” Andrews takes the phrase as appositional with the “100 talents of silver.” 27 on »- δ2 53 54 σι δι JOSEPHUS A > « A > ͵ὔ \ Ἂν ”“ / ’ὔ σὺ δ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐπιστέλλων περὶ ὧν ἂν θέλῃς ποιήσεις κεχαρισμένα. (6) Tis οὖν ἐπιστολῆς τοῦ βασιλέως κομισθείσης \ \ et! / > / ‘ , \ «ς πρὸς τὸν ᾿᾿λεάζαρον ἀντιγράφει πρὸς αὐτὴν ὡς rae ἐνῆν μάλιστα φιλοτίμως" τ ἀρχιερεὺς ᾿Βλεάζαρος βασιλεῖ Πτολεμαίῳ χαίρειν. ἐρρωμένων σοῦ τε καὶ τῆς βασιλίσσης ᾿Αρσινόης καὶ τῶν τέκνων καλῶς ἡμῖν ἔχει πάντα. τὴν δ᾽ ἐπιστολὴν λαβόντες μεγάλως ἥσθημεν ἐπὶ τῇ προαιρέσει σου, καὶ ΄ / συναθροίσαντες TO πλῆθος ἀνέγνωμεν αὐτὴν ἐμφανί- ζοντες αὐτῷ ἣν ἔχεις πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν. > / > > ~ \ \ ᾽ὔ Δ ” ἐπεδείξαμεν δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ tas φιάλας as ἔπεμψας χρυσᾶς εἴκοσι καὶ ἀργυρᾶς τριάκοντα καὶ κρατῆρας πέντε καὶ τράπεζαν εἰς ἀνάθεσιν, ἅ τε εἰς θυσίαν καὶ εἰς ἐπισκευὴν ὧν ἂν δέηται τὸ ἱερὸν τάλαντα « / ov > / > / \ > - ἑκατόν, ἅπερ ἐκόμισαν ᾿Ανδρέας καὶ ᾿Αρισταῖος οἱ τιμιώτατοί σου τῶν φίλων, ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ καὶ παιδείᾳ διαφέροντες καὶ τῆς σῆς ἀρετῆς ἀξιοι. "» > ¢ ~ \ \ / μ᾿ a \ / ἴσθι ὃ ἡμᾶς τὸ σοὶ συμφέρον, κἂν ἦ τι παρὰ φύσιν, ὑπομενοῦντας" ἀμείβεσθαι γὰρ ἡμᾶς δεῖ τὰς σὰς εὐεργεσίας πολυμερῶς εἰς τοὺς ἡμετέρους πολίτας κατατεθεισας. εὐθὺς οὖν ὑπὲρ σοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀδελφῆς σου καὶ τέκνων καὶ φίλων προσηγάγομεν θυσίας, καὶ τὸ πλῆθος εὐχὰς ἐποιήσατο γενέσθαι σοι τὰ κατὰ νοῦν καὶ φυλαχθῆναί σου τὴν βασιλείαν @ This was Arsinoe II, daughter of Ptolemy I and success- ively wife of Lysimachus, Ptolemy Keraunos and her brother Ptolemy Philadelphus, whom she married between 279 and 974 B.c., after he had banished his first wife, Arisinoe, the daughter of Lysimachus. ® Probably the children of Ptolemy Philadelphus and Arsinoe I, adopted by Arsinoe II (ef. schol. on Theocritus xvii. 128). 28 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 50-55 And so, if you write to us what your pleasure is, you will confer a favour on us.”’ (6) Accordingly, when the letter of the king had The high been delivered to Eleazar, he wrote back in reply to priest’s reply to it as obligingly as possible. “‘ Eleazar the high priest Ptolemy, to King Ptolemy greeting. If you and Queen Arsinoe 4 and your children ὃ are in good health, all is well with us. On receiving your letter we were greatly pleased with your proposal, and gathering together the people, we read it to them and made plain to them the piety which you show toward God. We also showed them the twenty shallow bowls of gold, the thirty of silver and the five mixing-bowls and the table for offerings ° and the hundred talents for sacrifices and for the other things which the temple may need, which gifts were brought by Andreas and Aristaeus, your most honoured friends, who are good men, eminent in learning and worthy of your own excellent qualities. Be assured that we shall submit to anything that is of benefit to you, even though it exceed our nature,? for we ought to make a return for the kindness which you have shown our fellow-citizensin various ways. We therefore promptly offered sacrifices on behalf of you and your sister and children and friends, and the people offered up prayers that your plans may be realized and that your kingdom may be preserved in peace and that ¢ The table of shew-bread is meant (cf. §§ 60 ff.), which in rxx Chron. is called “ the table of setting forth” (προθέσεως), with which ἀνάθεσις here is probably synonymous. 4 Lit. ‘“‘ beyond” or “against nature’; παρὰ φύσιν (in Arist.) is translated by Andrews “* even though your request is very unusual.” ¢ For historical instances of sacrifices performed in the Temple at Jerusalem on behalf of pagan rulers cf. Schirer i1. 502 tte 29 Aristeas § 41. 56 57 58 59 60 JOSEPHUS ἐν εἰρήνῃ τήν τε τοῦ νόμου μεταγραφὴν ἐπὶ συμ- φέροντι τῷ σῷ λαβεῖν ὃ προαιρῇ τέλος. ἐπελέ- ξαμεν' δὲ καὶ ᾿πρεσβυτέρους ἄνδρας ἐξ ἀπὸ φυλῆς ἑκάστης, οὗς πεπόμφαμεν ἔχοντας τὸν νόμον. ἔσται δὲ τῆς σῆς εὐσεβείας. καὶ δικαιοσύνης τὸ μεταγραφέντα τὸν νόμον εἰς ἡμᾶς ἀποπέμψαι μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας τῶν κομιζόντων. ἔρρωσο. (7) Ταῦτα μὲν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀντέγραψεν. ἐμοὶ δ᾽ οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον ἔδοξεν εἶναι τὰ ὀνόματα τῶν ἑβδομήκοντα πρεσβυτέρων, οἱ τὸν νόμον ἐκόμιζον ὑπὸ ᾿Βλεαζάρου πεμφθέντες, δηλοῦν" ἦν γὰρ ταῦτα ὑπογεγραμμένα ἐν τῇ ἐπιστολῇ. τὴν μέντοι γε τῶν ἀναθημάτων πολυτέλειαν καὶ “κατασκευὴν ἣν ἀπέστειλεν ὁ βασιλεὺς τῷ "θεῷ, οὐκ ἀνεπιτήδειον ἡγησάμην διελθεῖν, ὅπως ἅπασιν ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως περὶ τὸν θεὸν φιλοτιμία φανερὰ γένηται: ἄφθονον γὰρ τὴν εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην χορηγῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ παρὼν ἀεὶ τοῖς τεχνίταις καὶ τὰ ἔργα ἐπιβλέπων οὐδὲν ἀμελῶς οὐδὲ ῥαθύμως εἴα γίγνεσθαι τῶν κατασκευασμάτων. ὧν ἕκαστον" οἷον ἦν τὴν πολυτέλειαν διηγήσομαι, τῆς μὲν ἱστορίας ἴσως οὐκ ἀπαιτούσης τὴν ἀπαγγελίαν, τὸ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως φιλόκαλον καὶ μεγαλόφρον οὕτω συ- στήσειν τοῖς ἐντευξομένοις ὑπολαμβάνων. (8) Πρῶτον δὲ τὰ περὶ τῆς τραπέζης ἐκθήσομαι. εἶχε μὲν οὖν δι᾿ ἐννοίας ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπερμεγεθέ- στατον τοῖς μέτροις ἀπεργάσασθαι τὸ κατα- σκεύασμα, προσέταξε δὲ μαθεῖν τὸ μέγεθος τῆς 1 ἐπελεξάμην PL Lat. fort. recte. 2 ἑκάστου V. 3 οἷόν τε FV ed. pr. @ Variant “I.” 30 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 55-60 the translation of the Law may be of benefit to you and reach the end which you desire. We? have also chosen six elders from each tribe and have sent them along with the Law. And it will be the part of your piety and uprightness to send back the Law when it has been translated, together with those w ho are bringing it, in safety. May you keep well.” (7 7) This, then, was the high priest’s reply. But I have not thought it necessary to report the names of the seventy ὃ ‘elders who were sent by Eleazar and brought the Law, their names being set down at the end of the letter.° However, as for the magnificence and workmanship of the dedicatory offerings which the king sent to the temple of God, I have thought it not inappropriate to describe them, in order that the king’s eagerness to honour God may be apparent to all. For the king gave unlimited sums to be spent for these gifts and was constantly with the craftsmen, and looking over their work, did not allow any of the objects to be carelessly or indifferently made. How magnificent each of these was I shall describe, al- though perhaps my History does not call for such an account, because I believe that in this way I shall bring home to my readers the king’s love of art and his magnanimity. (8) First of all I shall give a description of the table. Now the king had in mind to make this object of unusually large dimensions, and he gave orders to learn the size of the table which was set up (in the ® Arist. 72. Josephus carelessly forgets that there were 6 from slicks of the 12 tribes (§ 56). Possibly from this state ment in Josephus comes the familiar designation of the Alexandrian version of Scripture as οἱ ἑβδομήκοντα or οἵ (although of’ also occurs in the ss.), in Latin Septuaginta. ¢ Arist. §§ 47-50 (the names being fictitious). 31 Magnifi- cence of Ptolemy’s gifts to the high priest. Aristeas § 51. Ptolemy designs a table for the temple. Aristeas § 52. 61 63 64 JOSEPHUS ἀνακειμένης ἐν τοῖς ‘lepocoAvpous τραπέζης πόσον τέ ἐστιν καὶ εἰ δύναται τούτου μεῖζον κατα- σκευασθῆναι. μαθὼν δὲ καὶ τὴν οὖσαν ἡλίκη τις ἦν, καὶ ὅτι αὐτῆς οὐδὲν κωλύει μείζονα γενέσθαι, φήσας καὶ πενταπλασίονα τῆς ὑπαρχούσης τῷ μεγέθει βούλεσθαι κατασκευάσαι, φοβεῖσθαι δὲ μὴ πρὸς τὰς λειτουργίας ἄχρηστος διὰ τὴν ὑπερ- βολὴν τοῦ μεγέθους γένηται (βούλεσθαι γὰρ οὐκ ἀνακεῖσθαι μόνον εἰς θέαν τἀναθήματα, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὰς λειτουργίας εὔχρηστα) καὶ διὰ τοῦτο λογισάμενος σύμμετρον κατεσκευάσθαι τὴν προ- τέραν τράπεζαν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ διὰ σπάνιν χρυσοῦ, τῷ μεγέθει μὲν οὐκ ἔγνω τὴν προὐπάρχουσαν ὑπερ- βαλεῖν, τῇ δὲ ποικιλίᾳ καὶ τῷ κάλλει τῆς ὕλης ἀξιολογωτέραν κατασκευάσαι. δεινὸς δὲ ὧν συν- ιδεῖν πραγμάτων παντοδαπῶν φύσιν καὶ λαβεῖν ἐπίνοιαν ἔργων καινῶν καὶ παραδόξων, καὶ ὅσα ἦν ἄγραφα τὴν εὕρεσιν αὐτὸς παρέχων διὰ τὴν σύνεσιν καὶ ὑποδεικνὺς τοῖς τεχνίταις, ἐκέλευσε ταῦτα κατασκευάζεσθαι καὶ τὰ ἀναγεγραμμένα πρὸς τὴν ἀκρίβειαν αὐτῶν ἀποβλέποντας ὁμοίως ἐπιτελεῖν. (9) “Ὑποστησάμενοι τοίνυν ποιήσασθαι τὴν τρά- melav, δύο μὲν καὶ ἡμίσους πηχῶν τὸ μῆκος, @ i.e. in Scripture. δ In the following sections on the table of shew-bread Arist. (followed by Josephus) greatly amplifies the brief description given in the Lxx, Ex. xxv. 23 ff., xxxvii. 10 ff., although the Lxx was supposedly not yet in existence. Beside committing an anachronism the author of this pseudepigraph has freely used his imagination in describing the table, and his 32 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 60-64 temple) at Jerusalem, to see how large it was and whether it was possible for a larger one than this to be constructed. And when he learned what the size of the existing table was and that there was nothing to prevent a larger one being made, he said that he would like to construct one as much as five times as large as the one there, but was afraid that it might be of no use in the temple ministrations because of its excessive size, for it was his wish to make dedicatory- offerings not merely for show but also to be of use in the temple ministrations ; it was for that reason, he reflected, that the former table had been constructed of moderate proportions, and not through lack of gold; and so he decided not to go beyond the existing table in size, but to construct one more remarkable for the variety and beauty of its materials. And, as he was clever in understanding the nature of all sorts of things and devising new and wonderful objects, he himself, where there were no written directions,? furnished a design of his own invention and, after explaining it to the craftsmen, ordered them to make these objects, and, where there were written direc- tions, he ordered the men to follow these exactly and complete their work similarly. (9) Having, therefore, undertaken to make a table after this model,° they constructed one two and a description remains obscure in many places. The notes following are meant chiefly to clarify the relation of Josephus’ text to that of Arist. ; for fuller explanations of the architec- tural or decorative details the reader should consult the com- mentaries on Arist. ¢ Other translators of Josephus render ὑποστησάμενοι merely by “ having undertaken ” (to make), neglecting its special sense ‘‘ to make something after a model,” and by placing a comma before κατεσκεύαζον, leave this verb as a needless doublet of ποιούμενοι. VOI. VII B 2 33 Description of the table ; 66 67 68 JOSEPHUS ἑνὸς δὲ TO εὖρος, τὸ δ᾽ ὕψος ἑνὸς καὶ ἡμίσους κατεσκεύαζον, ἐκ χρυσοῦ τὴν ὅλην τοῦ ἔργου καταβολὴν ποιούμενοι. τὴν μὲν οὖν στεφάνην παλαι- στιαίαν εἰργάσαντο, τὰ δὲ κυμάτια στρεπτὰ τὴν ἀναγλυφὴν ἔ ἔχοντα σχοινοειδῆ, τῇ τορείᾳ θαυμαστῶς ἐκ τῶν τριῶν μερῶν μεμιμημένην. τριγώνων γὰρ ὄντων αὐτῶν ἑκάστη γωνία τὴν αὐτὴν τῆς ἐκτυπώ- σεως" εἶχε διάθεσιν, ὡς στρεφομένων αὐτῶν μίαν καὶ μὴ διάφορον τὴν. ἰδέαν αὐτοῖς συμπεριφέρεσθαι. τῆς δὲ στεφάνης τὸ μὲν ὑπὸ τὴν ,Τράπεζαν ἐγ- κεκλιμένον" ὡραίαν εἶχε τὴν ἀποτύπωσιν, τὸ δ᾽ ἔξωθεν περιηγμένον ἔτι “μᾶλλον τῷ κάλλει τῆς ἐργασίας ἦν ἐκπεπονημένον, ὡς ὑπ᾽ ὄψιν καὶ θεωρίαν ἐρχόμενον. διὸ καὶ τὴν μὲν ὑπεροχὴν ἀμφοτέρων τῶν μερῶν ὀξεῖαν συνέβαινε γίγνεσθαι, καὶ μηδεμίαν γωνίαν τριῶν οὐσῶν ὡς προειρή- καμεν, περὶ τὴν μεταγωγὴν τῆς τραπέζης ἐλάσσονα βλέπεσθαι. ἐνδιέκειντο δὲ ταῖς σχοινίσιν τῆς τορείας λίθοι πολυτελεῖς παράλληλοι, περόναις χρυσαῖς διὰ τρημάτων κατειλημμένοι. τὰ δ᾽ ἐκ πλαγίου τῆς στεφάνης καὶ πρὸς ὄψιν ἀνατείνοντα wav ἐκ λίθου καλλίστου πεποιημένων θέσει κατα- κεκόσμητο, ῥάβδοις τὴν ἀναγλυφὴν ἐοικότων πυκναῖς, at περὶ τὸν κύκλον τῆς τραπέζης εἴληντο. ὑπὸ δὲ τὴν τῶν ὠῶν διατύπωσιν στέφανον περι- ἤγαγον ot τεχνῖται παντοίου καρποῦ φύσιν ἐ ἐντετο- ρευμένον, ὡς ἀποκρέμασθαί τε βότρυς καὶ στάχυας 1 ἐντυπώσεως PAW: formae Lat. * Naber; ἐκκεκλιμένον P; ἐγκεκλεισμένον LAW: ἦν κεκλει- σμένον FV: inclusa Lat. 8 διατύπωσιν FV Arist. 2 Arist. 2 (as in Scripture). δ So in Scripture and in Eusebius’ paraphrase of Arist.; 34 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 64-68 half? cubits in length, one in width? and one and a half in height, and made the whole foundation of the work out of gold. Moreover they wrought a rim of a hand- breadth and twisted wave-mouldings carved in low relief of a rope-design, of which the modelling was a marvellously faithful imitation, on all three surfaces. Yor these (rims) were triangular, and each angle had the same pattern worked in it, so that, when they were turned, the same form without any difference appeared on every surface. Now, on the rim, the side sloping down toward? the table had_ lovely modelling, but the side turned outwards was adorned with even greater beauty of workmanship, since it came under the eye of the spectator. For that reason the upper edge, where the two surfaces met, was an acute angle, and no one angle, of which there were three, as we have said before, appeared less than the others when the table was carried round. And in the coils of the relief-work were set precious stones, one beside another, and they were secured with gold pins by which they were pierced. The side of the rim which slanted upward to meet the eye was orna- mented with an egg-pattern made of most beautiful stone resembling in its carving the continuous flutings which ran all round the table. And below the egeg- modelling the craftsmen set round a wreath on which were carved in relief the likenesses of all kinds of fruit, so that clusters of grapes hung down and ears the dimension of width is omitted in the mss. of Arist. itself, probably through an oversight. ¢ Conjectured ; mss. “‘ turning out’; Arist. has τὸ μὲν εἰς αὐτὴν τὴν τράπεζαν ἀπόκλιμαι The nature of the rim is puzzling ; Dr. Thackeray, in his translation of Arist., help- fully suggests that it was ἃ “‘ triangular rotatory bar crowning the border and turning on pivots at the corner.” 35 its rims. Arvisteas § 57. 69 70 71 JOSEPHUS ἀναστῆναι καὶ poas ἀποκεκλεῖσθαι. τοὺς δὲ λίθους εἰς πᾶν γένος τῶν προειρημένων καρπῶν, ὡς ἑκάστου τὴν οἰκείαν ἐντετυπῶσθαι χρόαν, ἐξερ- γασάμενοι συνέδησαν τῷ χρυσῷ περὶ ὅλην τὴν τράπεζαν. ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν στέφανον ὁμοίως ἡ τῶν ὠῶν διάθεσις πεποίητο καὶ ἡ τῆς ῥαβδώσεως ἀναγλυφή, τῆς τραπέζης ἐπ᾽’ ἀμφότερον μέρος ἔχειν τὴν αὐτὴν τῆς ποικιλίας τῶν ἔργων καὶ γλαφυρότητος θέαν κατεσκευασμένης, ὡς καὶ τὴν τῶν ἀλλων' κυμάτων θέσιν καὶ τὴν τῆς στεφάνης μηδὲ" τῆς τραπέζης ἐφ᾽ ἕτερον μέρος ἐναλλαττο- μένης γίγνεσθαι διάφορον, τὴν δ᾽ αὐτὴν ἄχρι καὶ τῶν ποδῶν ὄψιν τῆς ἐπιτεχνήσεως διατετάσθαι. ἔλασμα γὰρ χρυσοῦ τὸ πλάτος τεσσάρων δακτύλων ποιήσαντες καθ᾽ ὅλου τοῦ τῆς τραπέζης πλάτους εἰς τοῦτο τοὺς πόδας αὐτῆς ἐνέθεσαν, ἔπειτα περόναις καὶ κατακλεῖσιν᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐνέσφιγγον τῇ τραπέζῃ κατὰ τὴν στεφάνην, ἵνα τὴν θέαν τῆς καινουργίας καὶ πολυτελείας, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τις ἂν στήσῃ τὴν τράπεζαν μέρει, παρέχωσι τὴν αὐτήν. ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς τραπέζης μαίανδρον ἐξέγλυψαν, λίθους αὐτῷ κατὰ μέσον ἀξιολόγους ὥσπερ ἀστέρας ποικίλης ἰδέας ἐνθέντες, τόν τε ἄνθρακα καὶ τὸν σμάραγδον ἥδιστον προσαυγάζοντας αὐτῶν ἑκάτερον τοῖς ὁρῶσιν, τῶν τε ἄλλων γενῶν ὅσοι περισπούδαστοι καὶ ζηλωτοὶ πᾶσιν διὰ τὴν πολυτέλειαν τῆς φύσεως ὑπάρχουσιν. μετὰ δὲ τὸν μαίανδρον πλέγμα τι σχοινοειδὲς περιῆκτο ῥόμβῳ τὴν κατὰ μέσον ὄψιν 1 ἄλλων om. FV Lat. Arist. 2 wera LAW. 5 κατακλείσεσιν FLAVW. 36 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 68-72 of grain stood up and pomegranates were inclosed.4 And they fashioned stones for every species of the above-mentioned fruits, so that each was represented in its own colour, and they fastened them to the gold ἢ round the whole table. Similarly, below the wreath another egg-pattern was made, and flutings were carved in low relief, the table being constructed with the same appearance of variety ae workmanship and elegance on both ends,’ so that, even when the table was turned the other way eer was no difference in the two wave-mouldings and rims, but the same form of decoration extended right down to the feet. For they made a plate of gold four fingers wide along the whole width of the table, into which they set the feet and then fastened them to the table near the rim by pins and clamps, in order that, on whichever side the table was placed, they might present the same appear- ance of original workmanship and costliness. On the Top of the table Ξε α they carved a meander, in the midst of table. which they set valuable stones of various forms like stars,° such as the ruby and emerald, each of which sparkled most delightfully to the eye, and other kinds of stones which are most ‘sought after and desired for their precious quality. Next to the meander was carried round a network of rope-design,’ with a « The exact meaning of ἀποκεκλεῖσθαι (not found in Arist.) is doubtful; it seems to be something like ‘‘ were outlined distinctly.” » Less probably (with Andrews) “ with gold.” © Whether ends or sides are meant is far from clear. 4 i.e. the top surface. ¢ This detail, peculiar to Josephus, probably rests, as Dr. Thackeray suggests, on a reading πλειάδων πολυειδῶν “»yleiads of various forms ”’ in Arist. §66, where our mss. have πυλιάδων, an unknown word. 7 The “ rope-design ”’ is a detail added by Josephus. Aristeas § 66. 7 ~! 3 6 JOSEPHUS ἐμφερές, ἐφ᾽ οὗ κρύσταλλός τε λίθος καὶ ἤλεκτρον ἐντετύπωτο, τῇ παραλλήλῳ τῆς ἰδέας γειτνιάσει ψυχαγωγίαν θαυμαστὴν παρέχον τοῖς βλέπουσιν. τῶν δὲ ποδῶν ἦσαν αἱ κεφαλίδες εἰς κρίνα με- μιμημέναι τὰς ἐκφύσεις, τῶν πετάλων ὑπὸ τὴν / > / > > \ \ \ / τράπεζαν ἀνακλωμένων, εἰς ὀρθὸν δὲ τὴν βλάστησιν ἔνδοθεν παρεχόντων ὁρᾶν. ἡ δὲ βάσις αὐτοῖς ἦν ἐξ ἄνθρακος λίθου παλαιστιαία πεποιημένη, σχῆμα κρηπῖδος ἀποτελοῦσα, τὸ δὲ πλάτος ὀκτὼ δακτύλων ἔχουσα, καθ᾽ οὗ τὸ πᾶν ἔλασμα τῶν ποδῶν > / > 4 A “-“ ἡ ’, ἐρήρειστο. ἀνέγλυψαν δὲ λεπτομερεῖ καὶ φιλοπόνῳ τῇ τορείᾳ τῶν ποδῶν ἕκαστον, κισσὸν αὐτοῖς καὶ ‘ / > / \ \ / 2 ͵ὔ κλήματα ἀμπέλων σὺν καὶ βότρυσιν ἐκφύσαντες, ὡς εἰκάσαι μηδὲν ἀποδεῖν τῆς ἀληθείας: καὶ γὰρ πρὸς τὸ πνεῦμα διὰ λεπτότητα καὶ τὴν ἐπ᾽ ἄκρον" αὐτῶν ἔκτασιν κινούμενα, φαντασίαν τῶν κατὰ φύσιν “μᾶλλον 7 «Τέχνης. μιμημάτων παρεῖχεν. ἐκαινούργησαν δὲ ὥστε τρίπτυχον οἱονεὶ τὸ σχῆμα τῆς ὅλης κατασκευάσαι τραπέζης, τῆς ἁρμονίας πρὸς ἄλληλα τῶν μερῶν οὕτω συνδεδεμένης, ὡς ἀόρατον εἶναι καὶ μηδ᾽ ἐπινοεῖσθαι τὰς συμβολάς. ἥμισυ δὲ πήχεως οὐκ ἔλασσον τῇ τραπέζῃ τὸ πάχος συνέβαινεν εἶναι. τὸ μὲν οὖν ἀνάθημα τοῦτο κατὰ πολλὴν τοῦ βασιλέως φιλοτιμίαν τοιοῦτο τῇ τε , ~ oa \ ~ / ~ ~ πολυτελείᾳ τῆς ὕλης καὶ TH ποικιλίᾳ τῆς καλλονῆς καὶ τῇ μιμήσει τῇ κατὰ τὴν τορείαν τῶν τεχνιτῶν συνετελέσθη, σπουδάσαντος εἰ καὶ μὴ τῷ μεγέθει 1 ἐκτετύπωτο PAW: impositi Lat. 9 * én’ ἄκρον] ἐπάνω FLV. 2 Lit. “ parallel proximity (or ὁ resemblance’’) of form”” ; no such phrase is found in Arist. 38 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 72-77 central panel shaped like a lozenge, into which were pressed stones of crystal and amber, and these by their appearance of regular alternation ® afforded a wonderfully attractive sight to behold. As for the feet, they had capitals made to imitate unfolding lilies, with their petals bent back under the table, while within they held their stamens erect to be seen. And they had a base made of ruby a hand- breadth high, which presented the appearance of a pedestal®; it was eight fingers wide, and on it the whole shaft ° of the foot rested. They also carved each of the feet in relief with most delicate and pains- taking modelling, creating ivy and vine-branches and clusters of grapes, so that one would suppose they were not other than real. For, as they moved in the wind because of their lightness and fine-edged tenuousness, they gave the appearance of natural things rather than of artificial imitations. The work- men also showed originality in constructing the whole table in the form 4 of a triptych, the parts being so smoothly held together that the places where they were joined could not be seen or even suspected. And the thickness of the table was no less than half a cubit. And so this dedicatory-offering was finished, such being the preciousness of its material and the variety of ornament and the imitative skill of the craftsmen in modelling, in accordance with the great munificence of the king, for he was eager to produce a table which, if it was not to be greater in size than > κρηπίς (also found in Arist.) usually means “‘ base ” or “step ” of a building, altar, ete. ¢ Lit. “plate”; Andrews ‘‘ expanse,’ Meecham “ weight.” 4 For σχῆμα “form”? Arist. has στόμα “top” or “ front” (lit. “* mouth ”’). 39 JOSEPHUS τῆς προανακειμένης TH θεῷ τραπέζης ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαι διάφορος, τῇ μέντοι γε τέχνῃ καὶ τῇ καινουργίᾳ καὶ τῇ λαμπρότητι τῆς κατασκευῆς πολὺ κρείττονα καὶ περίβλεπτον ἀπεργάσασθαι. 78 (10) ΤΥ δὲ κρατήρων χρύσεοι μὲν ἦσαν δύο, φολιδωτὴν δὲ εἶχον ἀπὸ τῆς βάσεως μέχρι τοῦ διαζώματος τὴν τορείαν, λίθων ταῖς σπείραις 79 ποικίλων ἐνδεδεμένων. εἶτα ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς" μαίανδρος πηχυαῖος τὸ ὕψος ἐξείργαστο κατὰ σύνθεσιν λίθων παντοίων τὴν ἰδέαν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ δὲ ῥάβδωσις ἀν- εγέγλυπτο, Kal? ἧς πλέγμα ῥομβωτὸν δικτύοις 80 ἐμφερὲς ἕως τοῦ χείλους ἀνείλκυστο: τὰ δὲ μέσα λίθων ἀσπίδια τετραδακτύλων ἀνεπλήρου τὸ KaA- λος. περιεστέφετο δὲ τὰ χείλη τοῦ κρατῆρος κρίνων σμίλαξι καὶ ἀνθεμίσι καὶ βοτρύων σχοινίαις 81 εἰς κύκλον περιηγμέναις. τοὺς μὲν οὖν χρυσέους κρατῆρας, δύο χωροῦντας ἑκάτερον ἀμφορέας, τοῦ- τον κατεσκεύασαν τὸν τρόπον" οἱ δ᾽ ἀργύρεοι τῶν ἐσόπτρων τὴν λαμπρότητα πολὺ διαυγέστεροι γε- γόνεισαν, ὡς τρανοτέρας διὰ τούτων τὰς τῶν προσφερομένων ὄψεις ὁρᾶσθαι. προσκατεσκεύασε δὲ τούτοις ὁ βασιλεὺς, καὶ φιάλας τριάκοντα, ὧν ὅσα χρυσὸς ἦν ἀλλὰ μὴ λίθῳ πολυτελεῖ διείληπτο, σμίλαξι κισσοῦ καὶ πετάλοις ἀμπέλων ἐσκίαστο 83 φιλοτέχνως ἐντετορευμένων. ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐγίγνετο μὲν καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν τῶν ἐργαζομένων θαυ- bo 89 1 αὐτῇ PAW. « “ Of gold” is omitted in the mss. of Arist., probably through ove rsight. ἘΠΕῚ. ΠΡ ΓΟ ΘΙ © Arist. “ seales ᾿᾿ (φολίδων). 40 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 77-83 the one already dedicated to God, should at least in artistry and originality and splendour of con- struction be far superior and generally admired. (10) Of the mixing-bowls two were of gold,” having scales in relief ous the base to the middle,’ with various stones fastened in the coils. Then above this ὦ was a meander, a cubit in height, formed by the combination of stones of all kinds, and next to it was some carved fluting, and above this a pattern of inter- lacing lozenges, resembling a net, extended to the brim. The spaces between were filled with bosses of stones four fingers in depth, which added beauty. And the brim of the mixing-bowl was wreathed with the stalks ® and blossoms of lilies and clusters of grapes, which were carried round in a circle. Now this was the way in which they had made the mixing- bowls, each of which contained two amphoreis.£ As for the silver ones, they shone much more brilliantly than mirrors, so that the images of any who ap- proached could be seen in them more clearly. The king also had them make, in addition to these, thirty’ shallow bowls of which the parts that were of gold but not studded with precious stones were overlaid ἢ with tendrils of ivy and vine-leaves,’ artistically carved in relief. These excellent effects were achieved partly through the skilfulness of the workers, who 4 i.e. the relief work (τορείαν) ; Arist. omits the pronoun. © The exact meaning of σμίλαξι here (and in ὃ 82) is un- certain ; the word is not found in Arist. ΤΟ Arist. “more than two metretai”’; the amphoreus was the same as the metretes, equal to ὁ. 9 gallons or 40 litres. 2 No number is given in Arist. δ Lit. “ were shaded.” * Arist. ** about the rims they wove a wreath in relief work of ivy and myrtle and olive.” 41 Description of the vessels. Aristeas § 73. JOSEPHUS / ” \ \ / \ \ ~ μασίων ὄντων περὶ τὴν τέχνην, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως σπουδῆς καὶ φιλοτιμίας 84 διαφερόντως ἀπηρτίζετο: οὐ γὰρ τῆς χορηγίας τὸ ἄφθονον καὶ μεγαλόψυχον τοῖς τεχνίταις παρεῖχεν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ χρηματίζειν τοῖς δημοσίοις πράγμασιν ἀπειρηκὼς αὐτὸς τοῖς κατασκευάζουσι παρῆν καὶ τὴν ὅλην ἐργασίαν ἐπέβλεπεν. αἴτιον δ᾽ ἦν τοῦτο τῆς τῶν τεχνιτῶν ἐπιμελείας, of πρὸς \ / \ \ / \ > / tov βασιλέα καὶ τὴν τούτου σπουδὴν ἀποβλέποντες φιλοπονώτερον τοῖς ἔργοις προσελιπάρουν. = A \ \ , SIG ΄ 85 (11) Ταῦτα μὲν τὰ πεμφθέντα εἰς Ιεροσόλυμα ὑπὸ [Πτολεμαίου ἀναθήματα. 6 8 ἀρχιερεὺς ᾿Βλεάξαρος ἀναθεὶς αὐτὰ καὶ τιμήσας τοὺς κο- μίσαντας καὶ δῶρα τῷ βασιλεῖ δοὺς κομίζειν 3 / A \ / / > > 86 ἀπέλυσε πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα. παραγενομένων δ᾽ εἰς \ > / > / ~ \ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, ἀκούσας [Πτολεμαῖος τὴν παρ- ουσίαν αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς ἑβδομήκοντα τῶν πρεσ- βυτέρων ἐληλυθότας, εὐθὺς μεταπέμπεται τὸν > / \ \ > a \ / « δὲ Avépéav καὶ τὸν ᾿Αρισταῖον τοὺς πρέσβεις. οἱ δὲ ἀφικόμενοι τάς τε ἐπιστολὰς ἃς ἐκόμιζον αὐτῷ ~ > Tapa τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀπέδοσαν καὶ ὅσα φράζειν ἀπὸ δ ’, € 6 1 ~ 25 λ ὃ > 87 λόγων ὑπέθετο ταῦτα ἐδήλωσαν. σπεύδων > A A ~ .“ ἐντυχεῖν τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων ἥκουσι πρεσ- βυτέροις" ἐπὶ τὴν ἑρμηνείαν τῶν νόμων, τοὺς μὲν ~ ¢ “- ᾽ / ἄλλους ots χρειῶν ἕνεκα παρεῖναι συνέβαινεν ἐκέ- “ Ὁ A A \ Aevoev ἀπολῦσαι, παράδοξον τοῦτο ποιῶν καὶ παρὰ ~ > / 88 τὸ ἔθος: οἱ μὲν yap ὑπὸ τοιούτων αἰτιῶν ἀχθέντες ~ ¢ \ διὰ πέμπτης ἡμέρας αὐτῷ προσήεσαν, ot δὲ πρεσ- 1 Niese: ἐπέθετο PAW: ἐπύθετο ΕῚ ΙΧ : iusserat Lat. 2 ἥκουσι πρεσβυτέροις FLV ed. pr.: πρεσβύταις ἥκουσιν rell. @ Here Josephus omits a large part of Arist. (§§ 83-171), which includes an account of the Alexandrian courtiers’ visit 42 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 83-88 were admirable in their craft, but much more through the zeal and munificence of the king, for not only did he furnish the craftsmen with a lavish and generous abundance of material, but he also gave up attending to public affairs and himself came to see the artisans and supervised the whole work. This was the reason for the craftsmen’s diligence, for, taking an example from the king and the zeal shown by him, they applied themselves to their tasks with greater will to labour. (11)? These, then, were the dedicatory-offerings sent to Jerusalem by Ptolemy. Now Eleazar, the high priest, after dedicating them to God and honouring the bearers, gave them gifts to take to the king, and sent them back to the king. And when they came to Alexandria, and Ptolemy heard of their arrival and of the coming of the seventy ὃ elders, he at once sent for Andreas and Aristaeus, his envoys. Ac- cordingly, when they came, they delivered to him the letters which they had brought him from the high priest, and reported to him all that the high priest had suggested that they should convey by word of mouth.© Thereupon, being eager to meet the elders who had come from Jerusalem to translate the laws, he gave orders to dismiss any others who might be present on official business, thereby doing some- thing very unusual and contrary to custom. For those who were brought by such reasons used to come before him on the fifth day, while envoys were ad- mitted after a month. On this occasion, however, to Jerusalem, a description of the temple and Akra, and Eleazar’s philosophical defence of the Mosaic law. > Cf. § 57 note ὃ. © Text and meaning of the last clause uncertain: Arist. has simply ** we delivered the letters from Eleazar.” 43 Arrival of the Jewish elders at Alexandria Aristeas § 172. 89 90 91 93 JOSEPHUS Bevovres διὰ μηνός" τότε τοίνυν ἀπολύσας ἐκείνους, τοὺς πεμφθέντας ὑπὸ ᾿᾿λεαζάρου περιέμενεν. ὡς δὲ παρῆλθον μετὰ καὶ τῶν δώρων οἱ γέροντες ἃ τῷ βασιλεῖ κομίσαι ὁ “ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτοῖς ἔδωκε καὶ τῶν διφθερῶν αἷς , ἐγγεγραμμένους εἶχον τοὺς νόμους χρυσοῖς γράμμασιν, ἐπηρώτησεν αὐτοὺς περὶ τῶν βιβλίων. ὡς δ᾽ ἀποκαλύψαντες τῶν ἐνειλημάτων ἐπέδειξαν αὐτῷ, θαυμάσας ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς ἰσχνότητος τοὺς ὑμένας καὶ τῆς συμβολῆς τὸ ἀνεπίγνωστον (οὕτως γὰρ ἥρμοστο)͵ καὶ τοῦτο ποιήσας χρόνῳ πλείονι, χάριν εἶπεν ἔ ἔχειν αὐτοῖς τε ἐλθοῦσιν καὶ μείζονα τῷ πέμψαντι, πρὸ δὲ πάντων τῷ θεῷ, οὗ τοὺς “όμους εἶναι συμβέβηκεν. ἐκ- βοησάντων δ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἕν καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ τῶν συμπαρόντων γίγνεσθαι τὰ ἀγαθὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ, bv ὑπερβολὴν ἡδονῆς εἰς δάκρυα προύπεσεν, φύσει τῆς μεγάλης χαρᾶς πασχούσης καὶ τὰ τῶν λυπηρῶν σύμβολα. κελεύσας δὲ τὰ βιβλία δοῦναι τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς τάξεως, τότε τοὺς ἀνδρας ἠσπάσατο, δίκαιον εἰπὼν εἶναι πρῶτον περὶ ὧν αὐτοὺς μετεπέμψατο ποιησάμενον τοὺς λόγους, ἔπειτα κἀκείνους προσ- εἰπεῖν. τὴν μέντοι γε ἡμέραν καθ᾽ ἣν ἦλθον πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπιφανῆ ποιήσειν καὶ κατὰ πᾶν ἔτος ἐπίσημον εἰς ὅλον τὸν τῆς ζωῆς χρόνον ἐπηγγέλλετο" ἔτυχε γὰρ ἡ αὐτὴ εἶναι τῆς παρουσίας αὐτοῖς καὶ τῆς ¢ 1, Abrahams remarks, Jewish Quarterly Review, xiv., 1902, p. 340, “ there is some rabbinie confirmation that the χρυσογραφία [‘ writing in gold’|... was associated with the scrolls of the law used in Alexandria. The statement in Aristeas confuses the whole ms. with the divine name. The name of God (according to Tract. Sopherim, i. 10) was so written in an Alexandrian codex.” » This psychological explanation is added by Josephus, 44 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 88~93 he dismissed these people and awaited those who had been sent by Eleazar. Now when the elders came with the gifts which the high priest had given them to take to the king and oth the leather skins on which the laws were written in letters of gold,* he questioned them about these books. Son they unrolled the wrappings and showed them to him, whereupon the king marvelled at the fineness of the membranes and the impossibility of telling where they were joined, so well were they fitted together ; : and, having done so for a long while, he said nat he was ἜΝ ΤΕ to them for coming, and more so to him who had sent them, but most fof all to God, whose laws these were. Then both the elders and the others present cried out with one voice to wish the king happiness, at which he burst into tears through excess of pleasure, since it is natural for great joy ‘to be expressed by the same signs as erief.? He then ordered the books to be given to niece in charge of the records,° and only then did he greet the men, saying that it was right for him first to speak of the things for which he had summoned them and then to address them. He promised, moreover, that he would make a special occasion of the day on which they had come to him and would celebrate it every year so long as he lived, for, he said, the day of their coming happened to be the same as that of the victory ο τὰ βιβλία δοῦναι τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς τάξεως in Josephus corre- sponds to εἰς τάξιν ἀποδοῦναι τὰ τεύχη in Arist., which is generally translated “put the rolls back in their place ” or ‘Sin order.” Other scholars assume that Josephus has misunderstood this phrase, but his interpretation may be correct ; cf. the phrase τὰ τῆς τάξεως βιβλία cited from the papyri by F. Preisigke, Fachwirter des éffentlichen Verwal- el tts led Aegyptens, 1915, p. 169, and translated by him s ‘*‘ die Amtsakten ”’ (“‘ official records ”’). 45 94 JOSEPHUS νίκης ἣν ᾿Αντίγονον ναυμαχῶν ἐνίκησεν: συνεστια- θῆναί τε αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευσεν αὑτῷ καὶ καταλύσεις προσέταξεν αὐτοῖς δοθῆναι τὰς καλλίστας πρὸς τῇ ἄκρᾳ. { 4) ‘O δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς τῶν ξένων ἀποδοχῆς τεταγ- μένος Νικάνωρ ,“Δωρόθεον καλέσας, ὃς εἶχε: τὴν περὶ τούτων πρόνοιαν, ἐκέλευεν ἑτοιμάζειν ἑκάστῳ τὰ δέοντα πρὸς τὴν δίαιταν. διετέτακτο δὲ τοῦτον ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως τὸν τρόπον: κατὰ γὰρ πόλιν ἑκάστην, ὅσαι" τοῖς αὐτοῖς χρῶνται περὶ τὴν δίαιταν, ἢν τούτων ἐπιμελόμενος καὶ κατὰ τὸ τῶν ἀφικνουμένων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔθος πάντ᾽ αὐτοῖς παρ- εσκευάζετο, ἵνα τῷ συνήθει τρόπῳ τῆς διαίτης εὐωχούμενοι μᾶλλον ἥδωνται καὶ πρὸς μηδὲν ὡς ἀλλοτρίως ἔχοντες" δυσχεραίνωσιν. ὃ δὴ καὶ περὶ τούτους ἐγένετο, Δωροθέου διὰ τὴν περὶ τὸν βίον ἀκρίβειαν ἐπὶ τούτοις καθεστῶτος. συνέστρωσε" ὃς wavtTa δι᾿ αὐτοῦ τὰ πρὸς τὰς τοιαύτας ὑποδοχάς, \ ~ \ / r] ,ὕ id / Kal διμερῆ τὴν κλισίαν ἐποίησεν, οὕτως προστάξαν- 1 ἑστίαν P: ἑστίασιν coni. Niese. * ὅσαις P: ὅσαι οὐ FV: ὅσοι οὐ Naber. 3 ἔχον FV: corrupti extraneis Lat. 4 συνεστόρεσε LAW: συνεπόρισε Cocceji. 2 If this is a reference to the battle of Cos c. 258 B.c. (for the date see the chronological note of W. Tarn in CAH vii. 862), it is an error or a deliberate correction of history, for Ptolemy Philadelphus was decisively defeated by Antigonus Gonatas in that battle. No other naval battle between these two rulers is known to us. Some years later there was a naval battle at Andros between a Ptolemy and an Antigonus, but it is not certain whether the Ptolemy was Philadelphus or his successor Kuergetes, or whether the Antigonus was Gonatas or his successor Doson, or finally whether the battle was a victory or a defeat for the Egyptians. Moreover, 46 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 93-96 which he had gained over Antigonus in a naval battle :* and so he invited them to dine with him, and directed that they should be given the best lodgings near the citadel.® (12) Accordingly Nicanor, who was the officer in charge of the reception of guests,° called Dorotheus, who took care of these matters, and told him to pre- pare whatever food was required by each. Now these matters were arranged by the king in the following way: for each city that had its own @ habits of diet there was a person who looked after these and pre- pared all food for visitors in accordance with their customs, in order that they might have their usual kind of fare at the banquet-table, and so have the more pleasure and not take offence at anything to which they might be unaccustomed. And this is just what was done in their case, Dorotheus being put in charge of these matters because of his exact- ness in the details of living. He therefore spread out 7 all the materials at his disposal for such recep- tions, and had the couches divided into two rows, Arsinoe II is assumed in Arist. to have been alive at the time of this victory, and neither battle was fought before 269 B.c., when she died; cf. Bevan, Péol. p. 68, and 'Tramontano, p- 113 (with literature). » The Jews of Alexandria lived near the royal palace or citadel (cf. Dr. Thackeray’s note to Ap. ii. 33), in the north- eastern part of the city by the sea. The Palestinian elders, therefore, were appropriately lodged there. © In Arist. Nicanor is called ἀρχιητρός ‘* chief physician,” which most editors emend to ἀρχεδέατρος, probably mean- ing “‘ chief steward ” or “‘ chief major-domo ” (‘T'ramontano). 4 Lit. ‘‘ the same.” ¢ Arist. has προσεχέστατος ὦν, “‘ because he was most attentive ’’ or ‘‘ conscientious.” 7 Text and meaning uncertain; perhaps good order.” ‘ ‘arranged in 47 Ptolemy prepares a reception for the Jewish elders. Aristeas § 182. 97 98 100 JOSEPHUS ~ / \ \ A ΄ > / tos τοῦ βασιλέως: τοὺς μὲν yap ημίσεις ἐκέλευσεν - - A ava χεῖρα κατακλιθῆναι, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς μετὰ τὴν «ς - ,ὔ Ψ- \ > \ ~ > \ Μ αὑτοῦ κλισίαν, οὐδὲν ἀπολιπὼν τῆς εἰς τοὺς ἄνδρας ~ 2 \ > Ὁ / > / ‘ τιμῆς. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οὕτως κατεκλίθησαν, ἐκέλευσε τὸν Δωρόθεον, οἷς ἔθεσι χρώμενοι διατελοῦσι πάντες « 3 , ~ > / ‘ > ‘ > / \ ot ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφιγμένοι, κατὰ ταῦτα ὑπηρετεῖν. διὸ καὶ τοὺς ἱεροκήρυκας καὶ θύτας καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, of τὰς κατευχὰς ἐποιοῦντο, ~ > - παρῃτήσατο, τῶν δὲ παραγενομένων ἕνα ᾿Βλισσαῖον »Μ Μ᾿ « / / « \ / ὄνομα ὄντα ἱερέα παρεκάλεσεν 6 βασιλεὺς ποιήσα- σθαι κατευχάς. ὁ δὲ στὰς εἰς μέσον ηὔχετο τῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ ἀγαθὰ καὶ τοῖς ἀρχομένοις ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. > ξ > ¢ / \ -~ εἶ - ” εἶτα κρότος ἐξ ἁπάντων μετὰ χαρᾶς Kal βοῆς ἤρθη, καὶ παυσάμενοι πρὸς εὐωχίαν καὶ τὴν ἀπόλαυσιν τῶν παρεσκευασμένων ἐτράπησαν. διαλιπὼν δὲ ὁ \ aia pee. ” > A \ > βασιλεὺς ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἔδοξεν ἀποχρῶντα καιρὸν εἶναι, ~ »” ‘\ a ἣν ~ 7, φιλοσοφεῖν ἤρξατο Kal ἕκαστον αὐτῶν λόγους ἐπηρώτα φυσικούς, καὶ πρὸς τὴν τῶν ζητουμένων θεωρίαν ἀκριβῶς ἐκείνων περὶ παντὸς οὑτινοσοῦν / > A / 4 ς / λέγειν αὐτοῖς προβληθείη διασαφούντων, ἡδόμενος / 1 15 « / / \ / > ,ὔ τούτοις" ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας δώδεκα τὸ συμπόσιον ἐποιή- σατο, ὡς τῷ βουλομένῳ τὰ κατὰ μέρος γνῶναι τῶν 1 τοιοῦτον FVE et fort. Lat. @ The seating arrangement is not quite clear. Some scholars take ava χεῖρα (conj. in Arist. for ἄναρχα of the Mss.) to mean “ at his right,’ and pera τὴν αὐτοῦ κλισίαν to 48 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 96-100 the king having so commanded ; for he had ordered that half the guests should recline beside him and the others behind his own couch,” thus neglecting nothing in which he might show them honour. And when they had been seated in this manner, he told Dorotheus to serve them after the fashion to which all those who had come to him from Judaea were accustomed. He therefore dispensed with the sacred heralds and sacrificers and the others who used to offer prayers, but, instead, the king called upon one of the visitors, named Elissaeus,? who was a priest, to offer prayer. And so he stood in their midst and prayed for the happiness of the king and his subjects. Thereupon applause and cries of joy arose from all sides, and, when they had done, they turned to feast- ing and enjoying the good things that had been pre- pared. But the king, after waiting for what seemed a sufficiently long time, began to philosophize and asked each one of them about problems of nature,° and when, after considering the questions, they gave precise explanations concerning every single problem suggested to them for discussion, he was delighted with them and made the banquet last for twelve @ days, so that anyone who wishes to find out the details mean “‘ at his left,’ since it was the custom to recline on the left arm, and so those seated at the king’s left would be some- what behind him. Chamonard, however, renders the second phrase by “ 4 une table placée derriére la sienne.”’ ®’ Gr. Elissaios=Heb. Elisha; Arist. has Eleazar, which some editors correct to Elisha on the basis of Josephus’ reading. © Or “ problems of moral philosophy ἢ ; for this meaning of φυσικός (esp. in Stoicism) cf. Chrysippus, ed. v. Arnim, fr. 68, οὐδ᾽ ἄλλου τινὸς ἕνεκεν τῆς φυσικῆς θεωρίας παραληπτῆς οὔσης ἢ πρὸς τὴν περὶ ἀγαθῶν ἢ κακῶν διάστασιν. 4 Only 7 days in Arist. (8 275). 49 101 102 103 104 JOSEPHUS ἐν τῷ συμποσίῳ ζητηθέντων εἶναι μαθεῖν ἀναγνόντι τὸ ᾿Αρισταίου βιβλίον, ὃ συνέγραψε διὰ ταῦτα. (13) Θαυμάζοντος δ᾽ αὐτοὺς οὐ μόνον τοῦ βασι- λέως, ἀλλὰ καὶ Μενεδήμου τοῦ φιλοσόφου προνοίᾳ διοικεῖσθαι πάντα φήσαντος καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ εἰκὸς καὶ τοῦ λόγου δύναμιν καὶ κάλλος εὑρῆσθαι, παύονται μὲν περὶ τούτων ἐπιζητοῦντες. γεγενῆσθαι δ᾽ αὐτῷ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἀγαθῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔλεγεν ἤδη παρόντων αὐτῶν: ὠφελῆσθαι γὰρ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν μεμαθηκότα πῶς δεῖ βασιλεύειν: κελεύει τε αὐτοῖς ἀνὰ τρία δοθῆναι τάλαντα καὶ τοὺς ἀποκατα- στήσοντας ἐπὶ τὴν κατάλυσιν. διελθουσῶν δὲ τριῶν ἡμερῶν παραλαβὼν αὐτοὺς ὁ Δημήτριος καὶ διελθὼν τὸ ἑπταστάδιον χῶμα τῆς θαλάσσης πρὸς τὴν νῆσον καὶ διαβὰς πρὸς τὴν γέφυραν, προελθὼν ἐπὶ τὰ βόρεια μέρη συνέδριον ἐποιήσατο ἐν τῷ παρὰ τὴν ἠόνα κατεσκευασμένῳ οἴκῳ πρὸς διά- σκεψιν πραγμάτων ἠρεμίας καλῶς ἐ ἔχοντι. ἀγαγὼν οὖν αὐτοὺς ἐκεῖ παρεκάλει, πάντων ὧν" δεηθεῖεν εἰς τὴν ἑρμηνείαν τοῦ νόμου παρόντων, ἀκωλύτως ἐπιτελεῖν τὸ ἔργον. ol δ᾽ ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα φιλοτίμως 1 διὰ ταῦτα] καὶ εἰς μνήμην διὰ ταῦτα κατέλειπεν P. 2 ἔτι ζητοῦντες PAE 3 Niese: ὧν ἂν codd. 2 Thus Josephus summarizes the long section in Arist. (§§ 187-292), which reports the dialectical discussion at the banquet-table between the king and the several elders on matters of public morality. > Here Josephus reverts for a moment to the beginning of Arist.’s account of the symposium, §§ 201-202. ¢ This celebrated philosopher from Eretria was a con- temporary of Ptolemy Philadelphus and a friend of Antigonus Gonatas. Most scholars doubt that he was ever in Alex- andria, but Tramontano holds it possible, ef. his note ad loc. 50 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 100-104 of the questions discussed at the banquet can learn them by reading the book which Aristaeus composed on this account. (13) ° Now it was not only the king who admired them, but also the philosopher Menedemus,° who said that all things were governed by providence, and itis natural that throughit power and beauty of speech are discovered?; after this they left off inquiring into these problems. Then the king said that he had already experienced the greatest of blessings through their being there, for he had profited by learning from them how he ought to reign, and he ordered that each of them should be given three talents and have attendants to take them back to their lodgings.* After an interval of three days Demetrius took them with him and, after walking seven stades 7 along the sea- embankment to the island 2 and crossing over by the bridge, proceeded to the north side and called a meet- ing in a house which had been built near the shore and was excellently fitted for the consideration of serious matters because it was so quiet there. And so he brought them there and requested them, since they had everything they might need for the trans- lation of the law, to carry out their task without interruption. Thereupon they set to work as am- f Josephus’ Greek (from καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽) is obscure ; Arist. is clearer, ‘‘ it follows that all power and beauty of speech proceed from God.” ¢ The corresponding passage in Arist. is obscure, ἑκάστῳ δὲ τρία τάλαντα προσέταξεν ἀργυρίου δοθῆναι καὶ τὸν ἀπο- καταστήσοντα παῖδα : it may mean, as Josephus paraphrases, that each elder was given his three talents by a slave and accompanied by the same slave to his lodging. ‘ Somewhat less than a mile. 9 Of Pharos. A map of Alexandria, showing the sites mentioned here, is given in Bevan, Ptol. 51 The Jewish elders begin work on the translation. Aristeas § 201. Aristeas § 293. 105 106 107 108 JOSEPHUS Kal φιλοπόνως ἀκριβῆ τὴν ἑρμηνείαν ποιούμενοι μέχρι. μὲν ὥρας ἐνάτης πρὸς τούτῳ διετέλουν ὄντες, ἔπειτ᾽ ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ σώματος ἀπηλλάττοντο θερα- πείαν, ἀφθόνως αὐτοῖς τῶν πρὸς τὴν δίαιταν χορ- ἡγουμέν ων, καὶ προσέτι τοῦ Δωροθέου πολλὰ καὶ τῶν παρασκευαζομένων τῷ βασιλεῖ (προσέταξε γάρ) αὐτοῖς παρέχοντος. mpwt δὲ πρὸς τὴν αὐλὴν παραγινόμενοι καὶ τὸν [[ἰτολεμαῖον ἀσπαζόμενοι, πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ἀπήεσαν τόπον, καὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ τὰς χεῖρας ἀπονιπτόμενοι καὶ καθαίροντες αὑτοὺς οὕτως ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν νόμων ἑρμηνείαν. ἐτρέποντο. μεταγραφέντος δὲ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἑρμηνείαν ἔργου τέλος ἐν ἡμέραις ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ δυσὶν λαβόντος, συναγαγὼν ὁ Δημήτριος τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ἅπαντας εἰς τὸν τόπον ἔνθα καὶ μετ- εβλήθησαν οἱ νόμοι, παρόντων καὶ τῶν ἑρμηνέων ἀνέγνω τούτους. τὸ δὲ πλῆθος ἀπεδέξατο μὲν καὶ τοὺς διασαφήσαντας πρεσβυτέρους τὸν νόμον, ἐπήνεσαν δὲ καὶ τὸν Δημήτριον τῆς ἐπινοίας ὡς μεγάλων ἀγαθῶν αὐτοῖς εὑρετὴν' γεγενημένον, παρεκάλεσάν τε δοῦναι καὶ τοῖς ἡγουμένοις αὐτῶν 1 εὐεργέτην PFL. ¢ 3 P.M. > From this sentence (in the corresponding passage in Arist., §§ 304 ff.) it appears that the translators spent the late afternoon and evening at or near Ptolemy’s palace, and after paying their respects at court every morning, left for the island of Pharos (for ἀπήεσαν, “ὁ went back,” Arist. has ἀπελύοντο, ‘*‘ were dismissed’), For the bearing of this point on the date of the composition of Arist. see H. Willrich, Urkundenfilschung in der hellenistisch-jiidischen Literatur, 1924, p. 88, and Tramontano’s note ad loc. (versus Willrich). 41, Sukenik, Ancient Synagogues in Palestine and 52 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 104-108 bitiously and painstakingly as possible to make the translation accurate, continuing at their work until the ninth hour,* when they took a recess to attend to their bodily wants, for food was liberally supplied them and Dorotheus, moreover, furnished them with many of the dishes prepared for the king—this by his command. And early each day they would go to the court, pay their respects to Ptolemy and then go back to the same place ὃ and, after washing their hands in the sea and purifying themselves,° would betake themselves in this state to the transla- tion of the laws. Now, when the Law had been transcribed and the work of translation brought to an end in seventy-two days, Demetrius assembled all the Jews at the same place where the laws had been rendered, and in the presence of the translators read them aloud. Thereupon the people expressed their approval of the elders who had interpreted the Law, and also praised Demetrius for conceiving the idea through which he had become the originator of great benefits to them, and they urged him as well Greece, 1934, pp. 49 f., writes: “* Although official Judaism has preserved no trace of a precept to that effect, there is abundant evidence that Jews in Hellenistic countries built their synagogues by preference in the proximity of water. Josephus, Ant. xiv. 10, 23, para. 258, tells of a decision of the people of Halicarnassus to suffer the Jews to . . . build synagogues, as was their custom, by the sea. At Philippi the apostle Paul and his companions went forth on a Sabbath outside the town gate near the river where they supposed there was a synagogue (Acts xvi. 13). “As we have seen, the synagogues of Delos, Aegina and Miletus in fact lie close to the edge of the shore.” He adds in a note, “‘ It seems plausible to seek the motive for this Jewish custom of the Diaspora in . . . the ritual uncleanness of the land of the Gentiles,’ and cites an illustrative passage from Mekhilta, the rabbinic commentary on Exodus (xii. 1). 53 JOSEPHUS > A \ , .¢/ , 1 , “ ἀναγνῶναι τὸν νόμον, ἠξίωσάν te’ πάντες ὅ τε ~ ‘\ -~ ἱερεὺς Kal τῶν ἑρμηνέων of πρεσβύτεροι Kal τοῦ πολιτεύματος οἱ προεστηκότες, ἐπεὶ καλῶς τὰ τῆς A asp ἑρμηνείας ἀπήρτισται,, καὶ διαμεῖναι ταῦθ᾽, ws κ > > 109 ἔχει," Kal μὴ μετακινεῖν αὐτά. ἁπάντων δ᾽" ἐπαι- Μ a” / νεσάντων τὴν γνώμην ἐκέλευσαν, εἴ τις ἢ περισσόν / « ~ ~ /, nn A“ ,ὔ τι προσγεγραμμένον ὁρᾷ τῷ νόμῳ ἢ λεῖπον, πάλιν ἐπισκοποῦντα τοῦτο καὶ ποιοῦντα φανερὸν διορθοῦν, σωφρόνως τοῦτο πράττοντες, ἵνα τὸ κριθὲν ἅπαξ ~ > ἔχειν καλῶς εἰς ἀεὶ διαμένῃ. 10 (14) “Exapn μὲν οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ, τὴν αὑτοῦ προαίρεσιν εἴς τι χρήσιμον ὁρῶν τε- τελειωμένην, μάλιστα δὲ τῶν νόμων ἀναγνωσ- ~ ͵7ὔ θέντων αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν διάνοιαν καὶ τὴν σοφίαν > 4 ~ / ‘ \ A ᾽7ὔ ἐξεπλάγη τοῦ νομοθέτου: καὶ πρὸς τὸν Δημήτριον ἤρξατο ποιεῖσθαι λόγους, πῶς οὕτως θαυμαστῆς οὔσης τῆς νομοθεσίας οὐδεὶς οὔτε τῶν ἱστορικῶν ΕῚ ~ » ~ ~ > / € ‘\ 111 αὐτῆς οὔτε τῶν ποιητῶν ἐπεμνήσθη. ὁ δὲ An- μήτριος μηδένα τολμῆσαι τῆς τῶν νόμων τούτων > ~ “ A \ , > \ 5 \ ἀναγραφῆς ἅψασθαι dua τὸ θείαν αὐτὴν εἶναι καὶ A Μ ‘ a ~ Μ A 4, σεμνὴν ἔφασκεν, καὶ ὅτι βλαβεῖεν ἤδη τινὲς τούτοις > ΄ ἀν εν a a ΧΟ , 1 119 ἐγχειρήσαντες" ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ, δηλῶν ὡς Θεόπομπος 1 ἠξίωσάν τε FV: ἀξιώσαντες rell. ἀπήρτιστο LAW. 8 ἔχοι PLAW. 4 δὲ αὐτῶν AW. 5 μάλιστα δὲ E; μάλιστα ὡς δὲ PAW; ἥσθη δὲ μάλιστα FLV, 8 ἐπιχειρήσαντες FLAVE. * Θεόπομπος Dindorf: Θεόπομπός τε codd. 2 54 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 108-112 to give their leaders the Law to read“; and all of them, including the priest and the eldest of the translators ? and the chief officers of the community,® requested that, since the translation had been so successfully completed, it should remain as it was and not be altered. Accordingly, when all had approved this idea, they ordered that, if anyone saw any further addition made to the text of the Law or anything omitted from it, he should examine it and make it known and correct it?; in this they acted wisely, that what had once been judged good might remain for ever. (14) And so the king rejoiced at this act as well, Ptolemy seeing his design result in a useful accomplishment, eer but especially did he rejoice when the laws were read Law has to him, and he was amazed at the depth of mind xen τὸ and wisdom of the lawgiver ; and he began to discuss Greeks with Demetrius how it was that though this legisla- § 312. tion was so admirable none of the historians or poets had made mention of it. Thereupon Demetrius ex- plained that no one had ventured to undertake a description of these laws because of their divine and awful nature,? and that some who had already attempted this had been afflicted by God; and he @ Arist. ‘‘ urged him to have the whole Law copied and give (a copy) to their leaders’ (the original translation being meant for the king’s library). » Or “ the elders who were the translators.” ¢ The organization of the Jewish community (πολίτευμα) in Alexandria will be described in an appendix to the last volume of this translation. 4 Arist. ‘‘ he (Demetrius) ordered them to pronounce a curse, in accordance with their custom, on any who should alter, by adding or changing, any of the words which had been written, or by omitting anything”; cf. Deut. iv. 2, xii. 32. “ Cf. § 38 note a. 55 115 114 115 JOSEPHUS βουληθεὶς & ἱστορῆσαί τι περὶ τούτων ἐταράχθη τὴν διάνοιαν πλείοσιν ἢ τριάκοντα ἡμέραις καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἀνέσεις ἐξιλάσκετο τὸν θεόν, ἐντεῦθεν αὑτῷ γενέσθαι τὴν παραφροσύνην ὑπονοῶν: οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ὄναρ εἶδεν ὁ ὅτι τοῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ συμβαίη “περιεργα- ζομένῳ τὰ θεῖα καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἐκφέρειν εἰς κοινοὺς ἀνθρώπους θελήσαντι: καὶ ἀποσχόμενος κατέστη τὴν διάνοιαν. ἐδήλου δὲ καὶ περὶ Θεοδέκτου τοῦ τῶν τραγῳδιῶν ποιητοῦ ἀναφέρεσθαι ὅτι βουληθεὶς ἔν τινι δράματι τῶν ἐν τῇ ἱερᾷ βίβλῳ “γεγραμμένων μνησθῆναι τὰς ὄψεις γλαυκωθείη, καὶ συνιδὼν τὴν αἰτίαν ἀπαλλαγείη τοῦ πάθους ἐξευμενισάμενος τὸν θεόν. (15) Παραλαβὼν δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ταῦτα παρὰ τοῦ Δημητρίου, καθὼς προείρηται, προσκυνήσας αὐτοῖς ἐκέλευσε πολλὴν ποιεῖσθαι τῶν βιβλίων τὴν ἐπι- μέλειαν, ἵνα διαμείνῃ ταῦτα καθαρῶς, τούς τε ἑρμηνεύσαντας παρεκάλεσε συνεχῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας παραγίγνεσθαι: τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτοῖς καὶ 1 σιιρτῆ. AWE. « A famous Greek historian from Chios, who flourished in the second half of the 4th century B.c., and came to Egypt in the reign of Ptolemy I. Only fragments of his works, in- cluding the Hellenica and Philippica, have survived, some of them among the papyri found by Grenfell and ‘Hunt at Oxyrhynchus. Josephus mentions him again in Ap. i. 221. >» Andrews comments, ‘‘ He is described (Phot. Cod. 176) as a busybody (πολυπράγμων), which gives point to the περιεργασάμενος of [Arist.] § 315.” οὐ χες profane.” Arist. ‘* And I have heard from Theodectes ”’; it is not clear in Arist., however, whether Demetrius or Aristeas is the speaker. ® 'Theodectes of Phaselis, who was a rhetorician as well asa tragic poet, lived most of his life at Athens, where he was a pupil of Plato and Isocrates, and a friend of Aristotle (cf. Bth. 56 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 112-115 told how, when Theopompus ? wished to relate some- thing about them, he had become disturbed in mind for more than thirty days and during lucid intervals had tried to appease God, suspecting that it was from this source that his madness came ; not only that, but he learned from a dream that this misfortune had befallen him because he had been too curious ὃ about divine things and wished to disclose them to common © men, and so he gave up his plan and re- covered his reason. Demetrius also informed him that it was reported ¢ of Theodectes, the tragic poet,? that, when he wished to mention in one of his dramas the matters written in the sacred book,’ his eyes were afflicted with cataracts, and, when he recognized the cause, he rid himself of this disease by propitiating God. (15) The king, then, having received these books from the hands of Demetrius, did obeisance to them 9 and ordered that great care should be taken of the books in order that they might remain intact ; he also invited the translators to come to him frequently from Judaea, for this would be profitable for them Nic. vii. 7. 6, 1150 b). He is said to have been defeated by Theopompus in a rhetorical contest arranged by Artemisia at = eka There seems to be no evidence that he visited Si eadinent of a Hellenistic drama on a biblical theme (the Exodus) survives in the excerpts from the Laagdgé of the Jewish poet Ezekiel in Eusebius, Praep. Hvang. ix. 28 ff., separately edited by J. Wieneke, Hzechielis Iudaei poetae Alexandrini. . . Hwagigé, 1931. 4 Or, less probably, “* having received these (explanations) from Demetrius, did obeisance to them (the Jews)’’; the corresponding passage in Arist. apparently refers to the books (so Tramontano); moreover it is inherently more likely that the king did obeisance to the sacred books than to the Jews. VOL. VII Cc 57 Ptolemy’s gifts to the Jewish elders and high priest. Aristeas § 317. 116 117 118 JOSEPHUS πρὸς τιμὴν τὴν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ Kal πρὸς τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν δώρων ὠφελείας λυσιτελήσειν' νῦν μὲν γὰρ εἶναι δίκαιον αὐτοὺς ἐκπέμπειν ἔλεγεν, ἑκουσίως δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθόντας τεύξεσθαι πάντων ὧν ἣ τε αὐτῶν ἐστιν σοφία δικαία Ζυχεῖν καὶ ἡ ἐκείνου μεγαλο- φροσύνη παρασχεῖν ἱκανή. τότε μὲν οὖν ἐξέπεμψεν αὐτούς, δοὺς ἑκάστῳ στολὰς ἀρίστας τρεῖς καὶ χρυσοῦ τάλαντα δύο καὶ κυλίκιον ταλάντου καὶ τὴν τοῦ συμποσίου στρωμνήν. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐκείνοις ἔχειν ἐδωρήσατο: τῷ δ᾽ ἀρχιερεῖ ᾿Βλεαζάρῳ δι᾽ αὐτῶν ἔπεμψε κλίνας ἀργυρόποδας δέκα καὶ τὴν ἀκόλουθον αὐτῶν ἐπισκευὴν καὶ κυλίκιον ταλάντων τριάκοντα, πρὸς τούτοις δὲ καὶ στολὰς δέκα καὶ πορφύραν καὶ στέφανον διαπρεπῆ, καὶ βυσσίνης ὀθόνης ἱστοὺς ἑκατόν, ἔτι γε, μὴν φιάλας καὶ τρύβλια καὶ σπονδεῖα καὶ κρατῆρας χρυσοῦς πρὸς ἀνάθεσιν δύο. παρεκάλεσε δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ διὰ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν ὅπως, el’ τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων θελήσειάν τινες πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν, ἐπιτρέψῃ, περὶ πολλοῦ ποιούμενος τὴν μετὰ τῶν ἐν παιδείᾳ τυγχανόντων συνουσίαν, καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον εἰς τοὺς τοιούτους ἡδέως ἔχων κατατίθεσθαι. καὶ τὰ μὲν εἰς δόξαν καὶ τιμὴν ᾿Ιουδαίοις τοιαῦτα παρὰ [Πτολεμαίου τοῦ . Φιλαδέλφου συνέβη γενέσθαι. 119 (iii. 1) "Etuxov δὲ καὶ τῆς παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων τῆς ᾿Ασίας τιμῆς, ἐπειδὴ συνεστράτευσαν αὐτοῖς" 1 εἴποτε cod. NC ap. Hudson. @ So our mss. of Arist. § 318, πολυδωρίας ; some editors, however, follow Mahaffy in reading πολυωρίας, “ considera- tion.” > For κυλίκιον (also in Arist.) some editors read κυλικεῖον, side-board,” and one or two take “a talent” to be its weight, not its value. 58 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 115-119 both on account of the honour to be received from him and the gifts? they would gain. At this time, he said, it was only right to send them home, but, if they came to him of their own will, they would obtain all that their wisdom deserved to obtain and his own generosity was able to provide. For the time being, therefore, he sent them home, giving each of them three very fine garments, two talents of gold, a small wine-cup worth a talent,? and the covering for a banquet-table.© Now these gifts he gave them to keep for themselves, but to the high priest Eleazar he sent by them ten couches with feet of silver and the furnishings belonging to them and a small wine- cup 2 worth thirty talents and, in addition to these, ten garments, a purple robe, a very handsome crown and a hundred pieces of fine-linen weave, as well as shallow bowls and cups and libation-bowls 5 and two golden mixing-bowls to be dedicated to God. He also requested of him by letter that, if any of these men wished to come to him, he should permit them to do so, for he highly valued the society of those possessed of learning, and took pleasure in using his wealth for the benefit of such persons. These, then, were the things done by Ptolemy Philadel- phus in appreciation and honour of the Jews.f (iii. 1) They also received honour from the kings of Asia when they served with them in war.’ For ¢ Or perhaps “ a banquet-table for three with its furnish- ings.” 4 Cf. note ὃ above. ¢ The libation-bowls are not mentioned in our mss. of Arist. 7 Here ends Josephus’ paraphrase of Arist. σ On the privileges here asserted to have been granted the Jews by the early Seleucid rulers, see Appendix C. 59 Seleucus Nicator and the Jews. JOSEPHUS καὶ yap Σέλευκος 6 Νικάτωρ' ἐν als ἔκτισε πόλεσιν ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ καὶ τῇ κάτω Συρίᾳ καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ μητροπόλει ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ πολιτείας αὐτοὺς ἠξίωσε καὶ τοῖς ἐνοικισθεῖσιν ἰσοτίμους ἀπέφηνε Μακεδόσιν καὶ “Ἕλλησιν, ὡς τὴν πολιτείαν ταύτην 120 ἔτι καὶ νῦν διαμένειν: τεκμήριον δὲ τοῦτο" τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους μὴ βουλομένους ἀλλοφύλῳ ἐλαίῳ χρῆ- σθαι λαμβάνειν ὡρισμένον τι παρὰ τῶν γυμνασι- dpywv εἰς ἐλαίου τιμὴν ἀργύριον ἐκέλευσεν". ὃ τοῦ δήμου τῶν ᾿Αντιοχέων ἐν τῷ νῦν πολέμῳ λῦσαι προαιρουμένου, Μουκιανὸς ἡγεμὼν ὧν τότε τῆς 121 Συρίας ἐτήρησεν: καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα κρατήσαντος Οὐεσπασιανοῦ καὶ Τίτου τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ τῆς οἰκου- μένης, δεηθέντες οἱ ᾿Αλεξανδρεῖς καὶ ᾿Αντιοχεῖς ἵνα τὰ δίκαια τὰ τῆς πολιτείας μηκέτι μένῃ τοῖς ᾽Ἰου- 122 δαίοις, οὐκ ἐπέτυχον. ἐξ οὗ τις ἂν κατανοήσειεν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐπιείκειαν καὶ μεγαλοφροσύνην, / \ \ ? “- \ ta “ , μάλιστα δὲ τὴν Οὐεσπασιανοῦ καὶ Τίτου, ὅτι καίτοι πολλὰ πονήσαντες ἐν τῷ πρὸς ᾿Ιουδαίους πολέμῳ καὶ πικρῶς πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔχοντες ὅτι μὴ παρέδοσαν αὐτοῖς τὰ ὅπλα μέχρι δ᾽ ἐσχάτου πολεμοῦντες 123 ὑπέμειναν, οὐδενὸς αὐτοὺς τῶν ὑπαρχόντων κατὰ τὴν προειρημένην πολιτείαν ἀφείλοντο: ἅμα yap* καὶ τῆς πρότερον ὀργῆς καὶ τῆς τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων καὶ ᾿Αντιοχέων δήμων μεγίστων παρακλήσεως 1 E cod. NC ap Hudson: Νικάνωρ codd. Lat. 2 τούτου τὸ AWE: τὸ FLV. 3 ἐκέλευσεν om. FLVE Lat. 4 ἅμα yap P Lat.: ἀλλὰ FLAVW. 60 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 119-123 example, Seleucus Nicator* granted them citizen- ship in the cities which he founded in Asia and Lower Syria and in his capital, Antioch, itself, and declared them to have equal privileges with the Macedonians and Greeks who were settled in these cities, so that this citizenship of theirs remains to this very day ; and the proof of this is the fact that he gave orders that those Jews who were unwilling to use foreign oil should receive a fixed sum of money from the gymnasiarchs to pay for their own kind of oil® ; and, when the people of Antioch proposed to revoke this privilege, Mucianus, who was then governor of Syria, maintained it; and afterwards, when Vespasian and his son Titus became masters of the habitable world, and the Alexandrians and Antiochians asked that the Jews should no longer continue to have the rights of citizenship, they did not obtain their request. From this one may get some notion of the fairness and generosity of the Romans, especially of Vespasian and Titus, for in spite of having suffered great hard- ships in the war with the Jews and feeling bitter toward them because they had not laid down their arms and persisted in fighting to the very last, they still did not deprive them of their existing rights of citizenship, mentioned above; indeed ὁ they over- came their former anger as well as the demands of the Alexandrians and Antiochians, who were powerful « The founder of the Seleucid kingdom in Syria and Asia Minor ; he ruled (officially) from 312 to 281/0 B.c. » On the reluctance of the Jews to use gentile oil cf. Vita 74 and B.J. ii. 591; cf. also Rostovtzeff in CAH vii. 178 f., commenting on a Greek inscription (S/G ii. 663) of a Helles- pontine city from the time of Antiochus III, “τῆς treasury also allows a certain quantity of olive oil for the needs of the city’s palaestrae and gymnasia.’’ See also Appendix C. ¢ Variant “ but.” 61 Vespasian and Titus maintain Jewish privileges. Cf. B.J. vib 110 f. JOSEPHUS 124 ἐκράτησαν, ὥστε μηδὲν μήθ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς πρὸς τούτους 125 126 ~I / 4θ᾽ « \ ~ A \ λ θέ χάριτος μήθ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμηθέντας μισοπονηρίας ἐνδοῦναι πρὸς τὸ λῦσαί τι τῶν ἀρ- / - > / 4 iAAG A χαίων τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις φιλανθρώπων, ἀλλὰ τοὺς 3 a \ ἀνταραμένους αὐτοῖς ὅπλα καὶ χωρήσαντας διὰ μάχης δεδωκέναι τιμωρίαν φήσαντες, τοὺς οὐδὲν ἐξαμαρτόντας οὐκ ἐδικαίουν' ἀποστερεῖν τῶν ὑπαρχόντων. ~ (2) Ὅμοιον δέ τι τούτῳ καὶ Μᾶρκον ᾿Αγρίππαν / ~ ~ φρονήσαντα περὶ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων οἴδαμεν: τῶν yap ᾿Ιώνων κινηθέντων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς καὶ δεομένων τοῦ oy. ἢ 2 σ a . , a tote ee γρίππα" ἵνα τῆς πολιτείας ἣν αὐτοῖς ἔδωκεν ΠΑΝ , «ς DN / ς / is A “- “BAX ντίοχος ὁ Σελεύκου υἱωνός, 6 παρὰ τοῖς now > Θεὸς λεγόμενος, μόνοι μετέχωσιν," ἀξιούντων δ᾽, > a A A \ εἰ συγγενεῖς εἰσιν αὐτοῖς ᾿Ιουδαῖοι, σέβεσθαι τοὺς αὐτῶν' θεούς, καὶ δίκης περὶ τούτων συστάσης ἐνίκησαν οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι τοῖς αὑτῶν" ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι, συνηγορήσαντος αὐτοῖς Νικολάου τοῦ Δαμασκηνοῦ": ὁ γὰρ ᾿Αγρίππας ἀπεφήνατο μηδὲν αὑτῷ καινίζειν > - \ > > \ ” ΄ - ἐξεῖναι. τὸ δ᾽ ἀκριβὲς εἴ τις βούλεται καταμαθεῖν, 1 οὐκ ἐδικαίουν P: οὐκ εἶναι δίκαιον AW Lat.: οὐ δίκαιον FLVE. 2 ᾿Αγρίππου PFVE. 8 E: μετέλθωσιν codd.: possiderent Lat. 4 ἰδίους αὐτῶν FLV: ᾿Ιουδαίους αὐτῶν E. 5 αὐτοῖς FLV. * Variant (after ‘“ penalty ’’) ‘ ‘and it was not right to deprive those who had done no wrong.’ ὁ The famous friend and son-in-law of the emperor Augustus, who visited the East as his vice-regent during the years 16-13 B.c., cf. Ant. xvi. 12 ff., and the recent biography by M. Reinhold, 1933. ΘΛ: “ share,” so the Epitome; the mss. have ‘“ seek.’ 62 «ς JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 124-127 communities, so that neither out of favour to these nor out of detestation of the people they had fought did they yield in any respect to the temptation of revoking any of the ancient acts of kindness to the Jews, but said that those who had taken up arms against them and engaged in battle with them had paid the penalty, and they would not allow those who had done no wrong to be deprived? of their existing rights. (2) And we know that Marcus Agrippa? had a similar view concerning the Jews, for when the Ionians agitated against them and petitioned Agrippa that they alone might enjoy ° the citizenship which Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, called Theos ἃ by the Greeks, had given them,’ and claimed that, if the Jews were to be their fellows,’ they should worship the Ionians’ gods, the matter was brought to trial and the Jews won the right to use their own customs, their advocate being Nicolas of Damascus 9 ; for Agrippa gave his opinion that it was not law- ful for him to make anewrule.” But if anyone wishes For petéxew=“ enjoy” see Ant. xvi. 39, 41 and B.J. vii. 44; cf. p. 142. 4 He ruled from 262 to 247/6 B.c. 4 αὐτοῖς, “ὁ them,” is, as Reinach remarks, ambiguous, being applicable either to the Greeks or to the Jews, or to both. It is, however, probable that the Greeks alone are meant; see the discussion in Appendix C, pp. 741-742. 7 Lit. ‘ those of the same family ”’ or “ class.” 9 Cf. Ant.i. 94 note b, and the Appendix to the last volume of this translation, on Josephus’ sources for Hellenistic history. » The reason for Agrippa’s favourable decision is somewhat differently explained in Ant, xvi. 60. The above, 88 125-126, is included (as a paraphrase) among the fragments of Nicolas’ History, by F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, Pt. I1 A, 1926, p. 379 (fr. 81). 63 Marcus Agrippa also preserves Jewish privileges in Asia Minor. Cf. Ant. xvi. 27 ff. JOSEPHUS ~ ~ A « A ἀναγνώτω τῶν Νικολάου ἱστοριῶν τὴν ἑκατοστὴν ‘ \ Kal εἰκοστὴν Kal τρίτην Kal τετάρτην. περὶ μὲν > A εἰν .ὺ / / Ε] » ” οὖν τῶν ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αγρίππα κριθέντων οὐκ ἔστιν ἴσως / > \ > / / « , ‘ θαυμάζειν: od yap ἐπολέμει τότε “Ῥωμαίοις τὸ ~ , 128 ἡμέτερον ἔθνος: Οὐεσπασιανοῦ δ᾽ av τις καὶ Τίτου \ / > / > / \ τὴν μεγαλοφροσύνην εἰκότως ἐκπλαγείη μετὰ ΄ ‘ πολέμους καὶ τηλικούτους ἀγῶνας οὗς ἔσχον πρὸς € fun , > , 52 \ DYE ἡμᾶς μετριοπαθησάντων. ἐπανάξω de’ tov λόγον ὅθεν" ἐπὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἐξέβην. 129 (3) Τοὺς γὰρ ᾿Ιουδαίους ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αντιόχου τοῦ / / “-“ 3 / ” Ε 4 μεγάλου βασιλεύοντος τῆς ᾿Ασίας ἔτυχεν αὐτούς te’ πολλὰ ταλαιπωρῆσαι τῆς γῆς αὐτῶν κακου- / \ \ \ / / / μένης καὶ τοὺς τὴν κοίλην Συρίαν νεμομένους. ~ A ΕῚ ~ \ \ 4, 130 πολεμοῦντος yap αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸν Φιλοπάτορα IIro- λεμαῖον καὶ πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ [Πτολεμαῖον ἐπικληθέντα δὲ ᾿᾿πιφανῆ, κακοπαθεῖν συνέβαινεν αὐτοῖς καὶ νικῶντος καὶ πταίοντος ταὐτὰ πάσχειν, σ΄ > b) \ > / / \ \ ὥστ᾽ οὐδὲν ἀπέλειπον χειμαζομένης νεὼς Kal πο- , Bente , ΕΑ ix , \ νουμένης" ἑκατέρωθεν ὑπὸ τοῦ κλύδωνος, μεταξὺ “ > / ~ > / \ ~ ee | ᾽ὔ τῆς εὐπραγίας τῆς ᾿Αντιόχου καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ θάτερον 131 αὐτοῦ ῥοπῆς" τῶν πραγμάτων κείμενοι. νικήσας 1 δὴ FL: οὖν AW. 2 ὅθεν γοῦν FLV: ὅθεν viv Naber. 3 αὐτούς τε om. FVE Lat. 4 P: ταῦτα rell, 5 καὶ πονουμένης] καταπονουμένης Naber fort. recte. 5 coni. Niese: τροπῆς codd. 64 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 127-131 to learn the details, let him read the hundred and twenty-third and hundred and twenty-fourth books of Nicolas’ History. Now concerning the decision of Agrippa there is perhaps no reason to be sur- prised, for at that time our nation was not at war with the Romans ; but one may properly be amazed at the generosity of Vespasian and Titus who acted with moderation after the wars and great struggles which they had with us. But I shall return to the account from which I digressed into these remarks.* (3) When Antiochus the Great reigned over Asia ὃ it was the lot of the Jews to undergo great hardships through the devastation of their land, as did also the inhabitants of Coele-Syria. For while he was at war with Ptolemy Philopator and with his son Ptolemy, surnamed Epiphanes, they had to suffer, and whether he was victorious or defeated, to experience the same fate ©; so that they were in no way different from a storm-tossed ship which is beset on either side by heavy seas, finding themselves crushed between the successes of Antiochus and the adverse turn of his fortunes. When, however, Antiochus had de- 2 That is, to the account of Jewish history under the Seleucids. » From 223 to 187 B.c. ©° The armies of Antiochus the Great and of Ptolemy Philopator fought in 221 s.c. near the Lebanon, and again between 219 and 218 B.c., in the same region and in the cities of the Decapolis (Polyb. ν. 45, 70 ff.). In 217 B.c. Philo- pator decisively defeated Antiochus at the battle of Raphia near the sea-coast of Palestine, a few miles S.W. of Gaza ; as a result of this defeat Antiochus had to “* evacuate the whole country up to the Lebanon” (Bevan, Ptol. p. 229). Philopator died in 203 s.c., and two years later his successor Ptolemy Epiphanes had to give up Palestine to Antiochus’ victorious forces, cf. note a, p. 66. VOL. VII σῷ 65 Antiochus the Great takes Palestine from the Ptolemies. 133 134 JOSEPHUS / \ a £2 ,ὔ \ 3 ’ μέντοι τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ὃ ᾿Αντίοχος τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν προσάγεται. τελευτήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Φιλοπάτορος 6 παῖς αὐτοῦ μεγάλην ἐξέπεμψε δύναμιν καὶ στρατηγὸν Σκόπαν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ, ὃς 7 . “ rd ΝΜ \ \ € / πολλάς τε αὐτῶν πόλεις ἔλαβε καὶ TO ἡμέτερον ἔθνος: πολεμούμενον γὰρ αὐτῷ προσέθετο. μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ τὸν Σκόπαν ᾿Αντίοχος νικᾷ συμβαλὼν αὐτῷ πρὸς ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου καὶ πολλὴν αὐτοῦ τῆς στρατιᾶς διέφθειρεν. ὕστερον δ᾽ ᾿Αν- τιόχου χειρωσαμένου τὰς ἐν τῇ κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ πόλεις ἃς ὁ Σκόπας κατεσχήκει καὶ τὴν Σαμάρειαν, ἑκουσίως αὐτῷ προσέθεντο οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι καὶ τῇ πόλει δεξάμενοι πάσῃ; αὐτοῦ τῇ τε στρατιᾷ καὶ “-“" > / > / / \ \ « Ά, τοῖς ἐλέφασιν ἀφθονίαν παρέσχον, καὶ τοὺς ὑπὸ Σκόπα καταλειφθέντας ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ τῶν ‘lepoao- λύμων φρουροὺς πολιορκοῦντι προθύμως συνεμάχη- σαν. ὁ οὖν ᾿Αντίοχος δίκαιον ἡγησάμενος τὴν τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων πρὸς αὐτὸν σπουδὴν καὶ φιλοτιμίαν ἀμείψασθαι, γράφει τοῖς τε στρατηγοῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ 1 πᾶσαν ΡΕΥ. 2 From the following sentence it seems that by “ Ptolemy”’ here Josephus means Ptolemy Philopator. After Philo- pator’s death (203 5.0.) and Ptolemy Epiphanes’ accession Antiochus defeated the latter’s general, the Aetolian Scopas, in two campaigns between 201 and 198 B.c., and finally ended Ptolemaic rule in Palestine. ‘Thus Josephus is inaccurate in saying that Antiochus defeated Ptolemy if, as is generally assumed, he means Ptolemy Philopator, cf. Bevan, ἢ. Sel. ii. 37, note 6, “ Coele-Syria had thus to be conquered twice by Antiochus subsequently to Raphia. This is the real fact at the basis of Josephus’ statement that Antiochus conquered it before the death of Ptolemy Philopator. Josephus makes a hasty inference from his knowledge that Scopas had found the country in Seleucid occupation.”’ I venture to suggest, however, that Josephus’ inaccuracy is more apparent than 66 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 131-134 feated Ptolemy, he annexed Judaea.* | And on the death of Philopator his son sent out a great force with Scopas as general against the people of Coele-Syria, and he took many of their cities and also our nation, which went over to him after being attacked.’ But not long afterwards Antiochus defeated Scopas in a battle near the sources of the Jordan,’ and destroyed a great part of his army. And later, when Antiochus took possession of the cities in Coele-Syria@ which Scopas had held, and Samaria, the Jews of their own will went over to him and admitted him to their city and made abundant provision for his entire army and his elephants ; and they readily joined his forces in besieging the garrison which had been left by Scopas in the citadel of Jerusalem.* Accordingly Antiochus, considering it just to requite the zeal and exertions of the Jews on his behalf, wrote to his governors ἢ real. Above, in § 130, he speaks of Antiochus’ victories and defeats in wars with Philopator and Epiphanes. In the present passage it is quite possible that by ‘‘ Ptolemy ”’ he means not Philopator but Epiphanes, and that we should render the δὲ in the following sentence by “ for’ and not by “and ” or ‘ but,” thus making the sentence explanatory of the preceding one; i.e. the passage would read, ‘‘ When, however, Antiochus had defeated Ptolemy (Epiphanes), he annexed Judaea. For on the death of Philopator his son (Epiphanes), ete.” Ὁ Presumably this information comes from Polybius, of. § 136. * At Paneion or Paneas, modern Banias, the Caesarea Philippi of the New Testament, so called after the Tetrarch Philip, ef. Ant. xviii. 28, B.J. ii. 168. 4 Possibly “ Coele-Syria’’ here means the Decapolis, ef. below, § 136 and Ant. xi. 25 note; it may, however, be merely a repetition of Coele-Syria in § 131, which means Palestine and Syria south of the Lebanon. “ Cf. § 252 note e. ’ Or * generals,”’ cf. § 138 note ὁ. 67 135 136 137 JOSEPHUS τοῖς φίλοις, μαρτυρῶν τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις ὑπὲρ ὧν εὖ πρὸς αὐτῶν πάθοι, καὶ τὰς δωρεὰς ἃς ὑπὲρ τούτων διέγνω παρασχεῖν αὐτοῖς ἐμφανίζων. παραθήσομαι δὲ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς τὰς τοῖς στρατηγοῖς περὶ αὐτῶν γραφείσας, προδιελθὼν ὡς μαρτυρεῖ τούτοις ἡμῶν τοῖς λόγοις Πολύβιος ὁ Μεγαλοπολίτης" ἐν γὰρ τῇ ἑκκαιδεκάτῃ τῶν ἱστοριῶν αὐτοῦ φησιν οὕτως" ὁ δὲ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου στρατηγὸς Σικόπας 6 ὁρμήσας εἰς τοὺς ἄνω τόπους κατεστρέψατο ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι τὸ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔθνος.᾽᾿ λέγει δ᾽ ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ βίβλῳ ὡς τοῦ Σκόπα “νικηθέντος ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αντιόχου “ τὴν μὲν Βαταναίαν" καὶ Σαμάρειαν καὶ "APira καὶ Γάδαρα παρέλαβεν ᾿Αντίοχος, μετ᾽ ὀλίγον δὲ προσεχώρησαν αὐτῷ καὶ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων οἱ περὶ τὸ ἱ ἱερὸν τὸ προσ- αγορευόμενον “lepoodAvpa κατοικοῦντες, ὑπὲρ οὗ καὶ πλείω λέγειν ἔχοντες καὶ μάλιστα περὶ" τῆς" γενομένης περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐπιφανείας ,' εἰς ἕτερον καιρὸν ὑπερθησόμεθα τὴν διήγησιν.᾽" καὶ Πολύβιος μὲν ταῦτα ἱστόρησεν. ἡμεῖς δ᾽ ἐπανάξομεν" τὸν 1 Βατανέαν Niese: Bataniam Lat. 2 τὸ προσαγορευόμενον... μάλιστα περὶ om. PW Lat. 3 τῆς δὲ PW Lat. 4 περὶ τῆς γενομένης... ἐπιφανείας] διὰ THY . . . ἐπιφάνειαν FLV 5 ἱστόρηκεν FV. 8 ἐπανάξωμεν PLAW. a ‘* Friends” here probably has its technical meaning ; in the Macedonian kingdoms there were two orders of the military aristocracy (as earlier in Persia), that of Kinsmen (of the king) and that of Friends, cf. Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 280 ff. δ The following excerpts from Polybius (not elsewhere preserved) hardly ‘attest’? Josephus’ statements about Antiochus’ appreciation of the help given him by the Jews, as is pointed out by Reinach, who suspects Josephus of ‘throwing dust in his reader’s eyes.” On the other hand Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 297, holds ‘‘ that Antiochus should in such 68 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 134-137 and Friends,’ bearing witness to the Jews concerning the good treatment which he had received at their hands, and announcing the rewards which he had decided to give them on that account. I shall, there- Polybius’ fore, cite the letters written to his governors concern- ce οἱ ing them, first explaining that Polybius of Megalo- III's con- polis attests these statements of mine? ; for in the aes: sixteenth book of his History he says the following. “ Scopas, the general of Ptolemy, set out for the upper country © and during the winter subdued the Jewish nation.”” And in the same book he says that, after Scopas was defeated by Antiochus, “ Antiochus took Batanaia,? Samaria, Abila® and Gadara, and after a short time there also came over to him those Jews who live near the temple of Jerusalem, as it is called, concerning which we have more to say, especially concerning the renown of 2 the temple, but we shall defer the account to another occasion.’’ Now this is what Polybius relates. But we shall return to the circumstances have shown some favours to the Jews and made presents to the Temple is in itself extremely likely.” © Northern Palestine is meant. 4 Roughly corresponding to bibl. Bashan, the region north and east of the Decapolis. € Not Abel-beth-maacah, modern ἐπιστολὰς τοῦ βασιλέως ᾿Αντιόχου. A > ~ 138 “᾿ Βασιλεὺς ᾿Αντίοχος Πτολεμαίῳ χαίρειν. τῶν 5 δὲ ἐν ‘ , / fot - , Ἰουδαίων καὶ παραυτίκα μέν, ἡνίκα τῆς χώρας > , > ~ > ΄ ‘ A « - ἐπέβημεν αὐτῶν, ἐπιδειξαμένων τὸ πρὸς ἡμᾶς / ‘ / > > \ [ φιλότιμον, καὶ παραγενομένους δ᾽ εἰς τὴν πόλιν λ A > 9 , . ἊΣ a , αμπρῶς ἐκδεξαμένων καὶ μετὰ' τῆς γερουσίας > , »Μ \ A , - ἀπαντησάντων, ἄφθονον δὲ τὴν χορηγίαν τοῖς "2 \ - > / , στρατιώταις καὶ τοῖς ἐλέφασι παρεσχημένων, συν- ’ \ \ \ > ~ ΝΜ ‘ - εξελόντων δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ φρουροὺς τῶν > , > , \ > 12 , > ‘ 139 Αἰγυπτίων, ἠξιώσαμεν Kat αὐτοὶ; τούτων αὐτοὺς ἀμείψασθαι καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν ἀναλαβεῖν κατ- , ena y A \ \ , 3 εφθαρμένην ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τοὺς πολέμους" συμπε- , ‘ Uf ~ / > » » σόντων καὶ συνοικίσαι τῶν διεσπαρμένων εἰς αὐτὴν - - U 140 πάλιν συνελθόντων. πρῶτον δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐκρίναμεν \ \ > / ~ A » \ / dua τὴν εὐσέβειαν παρασχεῖν τὴν εἰς τὰς θυσίας / ~ ‘ \ ” \ 3 / σύνταξιν κτηνῶν τε θυσίμων καὶ οἴνου Kai ἐλαίου 1 + μὲ FLAVW. 2 ἡμεῖς FVL Lat. 3 ἀνθρώπους FV. « The authenticity of the letters and decrees ascribed to Antiochus the Great in §§ 138-153 is discussed in Appendix D. > Probably Ptolemy, son of Thraseas, who was governor 70 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 137-140 main subject of our narrative, after first citing the letters of King Antiochus.? / “King Antiochus to Ptolemy,’ greeting. Inas- much as the Jews, from the very moment when we entered their country, showed their eagerness to serve us and, when we came to their city, gave us a splendid reception and met us with their senate ¢ and furnished an abundance of provisions to our soldiers and elephants, and also helped us to expel the Egyptian garrison in the citadel,4 we have seen fit on our part to requite them for these acts and to restore their city which has been destroyed by the hazards of war,’ and to repeople it by bringing back to it those who have been dispersed abroad. In the first place we have decided, on account of their piety, to furnish them for their sacrifices an allowance of sacrificial animals, wine, oil and frankincense to the of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia under Antiochus the Great, cf. Michel, Recueil d’inscriptions grecques, 1900, No. 1229 p- 858); Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 297, writes, “‘ In objecting that Ptolemy was made governor in 218, Juden τι. Griechen, Ὁ. 40, Willrich is thinking of the date in which he was in the Egyptian service, Polyb. v. 65. 8. That he deserted to the Seleucid in 218 with Ceraeas and Hippolochus, Polyb. v. 70. 10, is conjecture only. When he was made governor of Coele-Syria there is absolutely nothing to show.” (Of this reply to his objection Willrich takes no notice in his later work, Urkundenfilschung in der hellenistisch-jiidischen Literatur, 1924.) ¢ The γερουσία, lit. “ὁ council of elders,’ would be the chief Jewish legislative and judicial body under the presidency of the high priest, corresponding to the later Sanhedrin. In the books of Maccabees the members of this council are usually called “elders (πρεσβύτεροι) of the people.” (For the Jewish γερουσία in the cities of the Diaspora, see the useful work by J. B. Frey, Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaicarum, I, 1936, pp. lxxxv ff.) See further Appendix D. 4 Cf. § 252 note e. ¢ Variant “‘ men.” 71 Letter of Antiochus III to his governor Ptolemy. 141 JOSEPHUS ‘ / > ͵ὔ \ / ,ὔ ‘ καὶ λιβάνου, ἀργυρίου τιμὴν μυριάδας δύο καὶ Q 7 > / ¢ \ 1 A \ > P ὁ σεμιδάλεως ἀρτάβας ἱερὰς' κατὰ τὸν ἐπιχώριον ~ / νόμον, πυρῶν μεδίμνους χιλίους τετρακοσίους « ͵ὔ \ ¢ ~ / , ε / ἑξήκοντα, Kal ἁλῶν μεδίμνους τριακοσίους ἑβδομή- A κ ~ / κοντα πέντε. τελεῖσθαι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ταῦτα βούλομαι \ > ,ὔ \ A \ A ¢ \ > καθὼς ἐπέσταλκα, Kal TO περὶ TO ἱερὸν ἀπαρτισ- ~ » by « i θῆναι ἔργον τάς τε στοὰς καὶ εἴ TL ἕτερον OLKO- ~ ~ © / δομῆσαι δέοι. ἡ δὲ TOV ξύλων ὕλη κατακομιζέσθω ~ ~ ~ > ~ ἐξ αὐτῆς τε τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν" \ > ~ / \ / / καὶ ex τοῦ Λιβάνου μηδενὸς πρασσομένου τέλος. ¢ / \ \ a » > δ δ > / ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐν ois ἂν ἐπιφανεστέραν 142 γίγνεσθαι τὴν τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐπισκευὴν δέῃ “ὃ πολι- δ \ / « > ~ \ ‘ τευέσθωσαν δὲ πάντες οἱ ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους κατὰ τοὺς ’ὔ / > / > « / ‘ c πατρίους νόμους, ἀπολυέσθω δ᾽ ἡ γερουσία καὶ οἱ « A A « A “- ¢ ~ \ « « ἱερεῖς καὶ of γραμματεῖς τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ οἱ ἱερο- 1 ἱερᾶς Niese: ἱερὰς ς΄ Grotius: pro σεμιδάλεως ἀρτάβας ἱερὰς ad similam hab. Lat. 2 ἀλλοεθνῶν coni. Niese. 3 Niese: δέοι codd. α Drachmas are meant. > Text uncertain; among other things we expect the number of artabae to be given. The artaba was an Egyptian (originally Persian) measure of varying capacity, normally about 40 litres, according to A. S. Hunt and C. C. Edgar, Select Papyri (Loeb Classical Library), i. 447. According to F. Heichelheim, Wirtschaftliche Schwankungen der Zeit von Alexander bis Augustus, 1930, pp. 118 ff., the cost of an artaba of wheat in Egypt during the 3rd century varied from 2 to 5 drachmas (in exceptional years less than 2 or more than δ). 72 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 140-142 value of twenty thousand pieces of silver, and sacred artabae of fine flour ὃ in accordance with their native law,® and one thousand four hundred and sixty medimni ἃ of wheat and three hundred and seventy- five medimni of salt. And it is my will that these things be made over to them as I have ordered, and that the work on the temple be completed, including the porticoes and any other part that it may be necessary to build. The timber, moreover, shall be brought from Judaea itself and from other nations f and Lebanon without the imposition of a toll-charge. The like shall be done with the other materials needed for making the restoration of the temple more splendid. And all the members of the nation shall have a form of government in accordance with the laws of their country, and the senate, the priests, the scribes of the temple’ and the temple-singers ° Probably the temple measure is meant. We need not suppose that the mention of artabae indicates “‘ an Egyptian redactor’’’ of the letter, as Biichler and Reinach suppose. Ptolemaic measures continued to be used in Palestine even after the Seleucid conquest ; moreover ἀρτάβη was a “* Hebrew measure ”’ (cf. Heb. ’ardab) according to Epiphanius (cited by S. Krauss, Talmudische Archdologie ii. 395). Krauss equates the Ptolemaic artaba with the Heb. homer. 4 The (Attic and Sicilian) medimnus =c. 50 litres. Whether the number 1460 has any significance (=365 x 4) and pre- supposes an Egyptian ‘solar year,’’ as Biichler suggests, seems to me very doubtful. ¢ This royal grant of provisions for the temple reminds us of those said to have been made by Cyrus, Ant. xi. 16 ff. (1 Esd. vi. 29; Ezra vi. 9 ff.), who gave 20,500 artabae of wheat (!); by Darius, Ant. xi. 62, 102 (1 Esd. iv. 52 ff.); and by Xerxes (bibl. Artaxerxes), Ant. xi. 127 (1 Esd. viii. 19 ff.). ! Suggested emendation “‘ foreigners ” or “ gentiles.”’ 9 ** Scribes of the temple ’’ are mentioned in Anté. xi. 128 (1 Esd. viii. 22), ef. Appendix D. 73 JOSEPHUS / t ε A ~ A ~ ‘ ~ ψάλται ὧν ὑπὲρ τῆς κεφαλῆς τελοῦσι καὶ τοῦ 143 στεφανιτικοῦ; φόρου καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῶν ἁλῶν." ἵνα δὲ θᾶττον ἡ πόλις κατοικισθῇ, δίδωμι τοῖς τε νῦν κατοικοῦσιν καὶ κατελευσομένοις ἕως τοῦ Ὑπερ- βερεταίου μηνὸς ἀτελέσιν εἶναι μέχρι τριῶν ἐτῶν. 144 ἀπολύομεν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν αὐτοὺς τοῦ τρίτου μέρους τῶν φόρων, ὥστε αὐτῶν ἐπανορθωθῆναι τὴν βλάβην. καὶ ὅσοι ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἁρπαγέντες δουλεύουσιν, αὐτούς τε τούτους καὶ τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν γεννηθέντας ἐλευθέρους ἀφίεμεν, καὶ τὰς οὐσίας αὐτοῖς ἀποδίδοσθαι κελεύομεν. 145 (4) Ἣ μὲν οὖν ἐπιστολὴ ταῦτα περιεῖχεν. σεμ- νύνων δὲ καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν πρόγραμμα κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν , Es 7 , a A Seo 3 βασιλείαν ἐξέθηκεν περιέχον τάδε" “᾿ μηδενὶ ἐξεῖναι 3 / > A / > / nm ¢ 7 4 ἀλλοφύλῳ eis τὸν περίβολον εἰσιέναι τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὸν - \ ἀπηγορευμένον τοῖς *lovdaious, εἰ μὴ οἷς" ἁγνισ- ~ > 146 θεῖσίν ἐστιν ἔθιμον κατὰ τὸν πάτριον νόμον. μηδ > \ / > / a / A ε , εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσφερέσθω ἵππεια κρέα μηδὲ ἡμιό- / νεια μηδὲ ἀγρίων ὄνων" Kal ἡμέρων, παρδάλεών 1 στεφανίτου FV: regio Lat. 2 Niese: ἄλλων codd. 3 ἐξὸν εἶναι FLVA marg. 4 Dindorf: ols ἂν codd. 5 ὄνων om. FLV Lat. « Ἡ, Willrich, Urkundenfilschung, p. 73, objects that the Jews did not pay a poll-tax, or other taxes, directly to the Seleucid king, but we know too little of the Seleucid system of taxation to judge. It may be, moreover, that in Seleucid times the poll-tax, like the later Roman tributum capitis in the provinces, included a variety of personal and business taxes, cf. Arnold and Bouchier, The Roman System of Pro- vincial Administration, 1914, pp. 199 ff. On the poll-tax in the Seleucid kingdom see Schiirer i. 229 note 14, Biker- man, Jnst. Sél. p. 111, Rostovtzeff, HHW, pp. 469, 471. > Emended text; mss. *‘ other taxes.” * Roughly October, corresponding to Heb. Tishri, the 74 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 142-146 shall be relieved from the poll-tax 5 and the crown-tax and the salt-tax ἢ which they pay. And,in order that the city may the more quickly be inhabited, I grant both to the present inhabitants and to those who may return before the month of Hyperberetaios ° exemp- tion from taxes for three years.¢ We shall also relieve them in future from the third part of their tribute, so that their losses may be made good. And as for those who were carried off from the city and are slaves, we herewith set them free, both them and the children born to them, and order their property to be restored to them.” (4) Now these were the contents of the letter. And out of reverence for the temple he also published a proclamation throughout the entire kingdom,* of which the contents were as follows. “ It is unlawful for any foreigner to enter the enclosure of the temple which is forbidden to the Jews, except to those of them who are accustomed to enter after purifying themselves in accordance with the law of the country.’ Nor shall anyone bring into the city the flesh of horses or of mules or of wild or tame asses, or of leopards, first month of the year, according to the older Hebrew calendar. 4 For other instances of tax-exemptions allegedly granted the Jews by foreign rulers, cf. Ant. xi. 61 (1 Esd. iv. 49— Darius), xii. 151 (Antiochus ITI), xiii. 52 (1 Mace. x. 29— Demetrius) ; Herod the Great also did so on at least two occasions, cf. Ant. xv. 303, xvii. 25. For an actual instance of such an exemption by Antiochus III to a Hellenistic city cf. Rostovtzeff, CAH vii. 179. ¢ Even those scholars who consider this decree genuine admit that this phrase, ‘ throughout the entire kingdom,” is a later addition, or at least an exaggeration on Josephus’ art. ᾿ f On this prohibition cf. B.J. v. 194 note c, 227; for similar rabbinic restrictions cf. Mishnah, Kelim i. 8. 75 Decree of Antiochus 111 con- cerning the temple and Jerusalem, 147 148 149 JOSEPHUS τε Kal ἀλωπέκων Kat λαγῶν Kat καθόλου δὲ" πάντων τῶν ἀπηγορευμένων ζῴων τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις" μηδὲ τὰς δορὰς εἰσφέρειν ἐξεῖναι, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ τρέ- φειν τι τούτων ἐν τῇ πόλει: μόνοις δὲ τοῖς προ- γονικοῖς θύμασιν, ad’ ὧν καὶ τῷ θεῷ δεῖ καλλιερεῖν, ἐπιτετράφθαι" “χρῆσθαι. ὁ δέ τι τούτων παραβὰς ἀποτινύτω τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἀργυρίου δραχμὰς τρισ- χιλίας.᾽᾽ Ἔγραψε δὲ μαρτυρῶν ἡμῖν εὐσέβειάν τε καὶ πίστιν, ἡνίκα νεωτερίζοντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν Φρυγίαν καὶ Λυδίαν ἐπύθετο καθ᾽ ὃν ἦν καιρὸν ἐν ταῖς ἄνω σατραπείαις, κελεύων Ζεῦξιν τὸν αὐτοῦ στρατηγὸν καὶ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φίλον πέμψαι τινὰς τῶν ἡμε- / > ~ > / / \ tépwv ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος εἰς Φρυγίαν. γράφει de 7 ce \ > / / ~ \ οὕτως. “᾿ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αντίοχος Ζεύξιδι τῷ πατρὶ χαίρειν. εἰ ἔρρωσαι, εὖ ἂν ἔχοι, ὑγιαίνω δὲ καὶ 9 / ,ὔ \ > / \ , αὐτός. πυνθανόμενος τοὺς ἐν Λυδίᾳ καὶ Φρυγίᾳ νεωτερίζοντας, μεγάλης ἐπιστροφῆς ἡγησάμην τοῦτό μοι δεῖσθαι, καὶ βουλευσαμένῳ μοι μετὰ τῶν φίλων τί δεῖ ποιεῖν, ἔδοξεν εἰς τὰ φρούρια καὶ τοὺς ἀναγκαιοτάτους τόπους τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Μεσοποταμίας \ / > / ” / | καὶ Βαβυλωνίας ᾿Ιουδαίων οἴκους δισχιλίους σὺν 1 δὲ οι. FLVAW. 2 ἐπιτέτραπται LAW Lat. (vid.). # Jews were forbidden to eat the flesh of the animals here mentioned, but there is no evidence that they were forbidden to use them (at least the tame ones) for any purpose, or bring their skins into Jerusalem. In this curious prohibition Biichler sees another indication that Antiochus’ decree originally applied to the Samaritan temple on Mount Gerizim ; cf. Appendix D. δ There are extant a number of ancient Jewish Greek inscriptions which mention fines to be paid the Jewish community or synagogue treasury for violation of Jewish re- 76 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 146-149 foxes or hares or, in general, of any animals forbidden to the Jews. Nor is it lawful to bring in their skins or even to breed any of these animals in the city.* But only the sacrificial animals known to their ancestors and necessary for the propitiation of God shall they be permitted to use. And the person who violates any of these statutes shall pay to the priests a fine of three thousand drachmas of silver.” ” He also testified in writing to our piety and loyalty when, on the occasion of his being in the upper satrapies, he learned of revolts in Phrygia and Lydia, and ordered Zeuxis, his governor,’ and one of his close friends, to send some of our people from Babylonia to Phrygia. He then wrote as follows. Letter of Antiochus III to Zeuxis, governor of Lydia, ordering the transporta- tion of “ King Antiochus to Zeuxis, his father,¢ greeting. If Babylonian you are in good health, it is well. I also am in sound health. Learning that the people in Lydia and Phrygia are revolting, I have come to consider this as requiring very serious attention on my part, and, on taking counsel with my friends as to what should be done, I determined to transport two thousand Jewish families with their effects from Mesopotamia and Babylonia to the fortresses and most important ligious statutes, e.g. from Smyrna, Tlos, Hierapolis in Phrygia (1000 denarii), and Stobi in Macedonia (250,000 denarii !!). ° It is generally assumed that this was the Zeuxis who was satrap (or governor, στρατηγός) of Babylonia c. 220 B.c. (Polyb. v. 45 ff.) and that he, in turn, was the Zeuxis who was satrap of Lydia c. 201 5.6. (Polyb. xvi. 1. 8). Assuming the identity of these three, we must further suppose that Zeuxis was transferred from Babylonia to Lydia sometime after 213 B.c. when Antiochus III conquered the provinces in Asia Minor held by Achaeus. 4 Another instance of the title ather”’ given by a Seleucid king to his officer occurs in Ant. xiii. 127 (1 Mace. xi. 32—Demetrius to Lasthenes); cf. also Ant. xi. 218 (Apocr. Esther xiii. 6—Artaxerxes to Haman). ςς 77 Jews to Phrygia. JOSEPHUS ~ - A 150 ἐπισκευῇ μεταγαγεῖν. πέπεισμαι γὰρ εὔνους 15] 153 > ‘ Μ ~ « / ἊΨ \ Ἁ αὐτοὺς ἔσεσθαι τῶν ἡμετέρων φύλακας διὰ τὴν ‘ \ A ee ’ , ‘ / δ᾽ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν; εὐσέβειαν, καὶ μαρτυρουμένους ~ + ‘ αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν προγόνων εἰς πίστιν οἶδα καὶ ΄ 5 a ~ 4 / προθυμίαν εἰς ἃ παρακαλοῦνται: βούλομαι τοίνυν, »” A καίπερ ἐργώδους ὄντος τούτους" μεταγαγεῖν, ὑπο- , ~ - 30 , σχόμενος,, νόμοις αὐτοὺς χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις. 4 ’ ὅταν δ᾽ αὐτοὺς aydyns εἰς τοὺς προειρημένους > /, > ~ - τόπους, εἴς τε οἰκοδομίας οἰκιῶν αὐτοῖς δώσεις τόπον ἑκάστῳ καὶ χώραν εἰς γεωργίαν καὶ φυτείαν 3 al ~ > ~ ~ ~ ἀμπέλων, καὶ ἀτελεῖς τῶν ἐκ τῆς γῆς καρπῶν > / > τ 4 , ,ὔ A ,ὔ » ἀνήσεις ἐπὶ ἔτη δέκα. μετρείσθωσαν δὲ καί, ἄχρις ~ ~ / - > dv τοὺς Tapa τῆς γῆς καρποὺς" λαμβάνωσι, σῖτον εἰς τὰς τῶν θεραπόντων διατροφάς- διδόσθω δὲ καὶ ΄- \ ~ σ ~ τοῖς εἰς τὰς χρείας ὑπηρετοῦσι TO αὔταρκες, ἵνα τῆς παρ᾽ ἡμῶν τυγχάνοντες φιλανθρωπίας, προθυμο- " « τέρους παρέχωσιν αὑτοὺς περὶ τὰ ἡμέτερα. πρό- ΄ ~ ‘ νοιαν δὲ ποιοῦ Kal τοῦ ἔθνους κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν, oe ε ‘ A = ~ ” ‘ ‘ > ~ ὅπως ὑπὸ μηδενὸς evoyAnTa. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς > ~ 5 Αντιόχου φιλίας τοῦ μεγάλου πρὸς ᾿Ϊουδαίους ~ € - > > ταῦτα ἡμῖν ἀποχρώντως εἰρήσθω μαρτύρια. 1 + αὐτῶν FLV fort. recte: τὸ θεῖον coni. Holleaux. 2 ex Vossiano Havercamp: τούτου AW: τοῦ rell. 3 ὑποσχομένους P: ὑποσχομένου LW: ὑποσχόμενον Cocceji: ut promittas Lat. 4 χρήσεσθαι Naber. 5 ἄρτου PAW. ® Variant “their God*’; Holleaux emends to “ the Deity ’’ as being more appropriate in the mouth of a pagan 78 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 150-153 places. For I am convinced that they will be loyal guardians of our interests because of their piety to God,? and I know that they have had the testimony of my forefathers to their good faith and eagerness to do as they are asked. It is my will, therefore— though it may be a troublesome matter—that they should be transported and, since I have promised it,” use their own laws. And when you have brought them to the places mentioned, you shall give each of them a place to build a house and land to cultivate and plant with vines, and shall exempt them from payment of taxes on the produce of the soil for ten years.© And also, until they get produce from the soil, let them have grain measured out to them for feeding their servants, and let there be given also to those engaged in public service ὦ sufficient for their needs in order that through receiving kind treatment efrom us they may show themselves the more eager® in our cause. And take as much thought for theirs nation as possible, that it may not be molested by, anyone.” Concerning, then, the friendship of Anti- ochus the Great for the Jews let the testimony here given suffice.’ ruler. If we accept the variant, there is, of course, no need to emend. > Text doubtful; one may also render (after “ trans- ported ”’), “ and that (you) should promise that they may.” ¢ Cf. above § 143 note d. 4 The meaning of τοῖς εἰς τὰς χρείας ὑπηρετοῦσιν is somewhat doubtful, but cf. Ant. xiii. 67, ταῖς cats ἐξυπηρετεῖν χρείαις, Which probably means ‘to serve your (Ptolemy Philometor’s) interests.” ¢ Reinach properly reminds us that Josephus himself, Ant. xiv. 187, admits that many people doubted the authenticity of the Judaeophile decrees attributed to the Persians and Macedonians, because they were preserved only by the Jews and “‘ other barbarians.” 79 JOSEPHUS 104 (iv. 1) Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα φιλίαν καὶ σπονδὰς πρὸς τὸν [Πτολεμαῖον ᾿Αντίοχος ἐποιήσατο καὶ δίδωσιν αὐτῷ τὴν θυγατέρα Κλεοπάτραν πρὸς γάμον, παραχωρήσας αὐτῷ τῆς κοίλης Συρίας καὶ Σαμα- ρείας καὶ ᾿Ιουδαίας" καὶ Φοινίκης φερνῆς ὀνόματι. 155 καὶ διαιρεθέντων εἰς ἀμφοτέρους τοὺς βασιλέας τῶν φόρων, τὰς ἰδίας ἕκαστοι τῶν ἐπισήμων ὠνοῦντο πατρίδας φορολογεῖν, καὶ συναθροίζοντες τὸ προσ- 166 τεταγμένον κεφάλαιον τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ἐτέλουν. ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ Σαμαρεῖς εὖ πράσσοντες πολλὰ τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ἐκάκωσαν, τήν τε χώραν αὐτῶν τεμόντες καὶ σώματα διαρπάσαντες: ἐγένετο δὲ 1 Ιδουμαίας P. 2 The long section which follows, 88 154-236, on the Tobiads, Joseph and Hyreanus, has been the subject of much scholarly discussion because it is obviously derived from several sources, some trustworthy, others fictitious. The various problems, chronological and otherwise, are treated in the works cited in Appendix E. » Ptolemy Epiphanes, who reigned from 204/3 to 181/0 B.c. ¢ The marriage took place ὁ. 193 B.c.; it had been an- nounced earlier, ὁ. 196 3.c., ef. Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 57 and Holleaux, CAH viii. 199. 4 Possibly ‘* Coele-Syria ” here means the Decapolis, or, more broadly, Transjordan, cf. Ant. xi. 25 note a, xii, 133 note d; Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 297, suggests Galilee (with a question- -mark). ¢ One ms. I[dumaea. 7 This gift is mentioned in several ancient sources : Polyb. xxviii. 20. 9, ‘*. . . the agreement which those in Alexandria asserted had recently been made between Ptolemy and his (Antiochus Epiphanes’) father, to the effect that Ptolemy should receive Coele-Syria as a dowry when he married Cleopatra, ne mother of the present (Egyptian) ruler” Appian, Syr. ‘ Being about to make war on the Boman he ΤΩΝ ‘TID attempted to win over the neighbouring kings by alliances of marriage, and sent his daughter 80 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 154-156 (iv. 1)¢ After this Antiochus made a treaty of Ptolemy friendship with Ptolemy,” and gave him his daughter FPi8}2"°s Cleopatra in marriage,° making over to him as her high priest dowry Coele-Syria,? Samaria, Judaea ὁ and Phoenicia ~"~ And when the tribute was divided between the two sovereigns,’ the prominent men purchased the right to farm the taxes in their several provinces” and, collecting the sum fixed, paid it to the royal pair. At this time the Samaritans,’ who were flourishing, did much mischief to the Jews by laying waste their land and carrying off slaves’; and this happened in Cleopatra, surnamed the Syrian, to Egypt to Ptolemy, giving him as a marriage-present Coele-Syria, which he had himself taken from Ptolemy’; so also Porphyry, ap. Eusebius, Chronicon, mentioning Syria, Samaria and Judaea, and Jerome on Daniel xi. 17, who specifies “ all of Coele-Syria.” In view of the fact that the Seleucids ruled all of Palestine and Syria after the victories of Antiochus the Great over the army of Ptolemy Epiphanes, 200-198 B.c. (cf. § 131 notes), many scholars believe that the assignment of the revenues of Coele- Syria to Ptolemy Epiphanes was never carried out, but if by “Ptolemy ’”’ in § 158 (cf. note ad loc.) Epiphanes is meant, it follows that Josephus (or his source), at any rate, believed that Ptolemy actually had complete or partial control of Palestine and Transjordan, in spite of the earlier Seleucid conquest of the country; see the article of Cuq, cited in Appendix E. 9 That is, as Holleaux convincingly shows, REJ xxxix., 1899, pp. 161 ff., between Ptolemy Epiphanes and his wife Cleopatra, not between Ptolemy and Antiochus III. Only thus can we understand the point of the joke made by the Tobiad Joseph, § 178. For Momigliano’s objection see his monograph cited in Appendix E. » Lit. “‘ countries ’’; the subdivisions of Palestine and Transjordan are meant. { Gr. Samarians, cf. Ant. ix. 61 note c. 7 Biichler, Tob. p. 88, suggests that Josephus’ authority here is a Samaritan, who originally referred to the attack of the Ptolemaic forces in Samaria on the pro-Seleucid party in Judaea in 218 B.c. 81 JOSEPHUS ~ de A > / > / "4 ‘ 157 ταῦτα ἐπὶ ἀρχιερέως "Oviov. τελευτήσαντος γὰρ "EA 4, \ 3 Α ε θ - ᾽ ~ M εαζάρου τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην 6 θεῖος αὐτοῦ Ma- ~ / νασσῆς παρέλαβεν, μεθ᾽ dv καταστρέψαντα τὸν βίον =) , \ \ > δέ. 1 / εν . ~ vias τὴν τιμὴν ἐξεδέξατο, Σίμωνος υἱὸς wv τοῦ > > 158 δικαίου κληθέντος" Σίμων δ᾽ ἦν ἀδελφὸς *EAca- A > \ a2 Capov, καθὼς προεῖπον. οὗτος ὁ ᾿᾽Ονίας βραχὺς ἦν τὴν διάνοιαν καὶ χρημάτων ἥττων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο lod “- A ~ ε τὸν ὑπὲρ τοῦ λαοῦ φόρον, ὃν τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν οἱ πατέρες αὐτοῦ ἐτέλουν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων, τάλαντα ᾿ \ εἴκοσιν ἀργυρίου, μὴ δοὺς εἰς ὀργὴν ἐκίνησεν τὸν 169 βασιλέα Π᾿τολεμαῖον." καὶ πέμψας εἰς ἱΙεροσόλυμα πρεσβευτὴν ἠτιᾶτο τὸν ᾿Ονίαν ὡς" οὐκ ἀποδιδόντα ~ \ τοὺς φόρους καὶ ἠπείλει κληρουχήσειν αὐτῶν τὴν γῆν οὐκ ἀπολαβὼν καὶ πέμψειν τοὺς ἐνοικήσοντας στρατιώτας. ἀκούσαντες δὲ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ βασι- ,ὔ 6...5 a / ‘ A. 3 / 2 A λέως ot ᾿Ιουδαῖοι συνεχύθησαν, τὸν δὲ ’Oviav οὐδὲν τούτων ἐδυσώπει διὰ τὴν φιλοχρηματίαν. a > / / / A ” \ «ς / ΨΥ 160 (ὦ) ᾿Ιώσηπος δέ τις, νέος μὲν ἔτι τὴν ἡλικίαν, ἐπὶ 1 ἐδέξατο FLVE. 2 τὸν Evepyérny ὃς ἦν πατὴρ τοῦ Φιλοπάτορος PLAW quae 560]. Niese, Naber. 3 ὡς om. FLVE Lat. 2 On the high priests here mentioned see Appendix B. > In § 44. ° i.e. Ptolemy Epiphanes ; after ‘“‘ Ptolemy ”’ the variant adds, *“‘Euergetes, who was the father of Philopator.”’ This point is discussed in Appendix E; here it may suffice to remark that while the variant is not necessarily an ** absurd gloss,’ as Reinach too decidedly calls it, it is probably an addition to Josephus’ text made to remove the difficulty caused by representing Coele-Syria as subject to Ptolemy Epiphanes after the definitive conquest of the country by the Seleucids in 198 B.c. Since Josephus has already got beyond the reign of Euergetes (246-221 5.6.) and has already men- tioned Epiphanes and his contemporary Antiochus III 82 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 157-160 the high-priesthood of Onias. For, when Eleazar died, his uncle Manasses took over the high priest- hood, and, after he departed this life, the office came to Onias, who was a son of Simon, called the Just.4 And Simon was a brother of Eleazar, as I have said before.2. This Onias was small-minded and passion- ately fond of money and since for this reason he*did not render on behalf of the people the tribute of twenty talents of silver which his fathers had paid to the kings out of their own revenues, he roused the anger of King Ptolemy.° And the king sent an envoy to Jerusalem to denounce Onias for not rendering the tribute, and threatened that, if he did not receive it, he would parcel out their land and send his soldiers to settle on it. Accordingly, when the Jews heard the king’s message, they were dismayed, but Onias was not put out of countenance by any of these threats, so great was his avarice. (2) Now there was a certain Joseph, who was stil] Joseph, the . = - Tobiad, and a young man but because of his dignity and foresight nis uncle, Onias LI. (§ 131 ff.), and since Joseph the Tobiad is obviously dealing with Epiphanes (cf. above, note f, p. 80) and not Euergetes, it is reasonable to suppose that the mention of Euergetes in the variant is an interpolation. On the other hand, in § 223 Josephus (or at least one of his sources) states that Joseph died about the time of Seleucus IV’s accession, which was in 187 z.c., after being tax-collector for 22 years, so that he must have begun his work in 209 5.6. at the latest, that is, several years before the accession of Ptolemy Epiphanes, which was in 204/3 s.c. Moreover, it is probable that he retired from office some years before his death in 187 B.c., probably at the time of the Seleucid conquest of Coele-Syria in 198 g.c., which would move back the beginning of his term of office to 221 u.c. at the end of the reign of Euergetes ; so that the interpolation here appears to have been the work of someone who was aware of the inconsistency of the sources used by Josephus in his narrative of the Tobiads. 83 JOSEPHUS σεμνότητι δὲ καὶ προνοίᾳ δικαιοσύνης" δόξαν ἔ ἔχων παρὰ τοῖς ἹἹεροσολυμίταις, Τωβίου μὲν πατρός, ἐκ δὲ τῆς ᾿Ονώου. τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀδελφῆς γεγονώς, δηλωσάσης αὐτῷ τῆς μητρὸς τὴν τοῦ πρεσβευτοῦ παρουσίαν (ἔτυχε γὰρ αὐτὸς ἀποδημῶν εἰς Φι- 101 χόλαν" κώμην ἐξ ἧς ὑπῆρχεν), ἐλθὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐπέπληττε τῷ ᾿Ονί μὴ προνοουμένῳ τῆς ἀσφα- λείας τῶν moNerv ἀλλ᾽ εἰς κινδύνους τὸ ἔθνος βουλομένῳ περιστῆσαι διὰ τὴν τῶν χρημάτων ἀποστέρησιν, dv ἃ καὶ τοῦ λαοῦ τὴν προστασίαν λαβεῖν αὐτὸν ἔλεγε καὶ τῆς ἀρχιερατικῆς τιμῆς 162 ἐπιτυχεῖν. εὖ ὃ: ἐρωτικῶς οὕτως ἔχει τῶν χρη- μάτων ὡς bv αὐτὰ καὶ τὴν πατρίδα κινδυνεύουσαν ἰδεῖν ὑπομεῖναι καὶ πᾶν ὁτιοῦν παθόντας αὐτοῦ τοὺς πολίτας, συνεβούλευσεν ἀπελθόντα πρὸς τὸν βα- σιλέα δεηθῆναι αὐτοῦ ἢ πάντων αὐτῷ παραχωρῆσαι 163 τῶν χρημάτων ἢ μέρους. τοῦ δὲ ᾿Ονίου μήτε ἄρχειν ἐθέλειν ἀποκριναμένου, καὶ τὴν ἀρχιερω- 1 καὶ δικαιοσύνῃ FLVE. 2 ΕἾΝ Α corr.: Φικόλαν rell.: Ficulam Lat. * Variant (after “‘but’’) “because of his dignity (or seriousness) and care for justice had a (good) reputation.” » Or perhaps “ἃ Tobiad,”’ 7.e. a descendant of the Tobiah who was a contemporary of Nehemiah. ¢ Variant Phicola (Gr. Phikola); the site has not been identified, but presumably was in Transjondan, since the Tobiads were originally Ammonites ; cf. ὃ 230 note c. 4 Whether προστασίαν here is merely a synonym of τῆς ἀρχιερατικῆς τιμῆς or has a distinct, technical meaning, indicating a civil office (cf. Preisigke, Fachwérter, p. 152) is still a matter of dispute. For a discussion on this see works cited in Appendix E. Here it may be noted that the passages following and outside texts favour the former alternative, cf. 84 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 160-163 had a reputation for uprightness* among the in- habitants of Jerusalem, his father being Tobias,? and his mother a sister of the high priest Onias ; and, when his mother informed him of the envoy’s arrival —for he himself happened to be away in the village of Phichola,* from which he had originally come—, he went to the city (of Jerusalem) and upbraided Onias for not regarding the safety of his fellow-citizens and for being willing, instead, to place the nation in danger by withholding the money on account of which, Joseph said, he had received the chief magis- , tracy? and had obtained the high-priestly office.» But, if he was so passionately fond of money that for its sake he could endure to see his country endangered and his fellow-citizens suffer all sorts of things, he advised him to go to the king and request him to remit to him either the whole of the money or a part of it. As Onias, however, answered that he did not desire to hold office and said that he was ready to Hecataeus ap. Diodor. Sic. xl. 4, τοὺς... μάλιστα δυνησο- μένους τοῦ σύμπαντος ἔθνους προΐστασθαι, τούτους ἱερεῖς ἀπέδειξε, and Sirach xly. 24, of Phineas, the priest, προστατεῖν ἁγίων καὶ λαοῦ αὐτοῦ: we must remember also that in the early Hellenistic period the high priest was regarded as the chief magistrate of the Jews. Below, in § 285, Josephus says that after Mattathias’ death, his son Judas succeeded to the προστασίαν τῶν πραγμάτων, which clearly means the assumption of chief authority or leadership of the rebels, and is therefore not a technical term of civil office (under the Seleucids). Nor does there appear to be sufficient ground for believing that Joseph later (cf. § 167) assumed the προστασίαν and thus deprived Onias of part of his official rank, as maintained by Biichler and, more recently, by Momigliano and Fruin. The same problem arises in con- nexion with the quarrel about the agoranomia between the prostatés Simon and the high priest Onias, 2 Mace. iii. 4, on which see the works cited in Appendix G, 85 164 165 166 167 JOSEPHUS ’ὔ » > ’ > € , μ 5 , σύνην δ᾽, εἰ δυνατόν ἐστιν, ἑτοίμως ἔχειν ἀποθέσθαι λέγοντος, μήτε ἀναβήσεσθαι πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα (μέλειν γὰρ οὐδὲν αὐτῷ περὶ TovTwv), εἰ πρεσβεύειν αὐτῷ συγχωρεῖ πρὸς τὸν [Πἰτολεμαῖον' ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἔθνους ἐπηρώτησεν. φήσαντος δὲ ἐπιτρέπειν, , ἀναβὰς εἰς TO ἱερὸν ὁ ᾿Ιώσηπος καὶ συγκαλέσας TO ~ > » ΄ ‘ ’ \ πλῆθος εἰς ἐκκλησίαν, μηδὲν ταράττεσθαι μηδὲ - / 23 A 5 , ~ , \ φοβεῖσθαι παρήνει διὰ τὴν ᾿Ονίου τοῦ θείου περὶ ᾿ ~ > ᾽ὔ > , , > , ~ > ‘ ~ αὐτῶν ἀμέλειαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἀδείᾳ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς σκυ- θρωποτέρας ἐλπίδος τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτοὺς ἔχειν ἠξίου: πρεσβεύσειν γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐπηγγέλλετο πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ πείσειν αὐτὸν ὅτι μηδὲν ἀδικοῦσιν. καὶ τὸ μὲν πλῆθος τούτων ἀκοῦσαν εὐχαριστεῖ" τῷ > ~ ~ Iwonmw, καταβὰς δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ξενίᾳ τε ὑποδέχεται τὸν παρὰ τοῦ [Πτολεμαίου πεπρεσβευ- κότα καὶ δωρησάμενος αὐτὸν πολυτελέσι δωρεαῖς καὶ ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἑστιάσας φιλοτίμως ἡμέρας προ- ἔπεμψε πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, φράσας αὐτῷ καὶ αὐτὸς ἀκολουθήσειν: καὶ γὰρ ἔτι μᾶλλον γεγόνει πρό- \ » , ~ θυμος πρὸς τὴν ἀφιξιν τὴν παρὰ τὸν βασιλέα, τοῦ πρεσβευτοῦ προτρεψαμένου καὶ παρορμήσαντος εἰς ᾿ > - Αἴγυπτον ἐλθεῖν, καὶ πάντων ὧν ἂν δέηται παρὰ Πτολεμαίου τυχεῖν αὐτὸν ποιήσειν ὑποσχομένου" τὸ γὰρ ἐλευθέριον αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ σεμνὸν τοῦ ἤθους λίαν ἠγάπησεν. \ ¢ \ \ > ‘ > ” (3) Kai 6 “μὲν πρεσβευτὴς ἐλθὼν εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἀπήγγειλε τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν τοῦ ᾿Ονίου ἀγνωμοσύνην καὶ περὶ τῆς τοῦ ᾿Ιωσήπου χρηστότητος ἐδήλου, 1 Evepyéernv ἸΠτολεμαῖον PAW. 2 ηὐχαρίστει FLV. 8 ἀπὸ FLVE: a Lat. * Observe that Onias offers to give up the office of high priest, not that of prostatés, 86 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 163-167 give up the high-priesthood if that were possible,¢ and would not go ὃ to the king, for he was in no way concerned about these matters, Joseph asked him whether he would give him“leave to go as an envoy“ to Ptolemy ? on behalf of the nation. And, when Onias gave his permission,“Joseph went up to the temple and, calling the people together in assembly, exhorted them not to be disturbed or frightened because of his uncle Onias’ neglect of them, and begged them rather to keey*their minds free of fear and dark forebodings ; for he promised that he himself would go as an envoy to the king and persuade him that they were not doing any wrong. Andso, when the people heard this, they thanked Joseph, while he himself went down from the temple and hospitably received®°the envoy sent by Ptolemy ; and after presenting him with valuable gifts and entertaining him lavishly for many days, he sent him on ahead to the king, telling him that he himself would follow. For he had, indeed, become even more eager to meet the king, when the ‘tnvoy encouraged him and urged that he go to Egypt, and promised to see that he should obtain from Ptolemy whatever he desired; for the envoy greatly “admired his liberality ὁ and the’dignity of his character. (3) And so the envoy went to Egypt and reported Joseph to the king the arrogant behaviour of Onias, and informed him of the excellence of Joseph and that > Lit. “‘ go up,” i.e. to a higher authority. The Jewish sources almost aay speak of “ going down ”’ to Egypt from Palestine. * This expression seems to be another indication that our text does not imply a separation between the offices of high priest and civil ruler (under Ptolemaic suzerainty). 4 Variant “ Ptolemy Euergetes,”’ cf. § 158 note ὁ. * Or * ingenuousness.”’ 87 prepares to visit Alexandria. 168 169 170 JOSEPHUS Kal ὅτι μέλλοι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἥξειν παραιτησόμενος τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων τὸ πλῆθος" εἶναι γὰρ αὐτοῦ προστάτην" ἀμέλει τοσαύτῃ τῶν' ἐγκωμίων τῶν περὶ τοῦ νεανίσκου διετέλεσε χρώμενος περιουσίᾳ ὥστε καὶ τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ Κλεοπάτραν προδιέθηκεν οἰκείως ἔχειν πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον οὔπω “παρόντα. ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιώσηπος. δια- πέμψας πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἰς Σαμάρειαν καὶ δα- νεισάμενος ἀργύριον καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὴν “ἀποδημίαν ἑτοιμασάμενος ἐσθῆτάς τε καὶ ἐκπώματα καὶ ὑποζύγια, καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ὡς περὶ δισμυρίας δραχμὰς παρασκευασάμενος, εἰς ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν παρεγένετο. ἔτυχε δὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν πάντας ἀνα- βαίνειν τοὺς ἀπὸ" τῶν πόλεων τῶν τῆς Συρίας καὶ Φοινίκης πρώτους καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν τελῶν ὠνήν: κατ᾽ ἔτος δὲ ταῦτα τοῖς δυνατοῖς τῶν ἐν ἑκάστῃ πόλει ἐπίπρασκεν ὁ βασιλεύς. ὁρῶντες οὖν οὗτοι κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον ἐχλεύαζον ἐπὶ πενίᾳ καὶ λιτότητι. ὡς δ᾽ εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάν- δρειαν ἀφικόμενος ἐν Μέμφει τὸν [ΤΠτολεμαῖον" 1 Niese: περὶ τῶν codd. 2 P: ες rell. 3 βασιλέα Πτολεμαῖον FLY. μ α ‘That is, merely their spokesman or envoy (cf.§ 161 noted), as the context indicates. If he had been formally elected by the people to the highest civil office, Josephus’ source would have said so; at any rate the king himself would have had to recognize him as such. » Those scholars who believe (not without reason) that these events should be placed in the reign of Ptolemy Philo- pator, whose queen’s name was Arsinoe, may assume that Josephus’ authority, living in the 2nd or Ist century B.c., was more familiar with the name Cleopatra, borne by several Ptolemaic queens after Epiphanes’ wife, and thus made a natural slip in calling Arsinoe Cleopatra (unless, of course, 88 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 167-170 he intended to come to him to ask that the sins of his people be excused, for he was their protector.? Indeed, he continued to use such®extravagance*of speech in?praising the young man that he disposed both the king and his wife Cleopatra? to feel friendly toward Joseph even before his arrival. Now¥oseph, after sending to his various friends in Samaria © and borrowing money, made*ready the things needed for his journey, such as clothes, drinking-vessels, and pack-animals, which equipment he procured for about twenty thousand ¢ drachmas, and came to*Alexandria. But it so happened that at that time all the chief{men and magistrates of the cities of Syria and Phoenicia were coming there to bid for the tax-farming rights which the king used to sell every year to the wealthy men in each city. When these men, therefore, saw Joseph on the road, they made%fun of his poverty and bareness. But when he arrived at Alexandria, he heard that Ptolemy was in“Memphis, and so he Cleopatra is substituted for Arsinoe by Josephus himself, ef. Appendix E). Livy makes a similar slip, xxvii. 4. 10. © The friendship of the (Ammonite) Tobiads with the Samaritans goes back to the time of Nehemiah, ef. Ant. xi. 174 (Neh. iv. 3). 4 This and similar large sums freely mentioned in the Joseph-Hyrcanus story (ef. §§ 180 ff.) are in keeping with the fictitious nature of the details of the narrative, though the general contents and background may be quite historical. ¢ Cf. Rostovtzeff in CAH vii. 129 f., “ὙΠῸ tax-farmers were local people, but the taxes were put up to auction not locally but at Alexandria. This is proved by various documents in the Zeno letters (esp. P. Cairo Zen. 59037) which show that the picture of an auction of provincial taxes drawn by Josephus in his wonderful story of the farmer of tribute from Coele-Syria . . is on the whole accurate.’’ The revenue system of Ptolemaic Egypt is admirably described by C. Préaux, L’ Economie royale des Lagides, 1939, pp. 61-435. VOL. VII D 89 171 172 173 174 JOSEPHUS /, ~ ἤκουσεν ὄντα, ὑπαντησάμενος συνέβαλεν αὐτῷ." καθεζομένου δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπὶ ὀχήματος μετὰ ~ / ~ τῆς γυναικὸς Kat μετὰ ᾿Αθηνίωνος τοῦ φίλου (οὗτος δ᾽ ἦν ὁ πρεσβεύσας εἰς “Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ παρὰ “ἢ / θ ,ὔ θ 4 > \ « ?AG ’, ὠσήπῳ ξενισθείς), θεασάμενος αὐτὸν ὁ ἡνίων εὐθὺς ἐποίει τῷ βασιλεῖ γνώριμον, λέγων τοῦτον εἶναι περὶ οὗ παραγενόμενος ἐξ “Ἱεροσολύμων ἀπήγγειλεν ὡς ἀγαθός τε εἴη καὶ φιλότιμος νεα- νίσκος. ὁ δὲ Πτολεμαῖος πρῶτός τε αὐτὸν ἠσ- πάσατο καὶ δὴ" ἀναβῆναι ἐπὶ τὸ ὄχημα παρεκάλεσε ΄ > καὶ καθεσθέντος ἤρξατο περὶ τῶν ᾿Ονίᾳ πραττο- μένων ἐγκαλεῖν. 6 δὲ “ συγγίνωσκε,᾽ φησίν, “ αὐτῷ διὰ τὸ γῆρας" οὐ γὰρ λανθάνει σε πάντως ὅτι καὶ τοὺς πρεσβύτας καὶ τὰ νήπια τὴν αὐτὴν διάνοιαν ἔχειν συμβέβηκεν. παρὰ δὲ ἡμῶν ἔσται σοι τῶν νέων ἅπαντα, ὥστε μηδὲν αἰτιάσασθαι". ἡσθεὶς δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῇ χάριτι καὶ τῇ εὐτραπελίᾳ τοῦ νεανίσκου, μᾶλλον αὐτὸν ὡς ἤδη καὶ πεπειραμένος ἀγαπᾶν ἤρξατο, ὡς ἔν τε τοῖς βασιλείοις αὐτὸν κελεῦσαι διαιτᾶσθαι καὶ Kal? ἡμέραν ἐπὶ τῆς 6 ’ὔ ~ > / A ,ὔ > > 3 ἑστιάσεως τῆς ἰδίας ἔχειν. γενομένου δ᾽ ἐν ᾿Αλεξ- ανδρείᾳ τοῦ βασιλέως ἰδόντες οἱ πρῶτοι τῆς Συρίας συγκαθεζόμενον αὐτῷ τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον ἀηδῶς ἔφερον. 1 ὑπαντησάμενος συνέβαλεν αὐτῷ PA marg.: ὑπαντησόμενος ἀνέβαινεν αὐτῷ FLV: ὑπαντησόμενος ἀναβαίνειν αὐτῷ διέγνω AW: ὑπαντησόμενος αὐτῷ ἀνῇει Εἰ. 2 καὶ δὴ P: καὶ rell. 3 αἰτιᾶσθαι Ῥ. 4 ἐνδιαιτᾶσθαι V. « Text slightly uncertain. » Or ὁ ambitious.” ¢ That is, before he was greeted by Joseph; ef. Ant. xi. 331 for a similar courtesy shown by Alexander the Great to the Jewish high priest Jaddua. 90 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 170-174 met him there and presented himself to him.¢ Now the king was sitting in a chariot with his wife and with his friend Athenion—this was the man who had been an envoy to Jerusalem and had been entertained by Joseph—, and as soon as*Athenion caught sight of him, he introduced him to the king,*saying that this was the person whom he had described to him, when he returned from Jerusalem, as an excellent and liberal ἢ young man. Ptolemy, therefore, first greeted him © and even invited him to come up into his chariot, and when he was seated, began to complain about the actions of Onias. Then Joseph said, “ Pardon him because of his age 4; for surely you are not unaware that old people and infants are likely to have the same level ofsintelligence. But from us who are young you will obtain everything so as to find no fault.”” Thereupon’Ptolemy, being pleased“with the charm and ready“wit of the young man, began to be still fonder of him as though he were an old and tried friend, so much so that he told him to take up his residence in the palace and had him®as a guest at his own table every day. Accordingly, when the king came to Alexandria, and the chief men of Syria saw Joseph seated at his side, they were disagreeably affected. 4 According to §§ 44, 157, Onias was a son of Simon the Just whom Josephus makes a contemporary of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and was a child when his uncle Eleazar suc- ceeded Simon, some time in Philadelphus’ reign. Thus Onias must have been at least 70 years old at this time, which is supposedly after 193/2 B.c., the date of Ptolemy Epiphanes’ marriage to Cleopatra (cf. 8 154). Although Josephus is mis- taken in placing Simon the Just so early in the 3rd century B.c. (cf. Appendix B), he is at least consistent in making Onias an old man at this time. 91 JOSEPHUS is (4) ᾿Ενστάσης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας καθ᾽ ἣν ἔμελλε τὰ τέλη πιπράσκεσθαι τῶν πόλεων, ἠγόραζον οἱ τοῖς ἀξιώμασιν ἐν ταῖς πατρίσιν διαφέροντες. εἰς ὀκτακισχίλια δὲ τάλαντα συναθροιζομένων τῶν τῆς κοίλης Συρίας τελῶν καὶ τῶν τῆς Φοινίκης καὶ 176 ᾿Ιουδαίας σὺν τῇ Σαμαρείᾳ, προσελθὼν ᾿Ιώσηπος τοὺς μὲν ὠνουμένους διέβαλλεν ὡς συνθεμένους ὀλίγην αὐτῷ τιμὴν ὑφίστασθαι τῶν τελῶν, αὐτὸς δὲ διπλασίονα δώσειν ὑπισχνεῖτο καὶ τῶν ἅμαρ- τόντων εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ τὰς οὐσίας ἀναπεμψειν' αὐτῷ: καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο" τοῖς τέλεσι συνεπιπράσκετο.ὃ 171 τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ἡδέως ἀκούσαντος καὶ ὡς αὔξοντι τὴν πρόσοδον αὐτοῦ κατακυροῦν τὴν ὠνὴν τῶν τελῶν ἐκείνῳ φήσαντος, ἐρομένου δ᾽ εἰ καὶ τοὺς ἐγγυησομένους αὐτὸν ἔχει δοῦναι," σφόδρ᾽ ἀστείως ἀπεκρίνατο" ‘ ᾿ δώσω γάρ, εἶπεν, ἣν ἀνθρώπους ἀγαθούς τε καὶ καλούς, οἷς οὐκ ἀπιστήσετε. 178 λέγειν δὲ τούτους οἵτινες εἶεν εἰπόντος, “᾿ αὐτόν, εἶπεν, “᾿ ὦ βασιλεῦ, σέ τε καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα τὴν σὴν ὑπὲρ ἑκατέρου μέρους ἐγγυησομένους δίδωμί cov.” γελάσας δ᾽ ὁ Τ᾿τολεμαῖος συνεχώρησεν αὐτῷ δίχα 179 τῶν ὁμολογούντων ἔχειν τὰ τέλη. τοῦτο σφόδρα τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἐλθόντας 1 ἐκπέμψειν FLV. τοῦτο om. P: καὶ τοῦτο FLV: καὶ ταῦτα E. 3 συνεπίπρασκεν PAWE. 4 δοῦναι om. PAWE. Ὧι... ΑΥ Cla Salo DOLE Ut. » Probably Transjordan (and Galilee ?), ef. § 154 note ἃ and § 224. ¢ This is obviously too large a sum in the light of other estimates of revenues which have come down to us (ef. Bouché-Leclercq, iii. 401): Jerome gives the revenue from 92 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 175-179 (4) Now when the day came round on which the rights to farm taxes in the cities were to be sold, bids were made by those eminent in rank in the various provinces. When the sum of taxes from Coele- Syria? and from Phoenicia and Judaea with Samaria added up to eight thousand talents,° Josephecame forward and accused“the bidders of having made an agreement to offer the king“a low price for the taxes, whereas he for his part promised*to give double that amount and send over to the king the property of those who had been remiss toward his house ; for this right was sold? along with that of farming the taxes. Thereupon the king, who heard him gladly, said that he would Confirm the’sale of the tax-farming rights to him, as he was likely to increase his revenue, but asked whether he also had some persons to give surety for him; he then answered very cleverly, “Yes, I will offer persons of the very best character, whom you will not distrust.” And when the king asked him to tell who they were, he replied, “1 offer you, O King, you yourself and your wife as the persons who will give surety for me, each to guarantee Ὁ the other’s share.” At this°Ptolemy laughed and granted him the tax-farming rights without guaran- tors. This act gave great pain to those who had come to Egypt from the cities, for they considered them- Egypt itself (de Aegypto) in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus as 14,800 talents ; Herodotus, iii. 91, gives 350 talents as the tribute taken by Darius from Phoenicia, Palestine and Cyprus: Cicero estimates the total revenue of Ptolemy Auletes as 12,500 talents. Cf. also 2 Macc. iv. 8 ff. 4 Variant “ he (the king) sold.” ¢ The point of this witticism was first satisfactorily ex- plained by Holleaux, ef. § 155 note g, “ les deux μέρη sont les deux parts des impéts syriens . . . au roi Joseph offre pour garant sa femme, ἃ la reine il offre son mari.” 93 JOSEPHUS » ’ «ε /, ‘ « \ ἐλύπησεν ὡς παρευδοκιμηθέντας. καὶ οἱ μὲν ~ > ἐπανῆκον eis τὰς ἰδίας ἕκαστοι πατρίδας μετ αἰσχύνης. 1380 (5) Ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιώσηπος λαβὼν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως hl , , 2 (4) \ , πεζῶν' στρατιώτας δισχιλίους" (ἠξίωσε yap βοή- θειάν τινα λαβεῖν, ἵνα τοὺς ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι κατα- φρονοῦντας ἔχῃ βιάζεσθαι), καὶ δανεισάμενος ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ παρὰ τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως φίλων 181 τάλαντα πεντακόσια, εἰς Συρίαν ἐξώρμησεν. γενό- μενος δὲ ἐν ᾿Ασκάλωνι καὶ τοὺς φόρους ἀπαιτῶν \ 3 / > \ \ > / / τοὺς ᾿Ασκαλωνίτας, ἐπεὶ μηδὲν ἐβούλοντο διδόναι > \ \ / ᾽ / \ b) ~ A ἀλλὰ Kal προσύβριζον αὐτόν, συλλαβὼν αὐτῶν τοὺς πρωτεύοντας ὡς εἴκοσιν" ἀπέκτεινε καὶ τὰς οὐσίας ᾽ ~ > / / > / ” ~ αὐτῶν εἰς χίλια τάλαντα ἀθροισθείσας ἔπεμψε τῷ 182 βασιλεῖ, δηλῶν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ γεγενημένα. θαυμά- σας δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ Πτολεμαῖος τοῦ φρονήματος καὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων ἐπαινέσας, ἐφίησιν αὐτῷ ποιεῖν ὅ τι βούλεται. τοῦτ᾽ ἀκούσαντες οἱ Σύροι κατεπλάγη- σαν, καὶ παράδειγμα τῆς ἀπειθείας χαλεπὸν ἔχοντες τοὺς τῶν ᾿Ασκαλωνιτῶν ἄνδρας ἀνῃρημένους, ἀνοίγοντες τὰς πύλας ἐδέχοντο προθύμως τὸν 183 ᾿Ιώσηπον καὶ τοὺς φόρους ἐτέλουν. ἐπιχειρούντων \ \ ~ « / > \ \ \ δὲ καὶ Σκυθοπολιτῶν ὑβρίζειν αὐτὸν καὶ μὴ παρ- έχειν τοὺς φόρους αὐτῷ οὕς μηδὲν ἀμφισβητοῦντες ἐτέλουν, καὶ τούτων ἀποκτείνας τοὺς πρώτους τὰς 184 οὐσίας αὐτῶν ἀπέστειλε τῷ βασιλεῖ. συναγαγὼν δὲ πολλὰ χρήματα καὶ κέρδη μεγάλα ποιήσας ἐκ 1 πεζῶν μὲν PAE: excidisse fort. equitum numerum coni. Niese. 2 χιλίους ΕἸ (ΚΝ). 3 εἰκὸς ἦν PE. 94 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 179-184 selves slighted. “And so they returned with dis- comfiture to their respective provinces. (5) Then Joseph, after getting from the king two thousand 4 foot-soldiers—for he had asked to have some assistance, in order that he might be able to use force with any in the cities who treated him with contempt—and borrowing five hundred talents? in Alexandria from the friends of the king,“set out for Syria. And coming to *Ascalon, he demanded tribute from the people of the city, but they not only refused to give him anything, but even insulted him to boot ; he therefore arrested some twenty of their principal men ¢ and put them to death, and sent their property, which all together was worth a thousand talents, to the king, informing him of what had hap- pened. Thereupon Ptolemy, who admired his spirit and commended his actions,“permitted him to do whatever he wished. When the Syrians heard of this, they were struck with consternation and, having a terrible example of the consequences of disobedience in the execution of the men of Ascalon, they opened their gates and readily admitted Joseph and paid the tribute. And when the inhabitants of Scythopolis 4 also attempted to‘insult him and would not render him the tribute which they formerly paid without any dispute, he put to death*“their chief men as well and sent their property to the king. Having thus col- lected great sums of money and made great profits * Variant 1000; possibly, as Niese suggests, the number of horsemen also was originally given but has accidentally been omitted from the text. > Cf. § 168 note d. ¢ The variant (after “ἡ arrested ’’), “‘ their principal men, as was natural,”’ is corrupt. 4 Cf. Ant. ν. 83 note h. 95 Joseph uses force to collect taxes in Palestine. 185 186 187 188 JOSEPHUS τῆς ovis τῶν τελῶν, εἰς TO διαμεῖναι τὴν ὑπάρ- χουσαν αὐτῷ δύναμιν τοῖς οὖσι κατεχρήσατο, τὴν ἀφορμὴν αὑτῷ καὶ «τὴν ὑπόθεσιν τῆς τότε «εὐτυχίας τηρεῖν φρόνιμον ἡγούμενος ἐξ αὐτῶν ὧν αὐτὸς ἐκέκτητο: πολλὰ γὰρ ὑπὸ χεῖρα τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τῇ Κλεοπάτρᾳ δῶρα ἔπεμπε καὶ τοῖς φίλοις αὐτῶν καὶ πᾶσιν τοῖς περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν δυνατοῖς, ὠνούμενος διὰ τούτων τὴν εὔνοιαν τὴν παρ᾽ αὐτῶν. (6 ) ᾿Απέλαυσε δὲ ταύτης τῆς εὐτυχίας ἐπὶ ἔτη εἴκοσι καὶ δύο, πατὴρ μὲν γενόμενος ἐκ μιᾶς γυναικὸς παίδων ἑπτά, ποιησάμενος δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ Σολυμίου θυγατρὸς ἕνα “ἵρκανὸν ὄνομα. γαμεῖ δὲ ταύτην ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης" τῷ ἀδελφῷ ποτε συνελθὼν εἰς ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν' ἄγοντι καὶ τὴν θυγατέρα γάμων ὥραν ἔχουσαν, ὅπως αὐτὴν συνοικίσῃ τινὶ τῶν ἐπ᾽ ἀξιώματος ᾿Ιουδαίων, καὶ δειπνῶν παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ, ὀρχηστρίδος εἰσελθούσης εἰς τὸ συμπόσιον εὐπρεποῦς ἐρασθεὶς τῷ ἀδελφῷ τοῦτο μηνύει, παρακαλῶν αὐτόν, ἐπεὶ καὶ νόμῳ κεκώλυται παρὰ τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις ἀλλοφύλῳ πλησιά- ζειν γυναικί, συγκρύψαντα τὸ ἁμάρτημα καὶ διάκονον ἀγαθὸν γενόμενον παρασχεῖν αὐτῷ ὥστε ἐκπλῆσαι" τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν. ὁ δὲ ἀδελφὸς ἀσμένως δεξάμενος τὴν διακονίαν, κοσμήσας τὴν αὑτοῦ θυγατέρα νυκτὸς ἤγαγε πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ συγκατ- εκοίμισεν. ὁ δ᾽ ὑπὸ μέθης ἀγνοήσας “τἀληθὲς συνέρχεται τῇ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ θυγατρί, καὶ τούτου γενομένου πολλάκις, ἠράσθη" σφοδρότερον. ἔφη δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὡς κινδυνεύοι τῷ ζῆν ἐρῶν 1 τῷ ἀδελφῷ... ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν] σὺν τἀδελφῷ ποτε εἰς ᾿Αλεέ- ἄνδρειαν ἐλθὼν FLV. 96 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 184-188 from farming the taxes, he used his wealth to make permanent the power which he now had, thinking it prudent to preserve the source and foundation of his present good fortune by means of the wealth which he had himself acquired ; and so he ‘surreptitiously sent many gifts to the king and to Cleopatra and to their friends and to all those who were powerful at court, purchasing their goodwill through these gifts. (6) This good fortune he enjoyed for twenty-two years,” becoming the father ofSeven sons by one wife, and also begetting a son®named “Hyrcanus, by the daughterof his brother Solymius, whom he married under the following circumstances. He once came to Alexandria. with his brother as he was taking there his daughter, who was of marriageable age, in order ao How Joseph begot his son Hyrcanus that he might marry her to one of the Jews of high . rank ; and when Joseph was dining with the king, a beautiful dancing-girl“came into the banquet-room, and Joseph, having fallen“in love with her, told his brother of this and begged him, since the Yews were prevented by law from having intercourse with a foreign woman, to aid in concealing his sin and do him a good service by making it possible for him to satisfy his desire. Thereupon his obrother gladly undertaking to be of service, *beautified his own daughter and brought her to him by night to sleep with him. But Joseph in his drunken state did not know how matters really were, and so heehad inter- course with his brother’s daughter, and when this had happened several times, he fell still more violently in love with her. He then told his brother that he @ Cf. § 158 note c. 3 πληρῶσαι FLY. 8 FV: ἤρα rell. η ἤρ VOL. VII D2 97 189 190 191 192 193 JOSEPHUS ὀρχηστρίδος, ἧς ἴσως οὐκ' αὐτῷ παραχωρήσειν" τὸν βασιλέα. τοῦ δὲ ἀδελφοῦ μηδὲν ἀγωνιᾶν παρακαλοῦντος, ἀπολαύειν δ᾽ ἧς ἐρᾷ μετὰ ἀδείας καὶ γυναῖκα ἔχειν αὐτὴν φήσαντος, καὶ τἀληθὲς αὐτῷ φανερὸν ποιήσαντος, ὡς ἕλοιτο μᾶλλον τὴν ἰδίαν ὑβρίσαι θυγατέρα ἢ περιιδεῖν ἐκεῖνον ἐν αἰσχύνῃ γενόμενον, ἐπαινέσας αὐτὸν ᾿Ιώσηπος τῆς φιλαδελφίας συνῴκησεν αὐτοῦ τῇ θυγατρὶ καὶ παῖδα ἐξ αὐτῆς ἐγέννησεν “Ypxavov,’ ὡς προειρή- καμεν. ἔτι" δὲ ὧν τρισκαίδεκα ἐτῶν οὗτος ὁ παῖς νεώτερος ἐπεδείκνυτο τὴν φυσικὴν ἀνδρείαν καὶ σύνεσιν, ὡς ζηλοτυπηθῆναι δεινῶς αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ὄντα πολὺ κρείττονα καὶ φθονηθῆναι δυνάμενον. τοῦ δὲ ᾿Ιωσήπου γνῶναι θελήσαντος τίς αὐτῷ τῶν υἱῶν πρὸς ἀρετὴν εὖ πέφυκε, καὶ καθ᾽ ἕνα πέμψαντος πρὸς τοὺς παιδεύειν τότε δόξαν ἔ ἔχοντας, οἱ λοιποὶ μὲν ὑπὸ ᾿ῥαθυμίας καὶ τῆς πρὸς τὸ φιλεργεῖν μαλακίας ἀνόητοι καὶ ἀμαθεῖς ἐπανῆκον αὐτῷ: μετὰ δ᾽ ἐκείνους τὸν νεώτατον “Ὑρκανόν, δοὺς αὐτῷ τριακόσια ζεύγη βοῶν, ἐξέ- πεμψεν ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν ᾿δύο εἰς τὴν ἐρημίαν σπεροῦντα τὴν γῆν, ἀποκρύψας τοὺς ζευκτήρας ἑ ἱμάντας. ὁ δὲ γενόμενος ἐν τῷ τόπῳ καὶ τοὺς ἱμάντας οὐκ ἔχων, τῆς μὲν τῶν βοηλατῶν γνώμης κατηλόγησε συμ- 1 οὐκ edd.: οὐκ ἂν codd. 2 av... παραχωρῆσαι coni. Niese. 3 + ὄνομαν. 1 + μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν P. μ | + μικρὸν ἔμπρ 5 ἐπεὶ FV. α In § 186. One ms. here “ shortly before.” ® Willrich, JG pp. 93 ff., sees in this portrait of the young Hyrcanus an example of the Jews’ admiration for “‘ a bold and precocious intelligence,” and compares him with the young Samuel, the young David, the young Daniel and the 98 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 188-193 was risking his life for a dancer whom the king would perhaps not allow himto have. But his brother urged him not to be anxious, telling him to enjoy without fear the woman whom he loved, and to make her his wife ; and he revealed the truth to him, how he had chosen*o dishonour his own daughter rather than see him fall into disgrace, and so Joseph, commending him for his brotherly love, married his daughter and by her begot a son named ‘Hyrcanus, as we said before.* Now this child while still a youngwlad of thirteen years showed such natural »courage and intelligence*that he became an object of violent jealousy to his brothers because of his great superiority and enviable qualities.” But when Joseph, wishing to learn which of his sons was naturally well disposed to virtue, sent them one after another to those who were then famed as teachers, the other sons because of their laziness and disinclination for work returned to him foolish and ignorant ; and after that he sent out his youngest son Hyrcanus a two days’ journey into the wilderness to sow the ground, giving him three hundred yoke of oxen, but hiding the yoke- straps. He, however, on coming to the place without having the straps, disregarded the counsel of the ox- historian Josephus himself (cf. Vita 7 ff.); in the further details of the narrative he detects traces of older biblical motifs, such as the deception practised by Laban on Jacob, the envy of Joseph's brothers, the favour shown to Joseph by Pharaoh. At the same time he traces a parallelism between the Tobiad story and the narrative concerning the high priests Jason and Menelaus in 2 Macce., concluding (p. 102) that ‘* Joseph of the Tobiad story is really the Mene- laus of 2 Macce., while Hyrcanus is a free remodelling (Um- estaltung) of Jason.” There is, of course, no doubt that a arge part of the Tobiad story is fiction, but historical elements also are to be found. 99 The remark- able char- acter of the young Hyrcanus, 194 195 196 197 JOSEPHUS βουλευόντων πέμπειν πρὸς τὸν πατέρα κομιοῦντάς τινας τοὺς ἱμάντας, τὸν δὲ καιρὸν ἡγησάμενος μὴ δεῖν ἀπολλύναι περιμένοντα τοὺς ἀποσταλησομένους, ἐπενόησέ τι στρατηγικὸν καὶ τῆς ἡλικίας πρεσβύ- τερον. κατασφάξας γὰρ δέκα ζεύγη τὰ μὲν κρέα τοῖς ἐργάταις διένειμε, τεμὼν δὲ τὰς δορὰς αὐτῶν καὶ ποιήσας ἱμάντας ἐνέδησε τούτοις τὰ ζυγά, καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον σπείρας ἣς ὃ πατὴρ αὐτῷ προσ- ἔταξε γῆν ὑπέστρεψε πρὸς αὐτόν. ἐλθόντα δ᾽ ὁ πατὴρ ὑπερηγάπησε τοῦ φρονήματος, καὶ τὴν ὀξύτητα τῆς διανοίας καὶ τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ τολμηρὸν ἐπαινέσας ὡς μόνον ὄντα γνήσιον ἔτι μᾶλλον ἔστεργεν, ἀχθομένων ἐπὶ τούτῳ τῶν ἀδελφῶν. (7) ‘Qs δ᾽ ἀπήγγειλέ τις αὐτῷ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν υἱὸν τῷ βασιλεῖ Πτολεμαίῳ γεγενῆσθαι, καὶ πάντες οἱ πρῶτοι τῆς Συρίας καὶ τῆς ὑπηκόου χώρας ἑορτάζοντες τὴν γενέσιον ἡμέραν τοῦ παιδίου μετὰ μεγάλης παρασκευῆς εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ἐξώρμων, αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπὸ γήρως κατείχετο, τῶν δὲ υἱῶν ἀπεπειρᾶτο εἴ τις αὐτῶν ἀπελθεῖν βούλεται πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα. τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτέρων παραιτη- σαμένων καὶ πρὸς τὰς τοιαύτας συνουσίας ἀγροι- κότερον ἔχειν φησάντων, τὸν δ᾽ ἀδελφὸν ‘Y pKavov 2 Ptolemy Epiphanes’ elder son, Ptolemy Philometor, was born in 187 or 186 8.6. ; his younger son, Ptolemy Euergetes II (Physcon) was born sometime after 185 B.c., cf. Bevan, Ptol. pp. 282-285. > Above, in § 160, Josephus has described Joseph as “ still a young man’ when he became tax-collector of Coele- Syria after Ptolemy’s marriage with Cleopatra, which was 100 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 193-197 drivers, who advised him to send some men to his father to bring back the straps, for he thought that he ought not to lose time in waiting for those who might be sent, and instead conceivedgan ingenious plan worthy *of an older man. Accordingly, he slaughtered*ten yoke of oxen and after distributing their meat among the workmen, he cut up“their hides and made straps with which he fastened the yokes ; and when he had in this way sown the ground which his father had ordered him to sow, he returned to him. And when he came, his father was more than delighted with his good sense, and commending the uickness of his intelligence and the boldness combined with this, he loved him still more as if he were his only genuine son, and this vexed his brothers. , (7) About this time he was told by someone that a son had been bortf to King Ptolemy,? and all the lead- ing men of Syria and the territory subject to him were setting out with a great array for Alexandria to Seelebrate the birthday of the child ; he himself was kept from going by his age, but he tried his sons to see whether any of them was willing to go abroad to the king.® The elder sons, however, begged to be excused, saying they were too rough © for such com- pany, but they advised him to send their brother c. 193 B.c, It is therefore unlikely that at the birth of Ptolemy’s son (whether elder or younger), he “‘ was kept from going by his age” or had sons old enough to go abroad. This is one of several difficulties caused by Josephus’ state- ments that Joseph’s activity began in the reign of Ptolemy Epiphanes. ° In this connexion we may mention the correspondence of an earlier Tobiad with Ptolemy Philadelphus preserved in the papyri (ef. works cited in Appendix E), which shows how “rough”? an Ammonite chief could be, even when address- ing a king. 101 Hyrcanus sets out for Alexandria to celebrate the birth of Ptolemy's son. y JOSEPHUS / / « / > ,ὔ - πέμπειν συμβουλευσάντων, ἡδέως ἀκούσας καλεῖ ‘ « ‘ \ > / ‘ \ / tov “Ὑρκανὸν καὶ εἰ δύναιτο πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα , ‘ > /, / > > / > 198 βαδίσαι καὶ εἰ πρόθυμός ἐστιν ἀνέκρινεν. ἐπαγ- / \ / θ 1 \ ὃ - θ if γειλαμένου δὲ πορεύσεσθαι' καὶ δεῖσθαι χρημάτων οὐ πολλῶν φήσαντος εἰς τὴν ὁδόν (ζήσεσθαι γὰρ ἐπιεικῶς ὥστε ἀρκέσειν αὐτῷ δραχμὰς μυρίας), 199 ἥσθη τοῦ παιδὸς τῇ σωφροσύνῃ. διαλιπὼν δὲ > ,ὔ « A / ~ \ ~ A ὀλίγον ὁ παῖς συνεβούλευε TH πατρὶ δῶρα μὲν αὐτόθεν μὴ πέμπειν τῷ βασιλεῖ, δοῦναι δὲ ἐπι- στολὴν πρὸς τὸν ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ οἰκονόμον, ὅπως ? ~ Ψ \ > εἶ : Ἃ Ὁ“ / ‘ αὐτῷ παρέχῃ πρὸς ὠνὴν ὧν av εὕρῃ καλλίστων καὶ 200 πολυτελῶν χρήματα. ὁ δὲ νομίζων δέκα ταλάντων ” \ > \ \ ~ a / ἔσεσθαι τὴν εἰς Tas δωρεὰς τῷ βασιλεῖ δαπάνην, καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἐπαινέσας ὡς παραινοῦντα καλῶς, 7 - > , ᾽ , 8, Mek “ ΔΉ» γράφει τῷ οἰκονόμῳ ᾿Αρίονι, ὃς ἅπαντα τὰ ἐν 3 / , > “ ὃ 4 > Μ Αλεξανδρείᾳ χρήματα αὐτοῦ διῴκει, οὐκ ὄντα > / / / ¢ \ 3 / εὐ 201 ἐλάσσω τρισχιλίων ταλάντων: 6 γὰρ ᾿Ιώσηπος τὰ > \ ~ / / ” ] > / ἀπὸ Ths Συρίας χρήματα ἔπεμπεν eis ᾿Αλεξάν- \ ~ ,ὕ > ’ὔ > «a ” dpevav καὶ τῆς προθεσμίας ἐνισταμένης, καθ᾽ ἣν ἔδει τῷ βασιλεῖ τοὺς φόρους ἀπαριθμεῖν, ἔγραφε τῷ 202 ᾿Αρίονι τοῦτο ποιεῖν. πρὸς οὖν τοῦτον ἀπαιτήσας > τὸν πατέρα ἐπιστολήν, λαβὼν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ὥρμησεν. ἐξελθόντος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ γράφουσιν οἱ 102 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 197-202 Hyrcanus ; gladly listening to them, therefore, he called Hyrcanus and asked him whether he was able and willing to travel to the king. And when he undertook*to go, saying he would not need much money for the journey—for, he added, he would live reasonably, so that ten thousand drachmas would suffice him—Joseph was pleased with his son’s‘nodera- tion. But a little while afterward the son advised his father not to send the king gifts from where he was,4 but to give him a letter to his steward in Alexandria in order that he might provide him with money to buy the most beautiful and precious things which he could find. Joseph, therefore, thinking that the cost of the presents for the king would be ten-~talents, com- mended his son for his excellent suggestion, and wrotesto his“tteward Arion, who managed all the wealth which he had in Alexandria, amounting to not less than three thousand talents.’ For Joseph used 5 to send to Alexandria the money collected from ® Syria, and when the appointed day came on which he was required to pay over the tribute to the king, he would write to Arion to do this. And so, having asked his father for a letter to this man, and having received it, Hyrcanus set out for Alexandria. But when he had gone, his brothers wrote to all the 2 Jerusalem, cf. § 222. > Cf. §176, where Joseph offers to pay Ptolemy double the sum of 8000 talents for the right to farm the taxes of Coele-Syria. Here the 3000 talents apparently represent his profits for several years. But these figures should not be taken too seriously, since, as we have seen, this part of the Tobiad story is largely fictitious. 1 ed. pr.: πορεύεσθαι codd. E. 2 χρημάτων FLMA corr. 8 ᾿Αρίωνι LVE hic et infra, PA infra: ᾿Αρείω W. 103 203 204 205 206 JOSEPHUS ἀδελφοὶ πᾶσι τοῖς τοῦ βασιλέως φίλοις ἵν᾿ αὐτὸν διαφθείρωσιν. (8) ‘Qs δὲ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ἀπέδωκε τῷ ᾿Αρίονι τὴν ἐπιστολήν, ἐπερωτήσαντος ~ a > αὐτοῦ πόσα βούλεται τάλαντα λαβεῖν (ἤλπισε, ὃ , \ > / / nn - / / αὐτὸν αἰτήσειν δέκα ἢ βραχεῖ τούτων πλέον), 2 ,ὔ / / > ‘ > / εἰπόντος χιλίων χρήζειν, ὀργισθεὶς ἐπέπληττεν ~ ~ ~~ « αὐτῷ ὡς ἀσώτως ζῆν διεγνωκότι, καὶ πῶς" ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ συναγάγοι τὴν οὐσίαν πονῶν" καὶ ταῖς » ’ὔ > ,ὔ > , \ A > ‘ ἐπιθυμίαις ἀντέχων ἐδήλου, Kal μιμητὴν αὐτὸν » , 7 - ,ὔ / > > \ ἠξίου γενέσθαι τοῦ γεγεννηκότος" δώσειν δ᾽ οὐδὲν ΄ ” 4 , ,ὔ \ aA Sis \ πλέον ἔλεγε' ταλάντων δέκα, καὶ ταῦτ᾽ εἰς δωρεὰς ΄- A \ A ¢ A > \ ‘ τῷ βασιλεῖ. παροξυνθεὶς δὲ 6 παῖς εἰς δεσμὰ τὸν ᾿Αρίονα ἐνέβαλεν. τῆς δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αρίονος γυναικὸς ~ / ~ / \ / τοῦτο δηλωσάσης τῇ KAcomdtpa Kat δεηθείσης ὅπως ἐπιπλήξῃ τῷ παιδί (σφόδρα γὰρ ἦν ὁ ᾿Αρίων ἐν τιμῇ παρ᾽ αὐτῇ), φανερὸν τῷ βασιλεῖ τοῦτο ἐποίησεν ἡ λεοπάτρα. ὁ δὲ Πτολεμαῖος πέμψας \ \ ey ‘ / » ~ > πρὸς τὸν “Ypxavov θαυμάζειν ἔλεγε πῶς ἀπο- \ A .} \ ¢ \ ~ \ » » ᾿, σταλεὶς πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς οὔτε ὀφθείη αὐτῷ καὶ προσέτι δήσειε τὸν οἰκονόμον: ἐλθόντα οὖν τὴν αἰτίαν αὐτῷ μηνύειν ἐκέλευσεν. τὸν δέ φασιν ἀποκρίνασθαι τῷ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως λέγειν αὐτῷ ὅτι νόμος ἐστὶ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ κωλύων τὸν γε- νεθλιάζοντα᾽ γεύσασθαι θυσίας" πρὶνἷ εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν 1 ἤλπιζε FMV. 3. ὡς Niese. 104 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 202-206 friends of the king that they should make an end of him. (8) When he came to Alexandria, he delivered the letter to Arion, who asked him how many talents he wished to have—he hoped that he would2ask for ten or a little more—, but when he said he meeded a “thousand, Arion became angry and rebuked him for having chosen a dissolute way of life, and explained to him how his father had amassed his wealth by working hard and restraining his desires, and he advised him to imitate the example of his sire. He added that he would giveshim no more than ten talents, and these for presents to the king. At this the youth was provoked and threw’Arion into chains. But Arion’s wife informed Cleopatra of this and begged her to rebuke the youth—for Arion was held by her in great esteem—, whereupon Cleopatra made the matter known to the king. So Ptolemy sent to Hyrcanus, saying he was surprised that having been sent to him by his father, he had not appeared before him and had, moreover, imprisoned the steward. He ordered him, therefore, to come and explain to him the reason for his conduct. But Hyrcanus is said to have replied to the man sent by the king that he should tell him that there was a law in his country which prevented the*celebrant of a birthday from partaking of a sacrifice before he had gone into the 3 Niese: ὡς πονῶν (+ πλεῖον FV, + πλείονα M) codd. 4 ἔλεγε om. PFMV. ® Herwerden: γεννηθέντα codd. θυσιῶν P: τὸν. . . θυσίας] communes epulas prius at- tingere Lat. * πρὶν av ὁ πατὴρ Suppl. Herwerden. 6 105 Hyrcanus punishes his father's steward at Alexandria. JOSEPHUS ἔλθη" Kat θύσῃ" τῷ θεῷ: κατὰ δὴ τοῦτον τὸν Ao- γισμὸν οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐλθεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν, περιμένων τὰ δῶρα κομίσαι τοῦ πατρὸς εὐεργέτῃ γεγενημένῳ. 207 τὸν δὲ δοῦλον κολάσαι παρακούσαντα ὧν προσ- ἔταξεν: διαφέρειν γὰρ οὐδὲν ἢ μικρὸν εἶναί τινα δεσπότην 1 ἢ μέγαν. ἂν οὖν μὴ κολάζωμεν τοὺς τοιούτους, καὶ σὺ προσδόκα ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχομένων καταφρονηθήσεσθαι.᾽᾽ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ὁ IItoXe- A > / > / \ \\ 4 μαῖος eis γέλωτα ἐτράπη Kal τὴν μεγαλοφροσύνην τοῦ παιδὸς ἐθαύμασεν. 208 (0) Μαθὼν δὲ ὁ ᾿Αρίων ὅτι τοῦτον ὁ βασιλεὺς διετέθη τὸν τρόπον καὶ ὅτι μηδεμία βοήθειά ἐστιν αὐτῷ, δοὺς τὰ χίλια τάλαντα τῷ παιδὲ τῶν δεσμῶν > / \ cal \ « / α΄ ¢ \ ἀπελύθη. Kat τρεῖς διαλιπὼν ἡμέρας ὁ ‘YpKavos 209 ἠσπάσατο τοὺς βασιλέας: of δὲ ἀσμένως αὐτὸν > \ / e / \ \ \ A εἶδον καὶ φιλοφρόνως εἱστίασαν διὰ τὴν πρὸς TOV πατέρα τιμήν. λάθρα δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἐμπόρους ἀπελθὼν ὠνεῖται παρ᾽ αὐτῶν παῖδας μὲν ἑκατὸν γράμματα ἐπισταμένους καὶ ἀκμαιοτάτους, ἑνὸς ἕκαστον ταλάντου, ἑ ἑκατὸν δὲ παρθένους τῆς αὐτῆς 210 τιμῆς ἑκάστην. κληθεὶς δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἑστίασιν πρὸς τὸν 1 ἔλθοι PLAW: ἔλθει M: ἂν ἔλθῃ Naber. 2 θῦσαι AW: θύσει MV. 2 It seems necessary to adopt Herwerden’s emendation γενεθλιάζοντα, “ celebrant of a birthday,” for γεννηθέντα, “ one begotten ” or “ἡ male child’? ; but we can hardly accept his second suggestion, which is to read “ἡ before his (the child’s) father had gone into the temple,’ since Hyreanus could hardly expect Ptolemy to believe that a Jewish law obliged a Jew to wait for a pagan father to sacrifice in a pagan temple. On the other hand, if we assume that Hyrcanus’ excuse was that he had gone to a temple to sacrifice, the question remains what Jewish temple in Egypt he could have gone to (there is 106 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 206-210 temple and sacrificed to God%; it was in accordance with this same principle that he himself had not come eto the king, but was waiting to bring the gifts to him 3who had been his father’s benefactor. As for the slave, he had punished him for disobeying the orders which he had been given ; for it made no difference, he added, whether one were a small master or a great one. “‘ For if we do not punish such fellows, even you may expect to be held in contempt by your subjects.” When Ptolemy heard this, he fell to laughing, and admired the high spirit of the youth. (9) But Arion, on learning that this was the way Hyrcanus the king felt and that there was no help for him, $70" gave the thousand talents to the youth, and was rivals. released from chains. And after letting’three days go by, Hyrcanus paid“his respects to the royal pair, who were glad to see him and entertained him in friendly fashion in honour of his father. Then he secretly went to the slave-dealers and bought from them a hundred boys who were well educated and in the prime of youth, at a talent apiece, and a hundred virgins at the same price. Now once when he was no indication in this story that Hyrcanus had renounced Judaism); the temple of Onias was founded considerably later, cf. §§ 387 ff. Furthermore, according to Josephus him- self, Ap. ii. 205, Jewish law ‘‘ does not allow the birth of our children to be made an occasion for festivity ᾿ς πον much less the birth of pagan children; so also in the ‘Talmud birthday anniversaries are mentioned as a pagan custom, cf. S. Krauss, Talmudische Archdologie ii. 8. Thus there could hardly be a law “‘ in his (Hyreanus’) country ” applying to this celebration (if by θυσία such a celebration is meant—the use of this word here is a further difficulty). Perhaps, the whole problem hardly merits serious consideration in view of Hyrcanus’ obvious invention of a custom, and the fictitious nature of the narrative. 107 211 212° 213 214 215 JOSEPHUS βασιλέα μετὰ τῶν πρώτων τῆς χώρας, ὑποκατα- κλίνεται πάντων, καταφρονηθεὶς ὡς παῖς ἔτι τὴν ἡλικίαν ὑπὸ τῶν τοὺς τόπους κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν διανεμόντων. τῶν δὲ συγκατακειμένων πάντων τῶν μερῶν τὰ ὀστᾶ (ἀφήρουν' γὰρ αὐτοὶ τὰς σάρ- Kas) σωρευόντων ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ “ἵρκανοῦ ὡς πληρῶσαι τὴν παρακειμένην αὐτῷ τράπεζαν, Γρύφων ὃς ἦν τοῦ βασιλέως ἄθυρμα καὶ πρὸς τὰ σκώμματα καὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς πότοις γέλωτας ἀπεδέ- δεικτο,, παρακαλεσάντων αὐτὸν τῶν κατακειμένων τῇ τραπέζῃ παρεστὼς τῷ βασιλεῖ, “᾿ ὁρᾷς, εἶπεν, “ὦ δέσποτα, τὰ παρακείμενα ‘Ypxav@ ὀστᾶ; ἐκ τούτου στόχασαι ὅτι καὶ ὃ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ τὴν Συρίαν ἅπασαν περιέδυσεν ὡς οὗτος ταῦτα τῶν σαρκῶν ἐγύμνωσεν.᾽᾽ γελάσαντος δὲ πρὸς τὸν τοῦ Τρύ- φωνος λόγον τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ἐρομένου τὸν “Ὑρκανὸν 6 ὅτι τοσαῦτα αὐτῷ παράκειται ὀστᾶ, “' εἰκό- τως, δ εἶπεν, “ὦ δέσποτα" τοὺς μὲν yap κύνας τὰ ὀστᾶ σὺν τοῖς κρέασιν κατεσθίειν, ὥσπερ οὗτοι᾽ (πρὸς τοὺς κατακειμένους Preah ὅτι μηθὲν ἔμπροσθεν αὐτῶν ἔκειτο) “ot .d€ ἄνθρωποι τὸ κρέας ἐσθίουσι, τὰ δ᾽ ὀστᾶ ῥίπτουσιν, ὅπερ ἀν- θρωπος ὧν κἀγὼ νῦν πεποίηκα. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς θαυμάσας" τὴν ἀπόκρισιν αὐτοῦ σοφὴν οὕτως γενομένην, πάντας ἐκέλευσεν ἀνακροτῆσαι, τῆς εὐτραπελίας ἀποδεχόμενος" αὐτόν. τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ πρὸς ἕκαστον τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως φίλων πορευόμενος καὶ τῶν περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν δυνατῶν τοὺς μὲν ἠσπά- ζετο, παρὰ δὲ τῶν οἰκετῶν ἐπυνθάνετο" τί μέλ- 1 ἀνήρουν PFLV. 2 avededexto FMV: ἐπεδέδεκτο Εἰ : ἐπεδείκνυτο Suidas, 3 θαυμάζει PAWE. 4 καὶ πάντας PAWE 108 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 210-215 invited together with the leading men of the country to feast with the king, he was placed at the foot of the table, being slighted as still a youth by those who as- signed the places according torank. And all those who reclined at table with Hyrcanus piled up before him the bones of their portions—from which they them- selves had removed the meat—, so as to cover the part of the table where he reclined, whereupon Tryphon, who was the king’s jester and was appointed to make jokes and raise laughter when there was drinking, with the encouragement of those who reclined at the table, stood up before the king and said, “ My lord, do you see the bones lying before Hyrcanus ἢ ? From this you may guess that his*father has stripped*all Syria in the same way as Hyrcanus has left these bones bare of meat.’’ The king then laughed at Tryphon’s words, and asked Hyrcanus why there were so many bones lying before him, and he replied, “ It gyreanus by is natural, my lord ; for dogs eat the bones together ng vit and with the meat,#as these men do ’—and he looked wins the toward those who reclined there, indicating that there ἴαγοῦν of Ptolemy and was nothing lying before them—, “ but men eat the Cleopatra. emeat and throw the bones away, which is just what I, being a man, have now done.” Thereupon the king, who admired his reply for being so clever, and to show approval of his wit, ordered all to applaud.¢ But the next day Hyrcanus, going to each of the king’ 8 friends and the men powerful at court, and paying his respects to them, inquired Of their servants what gift 2 Variant “ ordered all to applaud and show their approval of his wit.” A similar story is told by Herodotus iii. 32. © ἀποδεχομένους ΕἼ ΜΝ Lat. fort. recte. ὁ ἀπεπυνθάνετο PEMV. 109 JOSEPHUS λουσιν διδόναι TH βασιλεῖ δῶρον ἐν τῇ τοῦ παιδὸς κι - > ~ 216 αὐτοῦ γενεσίῳ. τῶν δὲ τοὺς μὲν ava δέκα τάλαντα , ’ Ε / \ \ > > / ‘ \ μέλλειν διδόναι φησάντων, τοὺς δὲ ἐν ἀξίᾳ κατὰ TO μέγεθος τῆς οὐσίας ἕκαστον αὐτῶν, ὑπεκρίνετο λυπεῖσθαι διὰ τὸ μὴ δύνασθαι τοιαύτην προσενεγ- κεῖν δωρεάν: πλέον γὰρ πέντε ταλάντων οὐκ ἔχειν. “,} > - οἱ δὲ θεράποντες ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσαντες ἀπήγγελλον τοῖς ‘ > ~ 217 δεσπόταις. χαιρόντων δ᾽ αὐτῶν ws καταγνωσ- θησομένου τοῦ ᾿Ιωσήπου καὶ “προσκρούσοντος τῷ βασιλεῖ διὰ τὴν βραχύτητα τῆς δωρεᾶς, “ἐνστάσης τῆς ἡμέρας οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι προσέφερον τῷ βασιλεῖ ταλάντων οἱ λίαν μεγαλοδωρεῖσθαι νομίζοντες οὐ - «ς a πλεῖον" εἴκοσι, ὁ δὲ ‘Ypxavos ods ὠνήσατο παῖδας ἑκατὸν καὶ παρθένους τοσαύτας ἀνὰ τάλαντον ἑκάστῳ φέρειν δοὺς προσήγαγε, τοὺς μὲν τῷ - \ ΔΝ ~ ΄ / \ 218 βασιλεῖ, tas δὲ τῇ KAcomdtpa. πάντων δὲ θαυ- > ~ μασάντων τὴν παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα τῶν δώρων πολυτέλειαν καὶ τῶν βασιλέων αὐτῶν, καὶ τοῖς φίλοις ἔτι καὶ 4 , ᾿Ξ > a τοῖς περὶ τὴν θεραπείαν τοῦ βασιλέως οὖσιν πολλῶν » / ~ ” € cal \ ? ἄξια ταλάντων δῶρα ἔδωκεν, ws διαφυγεῖν τὸν ἐξ αὐτῶν κίνδυνον: τούτοις γὰρ ἐγεγράφεισαν αὐτοῦ οἱ 3 \ / \ « / a 219 ἀδελφοὶ διαχρήσασθαι τὸν “Ypxavdv. [Πτολεμαῖος > ~ δὲ τὴν μεγαλοψυχίαν ἀγασάμενος" τοῦ μειρακίου, προσέταττεν αὐτῷ δωρεὰν ἣν βούλεται λαμβάνειν. «ς > r \ / > , > ~ / > > ~ ὁ δ᾽ οὐδὲν πλέον ἠξίωσεν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἢ γράψαι τῷ πατρὶ καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς περὶ αὐτοῦ. 220 τιμήσας οὖν αὐτὸν φιλοτιμότατα καὶ δωρεὰς δοὺς λαμπράς, καὶ τῷ τε πατρὶ γράψας καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐπιτρόποις, 921 ἐξέπεμψεν. ἀκούσαντες δὲ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ τούτων 1 γενεθλίῳ FLMV. ἘΨ Lat. (vid.): πλειόνων rell, ὃ ἀσπασάμενος FMV. 110 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 215-221 their“masters were going to give the king for the child’s birthday. And when they said that some were going to give gifts worth ten talents, while of the others, who were of high rank, each would give in accordance with the amount of his wealth, he pre- tended*to be grieved at not being able to bring so large a present, saying he had no more than five talents. Accordingly, when the servants heard this, they reported it to their masters. And they rejoiced at the thought that Joseph would be judged unfavour- ably and “offend the king by the smallness of his present ; and when the day came, the others brought their offerings to the king, which in the case of those who believed themselves to be unusually munificent were not worth more than twenty talents, but*Hyr- canus brought the hundred boys and hundred virgins whom he had purchased, and giving each of them a talent to carry, presented them, the boys the king, and the *girls to Cleopatra. And while all were astonished at the unexpected lavishness of his gifts, including the royal pair themselves, he also gave to the king’s friends and to those who were in attendance on him gifts worth many talents so as to escape any danger from them; for Hyrcanus’ brothers hade written to them to make an end of him. ‘Then «Ptolemy in admiration of “ the young man’s magnani- mity“directed him to take whatever present he wished. ,But he asked that the king do no more for him than ‘to write to his father and brothers about him. And so the king, after showing him the highest honour and giving him splendid presents, wrote to his father and brothers and to all his governors and adminis- trators, and sent him away. But when Hyrcanus’ ςς α Variant “ hailing ’’ or ὁ welcoming.” 111 JOSEPHUS τετυχηκότα τὸν “Ὑρκανὸν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ μετὰ μεγάλης ἐ ἐπανερχόμενον τιμῆς, ἐξῆλθον ὑ ὑπαν- τησόμενοι καὶ διαφθεροῦντες αὐτόν, καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς εἰδότος" ὀργιζόμενος γὰρ αὐτῷ ἕνεκεν τῶν εἰς τὰς δωρεὰς χρημάτων οὐκ ἐφρόντιζε τῆς σωτηρίας αὐτοῦ. τὴν ὀργὴν μέντοι τὴν πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν ὁ ᾿Ιώσηπος ἀπεκρύπτετο, φοβούμενος τὸν βασιλέα. 222 συμβαλόντων. δ᾽ αὐτῷ τῶν ἀδελφῶν εἰς μάχην, ἄλλους τε τῶν σὺν αὐτοῖς πολλοὺς ἀπέκτεινε καὶ δύο τῶν ἀδελφῶν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ διεσώθησαν εἰς ἹἹεροσόλυμα πρὸς τὸν πατέρα. παραγενόμενον δ᾽ αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐπεὶ μηδεὶς ἐδέχετο, δείσας ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς THY πέραν τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου ποταμοῦ, κἀκεῖ διέτριβε φορολογῶν τοὺς βαρβάρους. 223 (10 ) ᾿Εβασίλευσε δὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν τῆς Sn Σέλευκος ὁ Σωτὴρ" ἐπικαλούμενος, υἱὸς ὧν 294 ᾿Αντιόχου τοῦ μεγάλου. τελευτᾷ δὲ καὶ 6 τοῦ “Ὑρκανοῦ πατὴρ ᾿Ιώσηπος, ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς γενόμενος καὶ μεγαλόφρων καὶ τὸν τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων λαὸν ἐκ πτωχείας καὶ πραγμάτων ἀσθενῶν εἰς λαμπροτέρας ἀφορμὰς τοῦ βίου καταστήσας, εἴκοσι ἔτη καὶ δύο τὰ τέλη τῆς Συρίας καὶ τῆς Φοινίκης καὶ Σαμαρείας 1 τὸ LAMW Zonaras. 2 Φιλοπάτωρ cod. NC ex chronographis, rec. Usser, Dindorf. 3 εἴκοσι. . . δύο] τριάκοντα καὶ ἕξ ἔτη cod. NC. 2 A. Tscherikower, Jews and Greeks (in Hebrew), 1980, pp. 175 f., plausibly suggests that the real reason for Joseph’s later hostility toward Hyreanus and for the envy of Hyreanus’ brothers was the young man’s success in taking from his father the position and perquisites he had obtained from Ptolemy. 112 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 221-224 “brothers heard that he had obtained these favours qy¢ struggie from the king and was returning with great honour, πος they went out to meet him and do away with him, Saige even though their father knew of it; for being Prothers. angry with him*because of the money which had been spent for the presents, he felt no concern for his safety ; his anger at his son had, however, been con- cealed by Joseph, who feared the king.t And when Hyrcanus’ ‘brothers encountered him“in battle, he ’ killed many of the men with them and also two of the brothers themselves, while the rest escaped to their father in Jerusalem. Hyrcanus therefore went to that city, but as no one admitted him, he withdrew in fear to the country across the river Jordan, and ,there made his home,“4evying tribute on the bar- barians.? (10)¢ At that time there had begun to reign @ ae over Asia Seleucus, surnamed Soter,? who was the Neb son of "Antiochus the Great. And then also “died Cais Hyrcanus’ father Joseph, who had been an excellent and high-minded man and had brought the Jewish people from poverty and a state of weakness to more splendid opportunities of life during the twenty-two years when he controlled the taxes of Syria, Phoenicia > Cf. § 229. ὁ It is generally assumed, with reason, that the following section, §§ 223-236 (with the exception, of course, of the Spartan letter, §§ 225-227), comes from another and more historical source than the preceding section of the Tobiad story. 4 ἐβασίλευσε is probably an inceptive aorist; it may, however, be the “ἡ complexive ”’ or “ concentrative ”’ aorist, meaning simply “ reigned,” as in § 234 (#pée). * The surname of Seleucus IV (187-175 8.c.) was Philo- pator; Soter was the surname of his uncle Seleucus III (226-223 B.c.). 113 226 ᾽ 227 228 JOSEPHUS , > / \ νυ. A > με Ὁ , κατασχών. ἀπέθανε δὲ καὶ 6 θεῖος αὐτοῦ ’Ovias, / a τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην Σίμωνι τῷ παιδὶ καταλιπών. \ / A 2 c e\ , ~ / 5 τελευτήσαντος δὲ καὶ τούτου, ὃ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ διά- δοχος τῆς τιμῆς ᾿Ονίας γίνεται, πρὸς ὃν ὃ Λακε- δαιμονίων βασιλεὺς [Ἄρειος πρεσβείαν τε ἔπεμψε καὶ ἐπιστολάς, ὧν τὸ ἀντίγραφόν ἐστι τοιοῦτο" “ βασιλεὺς Λακεδαιμονίων Αρειος ᾿Ονίᾳ χαίρειν. ἐντυχόντες γραφῇ τινι εὕρομεν ὡς ἐξ ἑνὸς elev γένους ᾿Ιουδαῖοι καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ ἐκ τῆς πρὸς "ABpapov' οἰκειότητος. δίκαιον οὖν ἐστιν ἀδελ- φοὺς ὑμᾶς" ὄντας διαπέμπεσθαι πρὸς ἡμᾶς" περὶ ὧν ἂν βούλησθε. ποιήσομεν δὲ καὶ ἡμεῖς τοῦτο," καὶ τά τε ὑμέτερα ἴδια νομιοῦμεν καὶ τὰ αὑτῶν κοινὰ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἕξομεν. Δημοτέλης ὁ φέρων τὰ γράμ- ματα διαπέμπει τὰς ἐπιστολάς. τὰ “γεγραμμένα ἐστὶ τετράγωνα" ἡ σφραγίς ἐστιν ἀετὸς δράκοντος ἐπειλημμένος.᾿ (11) “H μὲν οὖν ἐπιστολὴ ἡ πεμφθεῖσα ὑπὸ" τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλέως τοῦτον περιεῖχε τὸν τρόπον. ἀποθανόντος δὲ ᾿Ιωσήπου τὸν λαὸν ᾿ ᾿Αβράαμον (‘A. F) PFL: Abraham Lat. ἡμᾶς P. 3 ἀλλ ἥλους ἘΠ 4 βουλοίμεθα Ῥ. 5 τὸ αὐτὸ FV Lat. 8 rapa V. @ Cf. §175, “the taxes of Coele-Syria, Phoenicia and Judaea with Samaria.” » Simon II. ¢ Onias III, ef. Appendix B. @ For literature on this letter (found in 1 Mace. xii. 20 ff. and referred to again in Ant. xiii. 167), see Appendix F. * More correctly Areus (as in some mss., Ant. xiii. 167). There were only two Spartan kings of this name, Areus I, 309-265 B.c., and Areus II, who died as a child in 255 Β.6.Ψ Josephus is therefore mistaken in placing it in the time of 114 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 224-228 and Samaria.* And death also came to his uncle Onias, who left the high priesthood to his son Simon. When he too died, his son Onias © became his success- or in office, and it was to him that the Lacedaemonian king Areios sent an embassy with a letter, of which the following is acopy.* “ Areios,’ king of the Lace- daemonians, to Onias, greeting. We have come upon a certain document from which we have learned that the~Jews and¥Lacedaemonians ‘are Sf one race and are related by descent from Abraham.’ It is right, therefore, that you as our brothers should send 10) us to make“known Whatever you may wish. We also shall do this, and shall consider what is yours as our own, and what is ours we shall also share with you.” Demoteles,’ the courier,’ is bringing this letter* to you. The writing is square.’ ‘The seal is an eagle holding fast a serpent ™.”’ (11) Such, then, were the contents of the letter sent by the Lacedaemonian king. Now on the death Onias III instead of Onias I, who was high priest c. 300 B.c. (cf. Ant. xi. 347). ΓῚ Mace. Spartiates. (We must remember that the text of 1 Mace. here is a Greek translation of a Hebrew transla- tion of the original Greek letter.) 9 So 1 Mace.; cf. Ant. xiv. 255 where the Pergamenes mention the friendship existing between their ancestors and the Jews in the time of Abraham. ” The next three sentences are not found in 1 Mace. * Reinach suggests that the name Demoteles is borrowed from Xenophon, fell. vii. 1. 32, where it is given to a Spartan herald (who acts as a messenger). 4 Lit. ‘* who is carrying the letter.” ἢ ἐπιστολὰς here, like Lat. litterae, has the force of a sin- gular. ' Or perhaps “ written on a square sheet ’’ as Hudson suggests and Whiston translates. ™ This design was common on seals of theancient Near East. 115 ins Letter of Areios, king of Sparta, i Onias. 1 Mace. xii. 20. Ayrcanus withdraws to his JOSEPHUS συνέβη στασιάσαι διὰ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ. τῶν γὰρ πρεσβυτέρων πόλεμον ἐξενεγκαμένων πρὸς ὝὙὟρ- κανόν, ὃς ἣν νεώτατος τῶν ᾿Ιωσήπου τέκνων, 229 διέστη τὸ πλῆθος. καὶ οἱ μὲν πλείους τοῖς πρεσ- βυτέροις συνεμάχουν καὶ ὃ ἀρχιερεὺς Σίμων διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν" ὁ δὲ “Ὑρκανὸς ἐπανελθεῖν μὲν οὐκέτι διέγνω" εἰς “Ἱεροσόλυμα, προσκαθίσας δὲ τοῖς πέραν τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου συνεχῶς ἐπολέμει τοὺς » ε \ 3. τς bE a \ ApaBas, ὡς πολλοὺς αὐτῶν καὶ ἀποκτεῖναι καὶ λα- 230 βεῖν αἰχμαλώτους. φκοδόμησε δὲ βᾶριν ἐ ἰσχυράν, 231 ex λίθου λευκοῦ κατασκευάσας πᾶσαν μέχρι καὶ τῆς στέγης," ᾿ἐγγλύψας ζῷα παμμεγεθέστατα, περιήγαγε δ᾽ αὐτῇ εὔριπον μέγαν καὶ βαθύν. ἐκ δὲ τῆς καταντικρὺ τοῦ ὄρους πέτρας, διατεμὼν αὐτῆς τὸ προέχον" σπήλαια πολλῶν σταδίων τὸ μῆκος ” κατεσκεύασεν: ἔπειτα οἴκους ἐν αὐτῇ τοὺς μὲν εἰς συμπόσια τοὺς δ᾽ εἰς ὕπνον καὶ δίαιταν ἐποίησεν, 1 FV: ἔγνω rell. E. 2 γῆς PAMW Lat. 3 προσέχον P: sinistram extensionem Lat. @ On the factional strife arising in Jerusalem from division of sympathies between the pro-Ptolemaic and pro-Seleucid parties see the works cited in Appendices E and G. Nt Jeast two problems are here involved, (1) the identity of the “ high priest Simon,”’ whether Simon II whose death has been mentioned above, ὃ 225, or Simon the προστάτης τοῦ ἱεροῦ, whose quarrel with the high priest Onias is described in 2 Mace. iii. 4 ff. ; (2) if, as is probable, the Simon here meant is Simon II, of the Oniad family, why does Josephus say that he favoured Hyrcanus’ brothers “ἡ because of kin- ship with them”? All the sons of Joseph were related to the high priest Onias IJ through their father, cf. § 160; the statement of the ‘‘ Tobiad romance,” §§ 187 ff., that Hyreahus was the son of Joseph by a different mother would only make his relation to the high priestly family closer, since his mother was also related to the high priest. It is just possible, how- 116 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 228-231 of Joseph there arose factional strife among the people fortress in on account of his sons. For the elder*brothers made jordan. war’on Hyreanus, who was the youngest of Joseph’s children, and the population* was divided’ into two camps. And the majority fought on the’side of the elder*brothers, as did the high priest Simon because of kinship with them.? *Hyrcanus, therefore, gave up his intention of returning to Jerusalem, and settled in the country“across the Jordan, where he continu- ally*warred on the Arabs until he killed many of them and took many captive. And he built a strong fortress,° which was constructed entirely of white marble up to the very roof,@ and had beasts"of gigantic size carved on it,’ and he enclosed it with a wide and 2 . a *deep moat. He also cut through the projecting rock opposite the mountain, and made’ caves many stades in length ; then he made chambers in it, some for banqueting and others for sleeping and living, and ever, that by συγγένειαν Josephus means something like ‘“ common interests.” ¢ The ruins of what was probably Hyrcanus’ fortress have been discovered at ‘Arak el-’ Emir in Transjordan, c. 10 miles N.W. of Heshbon and ὁ. 12 miles E. of the Jordan ; they are fully described in Publications of the Princeton Archaeologi- cal Expedition to Syria in 1904/5. Momigliano points out, I Tobiadi, pp. 170 ff., that Josephus is mistaken in saying that Hyrecanus built the fortress, since, as the Zenon papyri show, there was a fortress (Gr. Bapis, Aram. birta) there as early as the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus. The name Jobiyah (Tobiah) inscribed on the rock in one of the caves nearby probably refers to an early Tobiad, perhaps to the Tobiah who was a contemporary of Nehemiah. 4 Variant ‘* down to the very ground.” The context (see next note) seems to favour the reading adopted above. * The archaeological finds reveal a frieze of lions running across the wall just below the roof, cf. C. Watzinger, Denkmiler Palistinas ii., 1935, Tafel 22 (reconstruction after Butler), 117 232 233 234 235 236 JOSEPHUS ὑδάτων δὲ διαθεόντων πλῆθος, ἃ ἃ καὶ τέρψις ἢ ἦν καὶ κόσμος τῆς αὐλῆς, εἰσήγαγεν. τὰ μέντοι στόμια τῶν σπηλαίων, ὥστε ἕνα δι᾽ αὐτῶν εἰσδῦναι' καὶ μὴ πλείους, βραχύτερα ἤνοιξεν" καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἐπίτηδες ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα τοῦ μὴ πολιορκηθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν καὶ κινδυνεῦσαι ληφθεὶς κατεσκεύασεν. προσῳκοδόμησε δὲ καὶ αὐλὰς τῷ μεγέθει δια- φερούσας, ἃ ἃς καὶ " παραδείσοις ἐ ἐκόσμησε παμμήκεσι. καὶ τοιοῦτον ἀπεργασάμενος τὸν τόπον Τύρον ὠνόμασεν. οὗτος ὁ τόπος ἐστὶ μεταξὺ τῆς τε ᾿Αραβίας καὶ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας, πέραν τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου, οὐ πόρρω τῆς ᾿Εσσεβωνίτιδος. ἦρξε δ᾽ ἐκείνων τῶν μερῶν ἐπὶ ἔτη ἑπτά, πάντα τὸν χρόνον ὃν Σέλευκος τῆς Συρίας ἐβασίλευσεν. ἀποθανόντος δὲ 4 > 9 \ ¢ > \ > ‘ ς ‘ τούτου, μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ ἀδελφὸς ᾿Αντίοχος ὁ κληθεὶς > \ \ U / “-“ A ‘ Ἐπιφανὴς τὴν βασιλείαν κατέσχεν. τελευτᾷ δὲ Kat τολεμαῖος ὁ τῆς Αἰγύπτου βασιλεύς, καὶ αὐτὸς > / > / \ th “- ἐπικαλούμενος Ἐπιφανής, καταλιπὼν δύο παῖδας ἔτι βραχεῖς τὴν ἡλικίαν, ὧν ὁ μὲν πρεσβύτερος Φιλομήτωρ ἐκαλεῖτο, Φύσκων δὲ ὁ νεώτερος. “Ὑρκανὸς δὲ ὁρῶν μεγάλην δύναμιν ἔχοντα τὸν > / \ / ~ \ «ς 3 > ~ Avtioxov, καὶ δείσας μὴ συλληφθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κολασθῇ διὰ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς “ApaBas αὐτῷ πεπραγ- 1 εἰσιέναι FLV. 2 xaiom. FVM. 3 ἃς καὶ FLV: καὶ rell. 4 This is undoubtedly the meaning of αὐλή here (though below, in § 233, it seems to have its more common meaning of “ court” or “ὁ enclosure ’’); cf. W. F. Albright, BASOR 49, Feb. 1933, p. 29, ‘‘ The residence of the Tobiad family may perhaps have been a fortified villa.” > Tyre (Tyros) i is the er form of Aram. ¢tird,‘‘ mountain ” (cf. Heb. gar, “ rock ” or “ rock-fortress ”). i18 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 231-236 he let into it an abundance of running water, which was both a delight and an ornament to his country- estate. The “entrances of the caves, however, he made narrower, so that ‘only one person and no more could enter at one time; and this arrangement he made deliberately for the sake of safety, in order to ae the danger of being besieged and taken by is brothers. In addition he also built enclosures remarkable for their size, and adorned them with vast parks. And when he had completed the place in this manner, he named*it*Tyre.2 This place is between Arabia and Judaea, across the Jordan, not far from Essebonitis.© And he*ruled over those parts for seven years, during allethe time that*Seleucus ereigned over Asia.¢ Now when this king ied, his Sates ot brother’Antiochus, surnamed Epiphanes;*occupied the ἘΣ a throne after him. And®Ptolemy, the king of Egypt, Pb@nes- who was also surnamed Epiphanes, died,’ leaving two sons who were still quite young, the elder being called Philometorf and the younger Physcon.? As for *#Hyrcanus, seeing how great was the power which Antiochus had, and fearing that he might be captured by him and punished for what he had done to the © Bibl. Heshbon, cf. ὃ 229 note c. 4 Josephus’ language is careless here ; Seleucus IV ruled from 187 to 175 B.c.=13 years. Possibly, as Otto suggests, PW ix. 530, he means that the 7 years of Hyrcanus’ rule over Transjordan all came within the limits of Seleucus’ reign. * Here too Josephus is somewhat careless, since Ptolemy Epiphanes died in 181 8.c., a few years before the accession of Antiochus Epiphanes to the Seleucid throne. 7 He reigned from 181 to 145 B.c. (during part of which time his brother Physcon contested his right to the throne). ’ He reigned from 145 to 116 8.c., his official surname being Euergetes (II). 119 JOSEPHUS μένα, τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον αὐτόχειρ αὑτοῦ γενόμενος. τὴν δ᾽ οὐσίαν αὐτοῦ πᾶσαν ᾿Αντίοχος λαμβάνει. © € ‘ A A > ‘ \ > ’ὔ \ 2317 (v. 1) ‘Yao δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἀποθανόντος καὶ > , mer iD , A > A Sve el \ Oviov τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, TH ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ" τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ᾿Αντίοχος δίδωσιν: ὁ γὰρ παῖς ὃν > , , , - οὗ ΄ δὲ Ονίας καταλελοίπει νήπιος ἦν ἔτι. δηλώσομεν δὲ τὰ περὶ τοῦ παιδὸς τούτου κατὰ χώραν ἕκαστα. 238 ᾿Ιησοῦς δὲ (οὗτος γὰρ ἦν 6 τοῦ ᾿Ονίου ἀδελφός) τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀφηρέθη προσοργισθέντος αὐτῷ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ὄντος αὐτὴν τῷ νεωτάτῳ αὐτοῦ ἀδελφῷ ᾿Ονίᾳ τοὔνομα: Σίμωνι γὰρ οὗτοι τρεῖς ἐγένοντο παῖδες, καὶ εἰς τοὺς τρεῖς ἧκεν ἡ ἀρχ- ΄ \ / ¢ \ Sp > ~ 239 ιερωσύνη, καθὼς δεδηλώκαμεν. ὁ μὲν οὖν ᾿Ιησοῦς > / - \ / « \ > / > , Ἰάσονα αὑτὸν μετωνόμασεν, ὁ δὲ ᾿Ονίας ἐκλήθη Μενέλαος. στασιάσαντος οὖν τοῦ προτέρου ἀρχ- ιερέως ᾿Ιησοῦ πρὸς τὸν μετὰ ταῦτα κατασταθέντα Μενέλαον, καὶ τοῦ πλήθους διανεμηθέντος εἰς ¢ / >? ~ / / « , ἑκατέρους, ἐκ τῆς Μενελάου μοίρας οἱ Τωβίου A > / A \ / ~ ~ FAD / 240 παῖδες ἐγένοντο, τὸ δὲ πλέον τοῦ λαοῦ τῷ ᾿Ιάσονι 1 + Ἰησοῦ PAMW. « Cf. 2 Mace. iii. 11 ff. where we are told that the fortune of “ Bees. the Tobiad ’ "(κανοῦ τοῦ Τωβίου, cf. E. Meyer, Ursprung i ii. 132 note 2, “* nicht ‘Sohn des Tobias,’ sondern ‘aus dem Geschlecht Tobias ’ ”’) was seized from the treasury of the temple in Jerusalem by Heliodorus, the minister of Seleucus IV. δ Onias III, cf. 8 224. ¢ Variant “* his brother Jesus,” see directly below. 4 Onias IV. ¢ In §§ 387 ff. and Ant. xiii. 62 ff. ’ The three sons being Onias III, Jesus-Jason, and Onias (!)-Menelaus. 9 According to 2 Mace. iv. 23 M enelaus was a brother, not of Onias III, but of Simon, the προστάτης τοῦ ἱεροῦ: Simon, in turn, was, according to 2 Mace. iii. 4, ἐκ τῆς Βενιαμὶν ¢vAjs—either of the tribe of Benjamin or of the priestly family 120 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 236-240 Arabs, he ended his life by his own hand. And all his property was seized by Antiochus.* (v. 1) About this same time the high priest “Onias ὃ also*died, and Antiochus gave the ‘high’ priesthood >to his brother ¢; for the son whom Onias had left was still an infant. “But we shall relate all the facts con- cerning this son @ in the proper place.’ *Jesus, how- ever,—this was the brother of Onias—was deprived of the high-priesthood when the king” became angry with him and gave it*to his youngest brother, named *Onias ; for Simon had three sons, and the high-priest- hood came to all three of them, as we have shown’ Now Jesus*changed his name to¥Jason, while Onias was called Menelaus.? And when the former high priest Jesus rose against Menelaus, who was appointed after him, the populace was divided between the two, the Tobiads being on the side of Menelaus, while the majority of the people supported Jason” ; and being of Benjamin (=Miniamin? ef. 2 Chron. xxxi. 15). More- over, in contrast to what Josephus writes below about Jason expelling the Tobiads from Jerusalem, he says in B.J. i. 31 that it was Onias ‘‘ one of the chief priests ’’ who did so. Another difficulty is that Josephus’s language in the following sentence, ‘‘and when the former high priest Jesus rose against Menelaus, who was appointed after him,” seems to indicate that Menelaus was not a brother of Jason. On the relation of this confused passage (which several scholars, including E. Meyer, think worthless) to other passages in Josephus and 2 Mace. see the works cited in Appendix G. » Observe that above, in ὃ 229, the majority of the people (in Jerusalem) sides with the (presumably) pro-Seleucid Tobiads against the pro-Ptolemaic Hyrcanus, while here the majority sides with Jason against the pro-Seleucid Tobiads and Menelaus (Jason, of course, after his deposition by Antiochus must have become at least passively pro-Ptole- maic). Thus, according to Josephus here, the sympathy of the majority in Jerusalem changed from the Seleucids to the Ptolemies sometime after the accession of Antiochus. VOL. VII E 121 Contention among the high priests under Antiochus Epiphanes. 24 242 -- JOSEPHUS συνελάμβανεν, ὑφ᾽ οὗ καὶ πονούμενοι ὅ τε Μενέλαος καὶ οἱ παῖδες οἱ τοῦ Τωβίου πρὸς ᾿Αντίοχον ἀνεχώρησαν, δηλοῦντες αὐτῷ ὅτι βούλονται τοὺς πατρίους νόμους καταλιπόντες καὶ τὴν κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς πολιτείαν ἕπεσθαι τοῖς βασιλικοῖς καὶ τὴν “EA- ληνικὴν πολιτείαν ἔχειν. παρεκάλεσαν οὖν αὐτὸν ἐπιτρέψαι αὐτοῖς οἰκοδομῆσαι γυμνάσιον. ἐν ‘lepo- σολύμοις. συγχωρήσαντος δὲ καὶ τὴν τῶν αἰδοίων περιτομὴν ἐπεκάλυψαν, ὡς ἂν εἶεν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν ἀπόδυσιν “Ἕλληνες, τά τε ἄλλα πάνθ᾽ ὅσα ἦν αὐτοῖς πάτρια παρέντες ἐμιμοῦντο τὰ τῶν ἀλλοεθνῶν" ἔργα. (2) ᾿Αντίοχος δὲ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτῷ χωρούσης κατὰ τρόπον, ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον διέγνω στρατεύ- σασθαι, πόθον αὐτῆς λαβὼν καὶ διὰ τὸ τῶν Πτολεμαίου παίδων καταφρονεῖν ἀσθενῶν ἔτι τυγ- χανόντων καὶ μηδέπω πράγματα τηλικαῦτα διέπειν 243 δυναμένων. γενόμενος οὖν μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως κατὰ τὸ [Πηλούσιον καὶ δόλῳ τὸν Φιλομήτορα Πτολεμαῖον ἐκπεριελθὼν καταλαμβάνει τὴν Αἴγυπ- τον, καὶ γενόμενος ἐν τοῖς περὶ Μέμφιν τόποις καὶ 1 FLV: ἄλλων ἐθνῶν rell. « At this point begins Josephus’s paraphrase of 1 Mac- cabees (i. 14—xili. 42), which continues to Ant. xiii. 214 (cf. note ad loc. on his omission of the last three chapters of 1 Macc.). The English reader will find a convenient trans- lation with commentary by W. Oesterley in CAP i. 1-66; the older commentary by C. Grimm in O. Fritzsche, Aurz- gefasstes exegetisches Handbuch zu den Apokryphen, 1853, is still valuable; also useful is a recent German translation with commentary by H. Bévenot, Die beiden Makkabderbiicher (in Feldmann und Herkenne, Die heilige Schrift), 1931; the topography of the Maccabean campaigns is discussed by Pére F. Abel in RB xxii-xxv, 1923-1926. For works on the 122 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 240-243 hard pressed by him? Menelaus and the Tobiads with- The helle- . . . . nizers drew, and going to Antiochus informed him that they appeai to Antiochus Epiphanes, 1 Mace. i. 11. wished to abandon their country’s laws and the way of life prescribed by these, and to follow the king’s laws and adopt the Greek way of life.* Accordingly, they petitioned him to permit them to build’ gym- nasium in Jerusalem. And when he had granted this, they also concealed*the circumcision of their private parts in order to*be Greeks even when eunclothed, and giving up whatever other national customs they had, they imitated the practices of foreign nations.? (2) ° But*Antiochus, in whose own kingdom things were going well, determined’*to march’against Egypt because he coveted it and also because he held in contempt the sons of Ptolemy, who were still weak and not yet able to govern so great a state. And so he arrived at Pelusium with a great force,? and circum- venting Ptolemy Philometor by cunning, occupied Egypt; and after he had arrived in the neighbour- chronology and the date of the beginning of the Seleucid era used in 1 Macc. see Appendix J. I follow Bickermann in taking Oct. 312 B.c. as the beginning of the era for events of Seleucid history, and Nisan (roughly April) 311 8.c. for events of internal Jewish history. > 1 Mace. i. 11 ff. places these attempts at hellenization in “ those days,”’ i.e. after the accession of Antiochus Epiphanes, while 2 Macc. iv. 10 ff. ascribes them to the high priest Jason, earlier, in the reign of Seleucus IV. Tscherikower, p. 205, makes the interesting suggestion that Jason and the helle- nizers really wanted to establish a Greek polis in Jerusalem in order to secure the economic privileges enjoyed by Helle- nistic cities. © In the following section, §§ 242-245, Josephus supple- ments from Greek sources the brief account of Antiochus’ expeditions to Egypt given in 1 Macc. i. 17-19. 4 In the summer of 169 B.c, 123 The Romans frustrate A ntiochus’ attempt on E l sypt. — Mace. i. 16, 244 JOSEPHUS ‘ A a > ‘ \ > / κατασχὼν ταύτην ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, ὡς πολιορκίᾳ παραστησόμενος αὐτὴν καὶ τὸν ἐκεῖ βασιλεύοντα χειρωσόμενος Πτολεμαῖον. ἀπ- γι > > “-“ 9 , / > \ \ εκρούσθη δ᾽ οὐ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ὅλης Αἰγύπτου, Ρωμαίων αὐτῷ παραγγειλάν- των ἀπέχεσθαι τῆς χώρας, καθὼς ἤδη που καὶ 245 πρότερον ἐν ἄλλοις δεδηλώκαμεν. διηγήσομαι δὲ 240 247 ~ κατὰ μέρος τὰ περὶ τοῦτον τὸν βασιλέα, ὡς τήν τε ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἐχειρώσατο καὶ τὸν ναόν" ἐν γὰρ τῇ πρώτῃ μου πραγματείᾳ κεφαλαιωδῶς αὐτῶν ἐπι- μνησθεὶς ἀναγκαῖον ἡγησάμην νῦν εἰς τὴν ἐπ᾽ ἀκριβὲς αὐτῶν ἐπανελθεῖν ὑφήγησιν. «ς / \ if > \ 7 > / Ἁ \ (3) “ὑποστρέψας yap’ ἀπὸ τῆς Αἰγύπτου διὰ τὸ 5 « / / « \ > , a | παρὰ “Pwyaiwy δέος ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αντίοχος ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿ἱἱεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν ἐξεστράτευσε, καὶ γενό- μενος ἐν αὐτῇ ἔτει ἑκατοστῷ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ \ / \ οὐ 3 \ τ / - καὶ τρίτῳ μετὰ τοὺς ἀπὸ Σελεύκου βασιλεῖς ἀμαχητὶ λαμβάνει τὴν πόλιν, ἀνοιξάντων αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας ὅσοι τῆς ἐκείνου προαιρέσεως ἦσαν. ἐγκρατὴς δ᾽ οὕτως τῶν “Ἱεροσολύμων γενόμενος πολλοὺς ἀπέκτεινε τῶν τἀναντία φρονούντων, καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ συλήσας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς ᾿Αντιό- χειαν. 1 τοίνυν E: om. PLAM?!W. 2 Ptolemy Physcon. ὁ On the ultimatum delivered to Antiochus by Gaius Popilius Laenas, the head of the Roman embassy, see Polyb. xxix. 97. This, however, was in 168 B.c., cf. note d below. ¢ Josephus is apparently referring to the very brief state- ment in BJ. i. 31 that ‘“‘ when Antiochus Epiphanes was dis- puting with Ptolemy VI the suzerainty of Syria, dissension arose among the Jewish nobles,” although nothing is said there about the intervention of the Romans. Some scholars, therefore, consider this one of the non-vyerifiable cross- 124 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 243-247 hood of Memphis and taken possession of this city, he set out for Alexandria with the intention of redu- cingit by siege and getting into his power the Ptolemy “ who was reigning there. He was, however#tepelled not only from Alexandria, but also from the whole of Egypt, for the*Romans instructe#him to keep away from the country,” as we have already related some- where in an earlier passage. But I shall give a detailed account of this king, how he became master of Judaea and the temple ; for since in my first work I mentioned these things only in summary fashion, I have thought it necessary now to go back and give a more exact account of them. (3) King Antiochus, then, returning from Egypt through fear of the Romans, marched against the city of Jerusalem, and entering it in the hundred and forty-third year of the Seleucid reign,? took the city without a battle, for the gates were opened to him by those who were of his party. And having become master of Jerusalem in this way, he killed many of those who were in opposition,’ and taking large sums of money as spoil,’ he returned to Antioch. references (on which see the Appendix in the last volume of this translation). Even if Josephus is referring to a passage which is either non-existent or non-extant, it may be that in doing so he was under the impression that he had written about the Romans and Antiochus in B.J., but did not take the trouble to look up the earlier passage. I hardly think that Reinach, following Destinon, is justified in labelling the present cross- reference an “‘ étourderie,”’ and holding that the formula “ as we have already related, etc.” is mechanically copied from his source, since he is here apparently paraphrasing the source, not copying it verbatim. 4 In the autumn of 169 B.c. after his first campaign in Egypt but before the Romans intervened. ° Cf. B.J. i. 32, “slew a large number of Ptolemy’s followers.” 7 Cf. note e, p. 126. 125 Antioclvis Epiphanes punishes the Jewish opposition in Jeru- salem. 248 249 250 JOSEPHUS (4) Συνέβη δὲ μετὰ ἔτη δύο, τῷ ἑκατοστῷ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ καὶ πέμπτῳ ἔτει μηνὸς πέμπτῃ καὶ εἰκάδι, ὃς καλεῖται κατὰ μὲν ἡμᾶς Xaodev,’ κατὰ δὲ Μακεδόνας ᾿Απελλαῖος, ὀλυμπιάδι ἑκατοστῇ καὶ πεντηκοστῇ καὶ τρίτῃ, μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως ἀναβῆναι τὸν βασιλέα εἰς ‘lepoodAvpa καὶ προσ- ποιησάμενον εἰρήνην ἀπάτῃ περιγενέσθαι τῆς πόλεως. ἐφείσατο δὴ τότε οὐδὲ τῶν εἰσδεξαμένων αὐτὸν διὰ τὸν ἐν τῷ ναῷ πλοῦτον, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ πλεον- εξίας (χρυσὸν γὰρ ἑώρα πολὺν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ καὶ τὸν ἄλλον τῶν ἀναθημάτων κόσμον πολυτελέστατον), ἵνα συλήσῃ τοῦτον, ὑπέμεινε τὰς πρὸς ἐκείνους αὐτῷ σπονδὰς παραβῆναι. περιδύσας οὖν τὸν ναόν, ὡς καὶ τὰ σκεύη τοῦ θεοῦ βαστάσαι λυχνίας χρυσᾶς καὶ βωμὸν χρύσεον καὶ τράπεζαν καὶ τὰ θυσιαστήρια, καὶ μηδὲ τῶν καταπετασμάτων ἀπο- σχόμενος, ἅπερ ἦν ἐκ βύσσου καὶ κόκκου πεποιη- μένα, κενώσας δὲ καὶ τοὺς θησαυροὺς τοὺς 1 ex Lat. Naber: Κασελεὺς AM: Χασελέφ, ᾧ ex υ corr. m 1 W: ᾿έελέους P: Ζαλαιοῦς F: Ζαλεοῦς V. 2 168 s.c. The 145th yr. Sel. extended from Oct. 168 to Oct. 167 B.c.; the second invasion, therefore, was only a little more than a year after the first, according to our reckon- ing, not ‘‘ two years later,” as the first invasion fell in the second half of the 143rd yr. Sel. and the second invasion in the first half of the 145th yr. Sel., but the interval was counted as 2 yrs. See further Bickermann, GM, pp. 160-168. > The mss. of 1 Macc. i. 54 have “‘ 15th day,” but this is an error for ‘‘ 25th day,” as is shown by other passages in 1 Mace. and by Jewish tradition. © Heb. Kislew, roughly December. 4 On the equation Chasleu-Apellaios, cf. Ant. xi. 148 note δ. “ The 153rd Olympiad (not mentioned in 1 Macc.) extended 126 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 248-250 (4) Two years later, as it happened, in the hundred Desecration and forty-fifth year,? on the twenty-fifth ὃ day of the 37¢,?0"'"8 month which by us is called Chasleu,’ and by the temple by A ὦ Απῦϊοο Macedonians Apellaios,’ in the hundred and fifty- eee third Olympiad,’ the king went up*to Jerusalem, and eee Ξ by pretending “to offer peace, overcame the city by : *treachery. But on this occasion he did not spare even those who admitted him, because of the wealth of the temple but through greed—for he saw much gold in the temple and an array of very costly dedicatory- offerings of other kinds—, and for the sake of taking this as spoil, he went so far as to violate the treaty which he had made with them. And so he stripped the temple, carrying off the vessels of God, the golden lampstands and the golden altar and table and the other altars, and not even forbearing to take the curtains, which were made of fine linen and scarlet,’ and he also emptied the temple of its hidden treasures, from July 168 to July 164 B.c. The events of the 25th of Kislew, however, were concerned with the desecration of the temple according to 1 Macc., not with Antiochus’ plunder- ing of the temple treasury and carrying off the temple vessels, which occurred in his first invasion of Jerusalem in 169 B.c. Moreover the desecration and massacre in 168 B.c. were not directed by Antiochus personally, but by his “chief tribute-collector "ἢ (ἄρχοντα φορολογίας) according to 1 Macc.i.29. This official is to be identified with Apollonius the Mysarch (commander of the Mysian guard, cf. Polyb. xxx. 25. 3) mentioned in 2 Mace. v. 24 (the reading ἄρχοντα φορολογίας in 1 Macc. was plausibly explained many years ago by Hitzig as arising from Heb. gar ham-missim, “‘ chief of taxes,” for sar ham-misim, “ chief of the Mysians ”’). ¢ i.e. on the first occasion Antiochus had spared some of the inhabitants because he hoped through them to get the wealth of the temple. The Gr. may, however, mean that on this occasion his greed caused him to kill even his Jewish partisans. 9 The material of the curtains is not mentioned in 1 Macc. 127 251 253 JOSEPHUS > / ‘ \ a ¢ ’ > , ἀποκρύφους Kat μηδὲν ὅλως ὑπολιπών, εἰς μέγα \ > / > \ I & ,ὔ Lest ‘ τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ἐπὶ τούτοις πένθος ἐνέβαλεν. Kat \ \ \ / Δ Ψ - γὰρ τὰς καθημερινὰς θυσίας, ἃς προσέφερον τῷ θεῷ κατὰ τὸν νόμον, ἐκώλυσεν αὐτοὺς προσφέρειν, \ / “- \ / \ \ > καὶ διαρπάσας πᾶσαν τὴν πόλιν τοὺς μὲν ἀπ- / \ \ > / \ ΄ \ έκτεινε τοὺς δὲ αἰχμαλώτους γυναιξὶν ἅμα Kal / ” « ~ ,ὔ ‘ ,ὔ τέκνοις ἔλαβεν, ὡς τῶν ζωγρηθέντων περὶ μυρίους γενέσθαι τὸ πλῆθος. ἐνέπρησε δ᾽ αὐτῆς τὰ κάἀλ- \ \ \ / \ > ~ / λιστα καὶ καταβαλὼν τὰ τείχη THY ἐν TH κάτω re > / A Ss \ «ς \ ‘ πόλει ὠκοδόμησεν ἄκραν: ἦν yap ὑψηλὴ Kal ς / VEE / ‘ \ ~ > \ > / ὑπερκειμένη TO ἱερόν" Kal διὰ τοῦτο αὐτὴν ὀχυρώσας τείχεσιν ὑψηλοῖς καὶ πύργοις φρουρὰν Μακεδο- \ >? / ” > > \ e > ~ νικὴν ἐγκατέστησεν. ἔμενον δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐν TH ΝΜ ‘ ~ / ¢ > ~ \ \ ‘ ἄκρᾳ καὶ τοῦ πλήθους ot ἀσεβεῖς καὶ πονηροὶ τὸν τρόπον, ὑφ᾽ ὧν πολλὰ καὶ δεινὰ τοὺς πολίτας συνέβη παθεῖν. ἐποικοδομήσας δὲ καὶ τῷ θυσια- , \ ¢ A \ / et! > ~ στηρίῳ βωμὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς σύας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ @ All this plunder was taken in the first invasion, accord- ing to 1 Mace. i. 20 ff., ef. above, ὃ 248 note ὁ. > The number of those killed is not specified in 1 Mace. 51 Mace. i. 31 has merely “ burned it ᾿ (the city). 4 Schiirer, i. 198 note 37, is probably right in assuming that this Seleucid citadel was built on the southern spur of the eastern hill, south of the temple (cf. Ant. vii. 62 notes), and 128 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 250-253 and left nothing at all behind,’ thereby throwing the Jews into deep mourning. Moreover he forbade them to offer the daily sacrifices which they used to offer to God in accordance with their law, and after plundering the entire city, he killed some of the people, and some he took captive together with their wives and children, so that the number of those taken alive came to some ten thousand.” And he burnt the finest parts ° of the city, and pulling down the walls, built the Afra (citadel) in the Lower City ?; for it was high enough to overlook the temple, and it was for this reason that he fortified it with high walls and towers, and stationed a Macedonian garri- son therein. Nonetheless there remained in the Akra those of the people who were impious and of bad character, and at their hands the citizens were destined to suffer many terrible things.¢ The king also built a pagan altar upon the temple-altar, and distinguishing it from the earlier, Persian and pre-Has- monaean citadel north of the temple (cf. Neh. ii. 8 ff., Aristeas §§ 100 ff., Ant. xii. 133 ff., 2 Mace. iy. 12 ff.) which was rebuilt by the later Hasmonaeans (ef. Ant. xv. 403) and again by Herod, who named it Antonia (cf. Ant. xviii. 91, B.J. vy. 238 ff. ; its site and structure have recently been dis- cussed by Pére H. Vincent in RB xlii., 1933, pp. 83-113). The Seleucid citadel is located on the southern spur of the eastern hill also by E. Meyer, Ursprung ii. 158, Dalman, Sacred Sites, Ὁ. 273; cf. also Tramontano, pp. 86 ἢ, who agrees substantially with Schiirer. 41 Mace. i. 34 says that the citadel was occupied by an ἔθνος ἁμαρτωλόν, ἄνδρας παρανόμους “a sinful nation, lawless men,” probably intending the latter phrase to be in apposi- tion with the “ sinful nation’? and meaning the Syrians. Josephus, however, assumes that two different groups are meant, the Syrian soldiers and the renegade Jews ; the latter are mentioned separately in vs. 52 as the cause of much evil to the land. See further Bickermann, G M, pp. 71-73. VOL. VII E2 129 254 255 256 JOSEPHUS κατέσφαξε, θυσίαν οὐ νόμιμον οὐδὲ πάτριον τῇ ᾿Ιουδαίων θρησκείᾳ ταύτην ἐπιτελῶν. ἠνάγκασε δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἀφεμένους τὴν περὶ τὸν αὐτῶν θεὸν θρησκείαν τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ νομιζομένους σέβεσθαι, οἰκοδομήσαντας δὲ ἐν ἑκάστῃ πόλει καὶ κώμῃ τεμένη αὐτῶν καὶ βωμοὺς καθιδρύσαντας θύειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς σῦς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν προσέταξεν." ἐκέλευσε δὲ καὶ μὴ περιτέμνειν αὐτοὺς τὰ τέκνα, κολάσειν" ἀπειλήσας εἴ τις “παρὰ ταῦτα ποιῶν εὑρεθείη. κατέστησε δὲ καὶ ἐπισκόπους, οἱ προσαναγκάσου- σιν αὐτοὺς τὰ ἐπεσταλμένα ποιεῖν. καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων οἱ μὲν ἑκοντὶ οἱ δὲ καὶ bv εὐλάβειαν τῆς ἐπηγγελμένης τιμωρίας κατηκο- λούθουν οἷς ὁ βασιλεὺς διετέτακτο, οἱ δὲ δοκιμώ- τατοι καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς εὐγενεῖς οὐκ ἐφρόντισαν αὐτοῦ, τῶν δὲ πατρίων ἐθῶν πλείονα λόγον ἔσχον ἢ τῆς τιμωρίας ἣν οὐ πειθομένοις ἠπείλησεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο κατὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν αἰκιζόμενοι καὶ πικρὰς βασάνους ὑπομένοντες" ἀπέθνησκον. καὶ γὰρ μαστιγούμενοι καὶ τὰ σώματα λυμαινόμενοι" ζῶντες ἔτι καὶ ἐμπνέοντες ἀνεσταυροῦντο, τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτῶν, οὗς περιέτεμνον παρὰ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως προαίρεσιν, ἀπῆγχον, ἐκ 1 προσέταξεν om. PFV. 4 xéAaniy PELV,,Juat. (vidi). 3 diodeoraes ΠΗ τς 4 καὶ πάντα δεινὰ καρτερήσαντες P. 41 Mace. does not mention the sacrifice of swine on the temple-altar (although i. 44 ff. might be taken to imply this, since the sacrifice of swine in “the cities of Judah ”’ is mentioned in connexion with the profanation of the temple) ; vs. 54 speaks of the erection on the temple-altar of a βδέλυγμα ἐρημώσεως, which is the Gr. equivalent of the sigqiis m*sémém A.V.“ abomination that maketh desolate . in Dan. xi. 31, xii. 11; this term, according to Nestle (ap. Montgomery, 130 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 253-256 slaughtered “swine thereon,’ thereby practising a form of sacrifice neither lawful nor native to the religion of the Jews. And he compelled them to give up the worship of their own God, and to do reverence to the gods in whom he believed ; he then commanded them to build sacred places in every city and village, and to set up*ultars on which to sacrifice swine daily. He also ordered them*not to circumcise their children, threatening to punish anyone who might be found acting contrary to these orders. He also appointed overseers who should assist in com- pelling them to carry out his instructions. And so, many of the Jews, some willingly, others through fear of the punishment which had been prescribed, followed the practices ordained by the king, but the worthiest people and those of noble soul disregarded him, and held their country’s customs of greater account than the punishment with which he threatened them if they disobeyed ; and being on that account maltreated daily, and enduring bitter torments, they met their death. Indeed, they were ?whipped, their *bodies were mutilated, and while still alive and breathing, they were crucified,’ while their wives and the sons whom they had circumcised in despite of the king’s wishes were strangled, the children being made to Dan., p. 388), is “ a contemptuous surrogate for the name of the highest pagan deity ’’—in this case, Zeus Olympios, cf. 2 Mace. vi. ὦ, The swine is also mentioned by Posidonius, fr. 109 FGH 2A, and in the rabbinic work on the Macca- baean revolt, called M¢gillath Beth Hasménai or Mégillath * Ant? 6kés (ed. Kahana, Siphrith ha-historia hay-yisrd@ élith, 1922, i. 17). » One ms. adds, “and bravely suffering all manner of terrible things.” ‘ The scourging and crucifixion are not mentioned in 1 Mace. 131 The Syrians persecute pious Jews. 1 Mace. i. 44. »-.-- 257 258 260 JOSEPHUS τῶν τραχήλων αὐτοὺς τῶν ἀνεσταυρωμένων γονέων > ~ - / > » U ε / ἀπαρτῶντες. ἠφανίζετο δ᾽ εἴ που βίβλος εὑρεθείη « ἱερὰ καὶ νόμος, καὶ παρ᾽ οἷς εὑρέθη καὶ οὗτοι κακοὶ κακῶς ἀπώλλυντο. ~ « - (5) Ταῦτα δὲ βλέποντες οἱ Σαμαρεῖται πάσχοντας \ > / > +f) «ε / « \ κε τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους οὐκέθ᾽ ὡμολόγουν αὑτοὺς εἶναι συγγενεῖς αὐτῶν, οὐδὲ τὸν ἐν Γαριζεὶν ναὸν τοῦ μεγίστου θεοῦ, τῇ φύσει ποιοῦντες ἀκόλουθα ἣν 7 \ / ec \ / > , δεδηλώκαμεν, καὶ λέγοντες αὑτοὺς Μήδων ἀποί- κους καὶ Ilepo@v: καὶ γάρ εἰσιν τούτων ἄποικοι. πέμψαντες οὖν πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντίοχον πρέσβεις καὶ ε \ > / ‘ « / ae A ἐπιστολὴν ἐδήλουν τὰ ὑπογεγραμμένα" “᾿ βασιλεῖ ᾿Αντιόχῳ θεῷ ἐπιφανεῖ ὑπόμνημα παρὰ τῶν ἐν 4 Σικίμοις Σιδωνίων. of ἡμέτεροι πρόγονοι διά τινας αὐχμοὺς τῆς χώρας" παρακολουθήσαντες ἀρχαίᾳ τινὶ δεισιδαιμονίᾳ, ἔθος ἐποίησαν σέβειν τὴν παρὰ τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις λεγομένην τῶν σαββάτων ἡμέραν, ἱδρυσάμενοι δὲ ἀνώνυμον ἐν τῷ LVaprleiv λεγομένῳ ὄρει ἱερὸν ἔθυον ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὰς καθηκού- σας θυσίας. σοῦ δὲ τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις τῆς πονηρίας ~ «ε αὐτῶν ἀξίως χρησαμένου, οἱ τὰ βασιλικὰ δι- οικοῦντες, οἰόμενοι κατὰ συγγένειαν ἡμᾶς ταὐτὰ ποιεῖν ἐκείνοις, ταῖς ὁμοίαις αἰτίαις περιάπτουσιν,ἢ ὄντων ἡμῶν τὸ ἀνέκαθεν Σιδωνίων: καὶ τοῦτο φανερόν ἐστιν ἐκ τῶν πολιτικῶν ἀναγραφῶν. 1 αὐχμοὺς τῆς χώρας] συχνοὺς τῆς χώρας (τ. χώρας συχνοὺς tr. F) λοιμοὺς FLV Lat. = αὐχμοὺς EB. 5. προσάπτουσιν PA MWE. 4 For literature on the following section, §§ 257-264, not found in 1 Mace. (but ef. the brief allusion to Antiochus’ 132 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 256-260 hang from the necks of their crucified parents. And wherever a sacred book or copy of the Law was found, it was destroyed; as for those in whose possession it was found, they too, poor wretches, wretchedly per- ished. (5)* But when the Samaritans saw the Jews suffering these misfortunes, they would no longer admit that they were their kin or that the temple on Garizein was that of the Most Great God, thereby acting in accordance with their nature, as we have shown ὃ ; they also said they were colonists from the Medes and Persians, and they are, in fact, colonists from these peoples. Accordingly, they sent envoys to Antiochus with a letter in which they made the following statements. “ΤῸ King Antiochus Theos Epiphanes,° a memorial from the Sidonians in She- chem.? Our forefathers because of certain droughts ° in their country, and following a certain ancient superstition,’ made it a custom to observe the day which is called the Sabbath by the Jews, and they erected a temple without a name on the mountain called Garizein, and there offered the appropriate sacrifices. Now you have dealt with the Jews as their wickedness deserves, but the king’s officers, in the belief that we follow the same practices as they through kinship with them, are involving us in similar charges, whereas we are Sidonians by origin, as is evident from our state documents. We therefore consecration of the Samaritan temple to Zeus Xenios in 2 Mace. vi. 2, on which see § 261 note c) and taken by Joseph from another source (Jason of Cyrene ?), see Appendix G. δι Cf. Ant. ix. 291 note. © “God Manifest.” 4 On this designation cf. 4nt. xi. 344 note c. ¢ Variant ** because of frequent pestilences.”’ 4 Or “ religious scruple,” οὐ ὃ 5 note a. 133 The Samaritans appeal to Antiochus Epiphanes, 261 262 263 JOSEPHUS ἀξιοῦμεν οὖν σε τὸν εὐεργέτην καὶ σωτῆρα προσ- / > , - / ‘ /, τάξαι ᾿Απολλωνίῳ τῷ pepiddpyn καὶ Νικάνορι τῷ τὰ βασιλικὰ πράττοντι μηδὲν ἡμῖν ἐνοχλεῖν προσάπτουσι τὰς τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων αἰτίας, ἡμῶν καὶ τῷ γένει καὶ τοῖς ἔθεσιν ἀλλοτρίων ὑπαρχόντων, προσαγορευθῆναι δὲ τὸ ἀνώνυμον ἱερὸν Διὸς “EAAnviov: γενομένου γὰρ τούτου παυσόμεθα μὲν ἐνοχλούμενοι, τοῖς δ᾽ ἔργοις μετὰ ἀδείας προσαν- ἔχοντες μείζονάς σοι ποιήσομεν τὰς προσόδους. ταῦτα τῶν Σαμαρέων, δεηθέντων ἀντέγραψεν αὐτοῖς ὁ βασιλεὺς τάδε: “Ὧ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αντίοχος Νικάνορι. οἱ ἐν Σικίμοις Σιδώνιοι ἐπέδωκαν τὸ κατακεχωρισμένον ὑπόμνημα. ἐπεὶ οὖν συμβου- λευομένοις ἡμῖν μετὰ τῶν φίλων παρέστησαν οἱ πεμφθέντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὅτι μηδὲν τοῖς τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων > / , > A - « - ἐγκλήμασι προσήκουσιν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς “Ἑλληνικοῖς 1 Σαμαρειτῶν FLY. * Probably to be identified with Apollonius the Mysarch sent to Jerusalem by Antiochus in 168 B.c., ef. ὃ 248 note e. Willrich, Urkundenfalschung, p. 15, believes that Josephus here: designates Apollonius governor (meridarch) of Samaria on the basis of 1 Mace. iii. 10, which says that Apollonius set out from Samaria with an army to attack Judaea. > Grimm identifies Nicanor with the Nicanor, son of Patroclus, mentioned in 2 Mace. viii. 9 ff. (cf. § 298 note δ) as one of the king’s ministers who hoped to raise money for the payment of the Seleucid indemnity to Rome by selling Jewish captives as slaves. ¢ Zeus Xenios (“ protector of strangers’) according to 2 Mace. vi.2. The latter reading is preferred by Cook, Fel., p. 188, who writes, “* the hospitable Zeus would reflect oriental ideas illustrated both in the old ‘covenant god ’ of Shechem and in Allah as the protector of guest-clients ” ; so, earlier, 134 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 261-263 petition you as our benefactor and saviour to com- mand Apollonius, the governor of the district,* and Nicanor, the royal agent,’ not to molest us in any way by attaching to us the charges of which the Jews are guilty, since we are distinct*from them both in Tace and in2tustoms, and we ask that the temple without a name be known as that of Zeus Hellenios.¢ For if this be done, we shall cease to be molested, and by applying ourselves to our work in security, we shall make your revenues greater.” To this petition of the Samarians the king wrote the following reply. “ King Antiochus to Nicanor. The Sidonians in Shechem have submitted a memorial which has been filed. Now since the men sent by them have repre- sented to us sitting in council with our friends that they are in no way concerned in the complaints brought against the Jews, but choose to live in Freudenthal, Hell. Stud., p. 77 note, on the ground that the Samaritans would have worshipped the Phoenician Baal- Moloch (ef. Ant. viii. 145 note d) in the form of Zeus Xenios. Montgomery, Sam., p. 77 note, makes the interesting conjec- ture that the epithet Xenios *“‘ may have been suggested by the first syllable of Gerizim, ger, i.e. ‘stranger’’’ (in this connexion we may note that a Samaritan writer, “ἢ Pseudo- Eupolemus,” ap. Eusebius, Praep. Evang. ix. 17, interprets the name Mount Gerizim—Apyapiliv as ὄρος ὑψίστου “ Mount of the Most High ”’; this, of course, does not decide the question which epithet is correct). The epithet Hellenios would be the probable choice only if the Samaritans were stressing their Greek sympathies (cf. ὃ 263 and Ant. xi. 344) while Xenios would be suitable whether they thought primarily of their Greek sympathies or their Phoenician (or Shechemite) origin. On the whole, Xenios is more likely to have been correct. 4 Or perhaps “the memorial (memorandum) herewith noted (or “enclosed ”)”’; on the meaning of καταχωρίζω cf. Preisigke, Fachwérter, p. 107, and Welles, Royal Corr., pp- 101 f., 181. 135 264 265 Co 266 JOSEPHUS » « “- ’ “-“ > / / ἔθεσιν αἱροῦνται χρώμενοι ζῆν, ἀπολύομέν τε αὐτοὺς τῶν αἰτιῶν, καὶ τὸ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἱερόν, καθάπερ ἠξιώκασι, προσαγορευθήτω Διὸς λ- 2 ᾽) “- \ ee | / ~ / Anviov.”” ταῦτα δὲ καὶ ᾿Απολλωνίῳ τῷ μεριδάρχῃ ἐπέστειλεν ἕκτῳ ἔτει καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ καὶ ἑκατοστῷ" μηνὸς ‘ExatopBa@vos “Υ̓ρκανίου" ὀκτω- καιδεκάτῃ. (vi. 1) Κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἦν τις οἰκῶν ἐν Μωδαϊ" κώμῃ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας, ὄνομα Ματταθίας, υἱὸς ᾿Ιωάννου τοῦ Συμεῶνος τοῦ ᾿Ασαμωναίου, ἱερεὺς ἐξ ἐφημερίδος ᾿Ιωάριβος," “Ἱεροσολυμίτης. ἦσαν δ᾽ αὐτῷ υἱοὶ πέντε, ᾿Ιωάννης ὁ καλούμενος Γαάδδης" καὶ Σίμων ὁ κληθεὶς Θάτις" καὶ ᾿Ιούδας 1 καὶ ἑκατοστῷ add. Vaillant: om. codd. Lat. 2 Hyreani Lat.: om. ed. pr. 8. Μωδεεὶμ FV Suidas: Μωδαιεῖ L1AMW: Μωδεεῖ L?: Μωδεῇ KX: Modin Lat.: Μωδεῖ Exe. 4 FLV: *IdaBos rell.: loab aut Iobab Lat. δ᾽ Taddis FAM: Ταδδεις Exe. § Θαθὶς LAM: Μαθθὶς F: Μαθθῆς V: Θαθὴς W: Θαδὴς E: Mathias Lat.: Θάθεις Exe.: Θάσος Syncellus. 2 The “hundred ”’ has been inadvertently omitted from the ss. » The 146th yr. Sel. extended from Oct. 167 to Oct. 166 B.c. ¢ The Attic (and Delian) month Hekatombaion corre- sponded to July-August (cf. Ant. iv. 84). What ‘“ Hyr- kanios’’ means is an unsolved puzzle. Another instance of an unknown name given to a Greek (Macedonian) month occurs in 2 Mace. xi. 21, namely Διοσκορινθίου (v.l. Avocxopidov) but this has been plausibly emended to Διὸς Κρονίδου on the basis of Plutarch, hes. 12, Kpoviov μηνὸς dv νῦν ‘ExatouBadva καλοῦσιν (ef. Biichler, Tob. p. 154 note). Is there any connexion between these two passages, and is 136 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 263-266 accordance with Greek customs, we acquit them of these charges, and permit their temple to be known as that of Zeus Hellenios, as they have petitioned.” In this fashion he also wrote to Apollonius, the district- governor, in the hundred ® and forty-sixth year,” on the eighteenth of the month Hekatombaion Hyr- kanios.° (vi. 1) At this same time there was a man living in the village 4 of Modai ὁ in Judaea, named Matta- thias, the son of Joannes, the son of Symeon, the son of Asamonaios,’ a priest of the course’ of Joarib” and a native of Jerusalem. He had five sons, Joannes called Gaddes,? Simon called Thatis,? Judas called “ Hyrkanios ” a corruption of “ Kronios’’? Itseems strange, to be sure, that an Attic rather than a Macedonian month should be named in either passage, but Niese, Avritik, p. 107, argues that Antiochus “‘ who introduced the Attic document- ary style into Antioch”? might well have adopted Attic month-names as well. 4 Called a “ city ᾿᾿ (πόλιν) in 1 Mace. ii. 15 ff. ¢ Variants Modeeim, Modaiei, Modin, etc. (most mss. in B.J. i. 36 have Modeein); 1 Mace. Modein; in rabbinic literature Médi‘in or Médi‘ith. Its site is the mod. Ras Medieh or el- Medieh, c. 7 miles S.E. of Lydda and c. 17 miles N.W. of Jerusalem. 4 Hasménai in rabbinic literature ; he is not mentioned in 1 Mace. Josephus himself claims descent from the Has- monaeans, Vita 2 9 1 Mace. “ of the sons.” On the priestly courses ef. Ant. vii. 365 note c and Vita 2 note a. » So 1 Mace. (=Heb. Yéyarib) ; variants Joab, Jobab. * Variant Gaddis (so most mss. of 1 Macc.). ‘This sur- name is connected by some scholars with Gad, the Semitic god of fortune. i Variants Thathis, Matthis, ete.; 1 Macc. Thassi. Winer (ap. Grimm) long ago suggested a derivation from Aram. t’sas “ boil, ferment,’’ hence ‘‘ the zealot,’ and so, more recently, Bévenot, but this etymology seems to me very far- fetched. 137 Mattathias and his five sons. 1 Mace. ii. 1 JOSEPHUS ὁ καλούμενος Μακκαβαῖος" καὶ ᾿Ελεάζαρος ὁ κληθεὶς Adpav καὶ ᾿Ιωνάθης ὁ κληθεὶς ᾿Αφφοῦς." 267 οὗτος οὖν ὁ Ματταθίας ἀπωδύρετο τοῖς τέκνοις τὴν κατάστασιν τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ τήν τε τῆς πόλεως διαρπαγὴν καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ τὴν σύλησιν καὶ τοῦ πλήθους τὰς συμφοράς, ἔλεγέ τε κρεῖττον αὐτοῖς εἶναι ὑπὲρ τῶν πατρίων νόμων ἀποθανεῖν ἢ ζῆν οὕτως ἀδόξως “ὃ ia; (2) ᾿Ελθόντων δὲ εἰς τὴν Μωδαῖν κώμην τῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως καθεσταμένων ἐπὶ τῷ ποιεῖν ἀναγκάζειν τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ἃ διετέτακτο, καὶ θύειν τοὺς ἐκεῖ κελευόντων, ὡς ὁ βασιλεὺς κελεύ- σειε, διὰ δὲ τὴν δόξαν τήν τε διὰ τὰ ἄλλα καὶ διὰ τὴν εὐπαιδίαν ἀξιούντων τὸν Ματταθίαν προκατ- 209 άρχειν τῶν θυσιῶν (κατακολουθήσειν γὰρ αὐτῷ καὶ τοὺς πολίτας, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τιμηθήσεσθαι πρὸς τοῦ βασιλέως), ὁ Σ Ματταθίας οὐκ ἔφασκεν ποιήσειν, οὐδ᾽ εἰ τἄλλα πάντα ἔθνη τοῖς ᾿Αντιόχου προστάγ- μασιν ἢ διὰ φόβον ἢ δι᾽ εὐαρέστησιν' “ὑπακούει, πεισθήσεσθαί ποτ᾽ αὐτὸς μετὰ τῶν τέκνων τὴν 270 πάτριον θρησκείαν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν. ὡς δὲ σιωπή- σαντος αὐτοῦ προσελθών τις τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων εἰς μέσον ἔθυσε καθ᾿ ἃ προσέταξεν ᾿Αντίοχος, θυμωθεὶς 6 Ματταθίας ὥρμησεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν μετὰ 1 Μακαβαῖος P: Machabeus Lat. 2 "Amdods LAMW: Sappus Lat.: Lamdods Syncellus. ee θλ a lecttet ἀφόβως P: ἘΠΣΒΩΝ rell. 4 evepyernow FLV. * Gr. Makkabaios. Many different etymologies have been proposed for this name, the most widely accepted being from maqqabah, “ hammer,” hence *‘ the Hammerer,” but in view of our uncertainty whether the Heb. (or Aram.) form 138 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 266-270 Maccabaeus,? Eleazar called Auran,® and Jonathan ὁ called Apphus.? Now this Mattathias lamented to his sons over the state of things, the plundering of the city and the spoiling of the temple, and the misfor- tunes of the people, and said it was better for them to die for their country’s laws than to live so in- gloriously.’ (2) But there came to the village 4 of Modai the officers appointed by the king to compel the Jews to carry out his ordinances, and they ordered the in- habitants to sacrifice as the king had ordered; and as Mattathias was held in esteem because of various things and especially because of his goodly sons, they invited him to be the first to sacrifice—for, they said his fellow-citizens would follow him, and for that reason he would be honoured by the king—, but Matta- thias refused to do so, saying that even if all the other nations obeyed the commands of Antiochus whether through fear or through desire to please 9 he himself and his sons“would*hever be persuaded to abandon*their native form of worship. But when he had ceased speaking, one of the Jews came forward and in their midst sacrificed as Antiochus had com- manded, whereupon Mattathias in rage rushed upon had the consonants mqby or mkby, it seems unwise to accept any of those proposed. > 1 Mace. Auaran. Grimm suggests a derivation from Heb. hur, “ἡ to penetrate,” hence ‘‘ the Borer.” © Gr. Jonathés. 4 Michaelis (ap. Grimm) connects this with the Heb. and Syr. root ps, and interprets the name as “ἢ the cunning one ” (‘“ der Schlaue ”’), but this root means ‘‘ to dig, search,”’ and it is difficult to understand the basis of his interpretation. ¢ Variants “ impiously ἢ and (one ms.) ‘‘ without fear.” 7 Cf. § 265 note d. σ Variant “ or through beneficence.”’ 139 Mattathias defies the officers of Antiochus Epiphanes 1 Mace. ii. 15. ce 271 273 274 JOSEPHUS τῶν παίδων ἐχόντων κοπίδας, Kal αὐτόν τε ἐκεῖνον διέφθειρε καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν τοῦ βασιλέως ᾿Απελλῆν, ὃ ὃς ἐπηνάγκαζε, διεχρήσατο μετ᾽ ὀλίγων στρατιωτῶν, καὶ τὸν βωμὸν καθελὼν ἀνέκραγεν, εἴ τις ζηλωτής ἐστιν τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν καὶ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ θρησκείας, ἑπέσθω,᾽ φησίν, Hs ἐμοί.᾽" καὶ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν μετὰ τῶν τέκνων εἰς τὴν ἔρημον ἐξώρμησε καταλιπὼν ἅπασαν τὴν αὑτοῦ κτῆσιν ἐν τῇ κώμῃ. τὸ οἱ αὐτὸ καὶ ἄλλοι πολλοὶ" ποιή- σαντες μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν ἔφυγον εἰς τὴν ἔρημον. καὶ ἐν τοῖς σπηλαίοις διῆγον. ἀκούσαντες δὲ ταῦτα οἱ τοῦ βασιλέως στρατηγοί, καὶ τὴν δύναμιν ὃ ὅσην εἶναι συνέβαινεν ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει τῶν “Ἱεροσολύμων ἀναλαβόντες, ἐδίωξαν εἰς τὴν ἔρημον τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους. καὶ καταλαβόντες τὸ μὲν πρῶτον αὐτοὺς ἐπεχείρουν πείθειν μετανοήσαντας αἱρεῖσθαι τὰ συμφέροντα καὶ μὴ προσάγειν αὐτοῖς ἀνάγκην ὥστ᾽ αὐτοῖς χρήσασθαι πολέμου νόμῳ"- μὴ προσ- δεχομένων δὲ τοὺς λόγους ἀλλὰ τἀναντία φρονούν- τῶν συμβάλλουσιν αὐτοῖς εἰς “μάχην σαββάτων ἡμέρᾳ, καὶ ὡς εἶχον οὕτως ἐν τοῖς σπηλαίοις αὐτοὺς κατέφλεξαν" οὐδὲ ἀμυνομένους ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ 1 ἄλλοι πολλοὶ coni. Niese (ἄλλοι in ed.): ἄλλοι FLV: πολλοὶ rell. Lat.: πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι Zonaras. 5. πολεμουμένοις PLAM: πολεμουμένους W: tamquam hos- tibus Lat. 3 κατέσφαξαν FLV. 4 οὐδὲν FLV Exc. 41 Mace. does not mention here either the sons or the knives ; the same amplification is found in B.J. i. 36. ® His name is not given in 1 Macc., which calls him simply “the king’s man”; in B.J. i. 36 Josephus calls him Bac- chides. © The killing of the soldiers is not mentioned in 1 Mace. 140 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 270-274 him with his sons, who had broad knives,“ and cut down the man himself, and also made an end of Apelles,” the king’s officer, who was compelling them to sacrifice, together with a few of his soldiers ὁ ; and after pulling down the pagan altar, he cried out, “Whoever is zealous for our country’s laws and the worship of God, let him come with me!” So saying, he set out with his sons into the wilderness,? leaving behind all his property in the village. And many others ὁ also did the same, and fled with their children and wives to the wilderness, where they lived in caves. But when the king’s officers heard of this, they took tie Jews as many soldiers as were then in the citadel of Jeru- 4" Attacked salem, and Seat the Jews into the wilderness ; Sabbath. and when they had %vertaken them, they tried at },"** 1 first*%to persuade-them to repent and choose a course which was for their own good, and not to bring upon the king’s men the necessity of treating them in accordance with the laws of war’; the Jews, how- ever, did not accept their terms, but showed a“hostile spirit, whereupon they attacked them on the Sabbath- day and “burned” them in their caves, just as they were, for not only did the Jews not resist, but they 4 1 Mace. ii. 28, “* into the hills,’ but the wilderness is mentioned in the next verse. ὁ Text emended after Zonaras: mss. ‘‘ others’ or ‘** many.” 71 Mace. “ the forces who were in Jerusalem, the city of David.” Josephus must be right in assuming that the Akra is there meant. 9 Variant ‘‘ treating them as enemies in war.” 4 Variant ‘‘slaughtered’’; 1- Mace. ‘killed.’ It is noteworthy that 2 Mace. vi. 11 speaks of refugee Jews being burned in the caves, to which they had fled to observe the Sabbath secretly, by the Phrygian general Philip, this being before the Maccabaean revolt. 141 275 279 JOSEPHUS Tas εἰσόδους “ἐμφράξαντας. τοῦ δὲ ἀμύνασθαι διὰ τὴν ἡμέραν ἀπέσχοντο, μηδ᾽ ἐν κακοῖς παραβῆναι τὴν τοῦ σα drov τιμὴν θελήσαντες" ἀργεῖν γὰρ ἡμῖν ἐν αὐτῇ “νόμιμόν ἐστιν. ἀπέθανον μὲν οὖν σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις ἐμπνιγέντες τοῖς σπηλαίοις ὡσεὶ χίλιοι, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ διασωθέντες τῷ Ματ- ταθίᾳ προσέθεντο κἀκεῖνον ἄρχοντα ἀπέδειξαν. ὁ δὲ καὶ σαββάτοις αὐτοὺς ἐδίδασκε μάχεσθαι, λέγων ὡς εἰ μὴ ποιήσουσι τοῦτο, φυλαττόμενοι τὸ νόμιμον, αὑτοῖς ἔσονται πολέμιοι, τῶν μὲν ἐχθρῶν κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν αὐτοῖς προσβαλλόντων, αὐτῶν δ᾽ οὐκ ἀμυνομένων, κωλύσειν τε μηδὲν οὕτως ἀμαχητὶ πάντας ἀπολέσθαι. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἔπεισεν αὐτούς, καὶ ἄχρι δεῦρο μένει παρ᾽ ἡμῖν τὸ καὶ σαββάτοις, εἴ ποτε δεήσειε, μάχεσθαι. ποιήσας οὖν δύναμιν πολλὴν περὶ αὑτὸν Ματταθίας τούς τε βωμοὺς καθεῖλε καὶ τοὺς ἐξαμαρτόντας ἀπέκτεινεν, ὅσους λαβεῖν ὑποχειρίους ἠδυνήθη (πολλοὶ γὰρ be εὐλάβειαν διεσπάρησαν εἰς τὰ πέριξ ἔθνη): τῶν τε παίδων τοὺς οὐ περιτετμημένους ἐκέλευσε περι- τέμνεσθαι, τοὺς ἐπὶ τῷ κωλύειν καθεσταμένους ἐκβαλών. (3) ᾿Αρξας δ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν καὶ καταπεσὼν εἰς νόσον * This rule was followed in the rabbinic period, although making war on the Ὑ μϑς γι is expressly forbidden in the book of Jubilees, 1. 12 (ef. L. Finkelstein, Some Examples of the Maccabaean Halakah, Ἔν xlix. 1930, pp. 20-42) and the Jews refrained from attacking the Romans on the Sabbath when Pompey besieged Jerusalem (Ant. xiv. 63); in the great war with Rome, however, the Jews were compelled to violate the Sabbath by fighting (B.J. ii. 517). Reinach in his note on the text above observes that Josephus dwells on this episode and amplifies the text of 1 Mace., where, he says, the 142 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 274-279 did not even stop up the entrances to the caves. And they forbore to resist because of the day, being’ un- willing to violate the dignity of the Sabbath even when in ibeuties for the law requires us to rest on that day.-} And so about a thousand with their wives and children died by suffocation in the caves ; but many escaped and joined Mattathias, whom they appointed their leader. And he instructed them to fight even on the Sabbath, saying that if for the sake of observ- ing the law they failed to do so, they would be their own enemies, for their foes would attack them on that day, and unless they resisted, nothing would prevent them from all perishing without striking a blow. These words persuaded them, and to this day we continue the practice of fighting even on the Sabbath whenever it becomes necessary.? So Mattathias gathered a large force round him,? and pulled down the pagan altars, and killed as many of those who had sinned as he could lay his hands on—for many of them in fear of him had scattered among the neigh- bouring nations ; and as for the boys who had not been circumcised, he ordered them to be circumcised, and drove out the officers who had been appointed to prevent this. (3) But after being in command for a year, he fell initiative in this action is not attributed to Mattathias, and suggests that Josephus has here the intention of justifying his co-religionists for having fought on the Sabbath in the war with Rome. But 1 Mace. does attribute the initiative to Mattathias and his friends, and just about as much stress is laid on this episode in 1 Mace. as in Josephus’ text. I doubt, therefore, whether Reinach’s point is well taken. » Josephus omits any reference (cf. 1 Mace. ii. 42) to the συναγωγὴ ᾿Ασιδαίων, “company of pious men (Heb. hasidim),”” who joined Mattathias at this time; cf. also § 396 note d. 143 Mattathias resolves to fight on the Sabbath when necessary. 1 Mace. ii. 40. JOSEPHUS προσκαλεῖται τοὺς παῖδας, καὶ περιστησάμενος αὐτοὺς “ ἐγὼ μέν, ”” elev, τῷ παῖδες, ἄπειμι τὴν εἱμαρμένην πορείαν, παρατίθεμαι δὲ ὑμῖν. τοὐμὸν ρόνημα' καὶ παρακαλῶ μὴ γενέσθαι κακοὺς αὐτοῦ 280 φύλακας, ἀλλὰ μεμνημένους τῆς τοῦ φύσαντος ὑμᾶς καὶ θρεψαμένου προαιρέσεως ἔθη τε σώζειν τὰ \ πάτρια Kal κινδυνεύουσαν οἴχεσθαι τὴν ἀρχαίαν πολιτείαν ἀνακτᾶσθαι, μὴ συμφερομένους τοῖς ἢ διὰ 281 βούλησιν ἢ δι᾽ ἀνάγκην προδιδοῦσιν αὐτήν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀξιῶ" παῖδας ὄ ὄντας ἐμοὺς ἐμμεῖναιἥ καὶ βίας ἁ ἁπάσης καὶ ἀνάγκης ἐπάνω γενέσθαι, τὰς ψυχὰς οὕτω παρεσκευασμένους, ὥστε ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὲρ τῶν ᾽ὔ μ᾿ / / Af)? “ \ - νόμων, ἂν δέῃ, λογιζομένους τοῦθ᾽ ὅτι τὸ θεῖον ΄ ~ ~ > ~ τοιούτους ὑμᾶς ὁρῶν οὐχ ὑπερόψεται, τῆς δ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἀγασάμενον ἀποδώσει πάλιν ὑμῖν αὐτούς, καὶ τὴν > / > Μ᾿ / > > / ~ 07 ἐλευθερίαν ev ἡ ζήσεσθε μετ᾽ ἀδείας τῶν ἰδίων 282 ἀπολαύοντες ἐθῶν ἀποκαταστήσει. θνητὰ μὲν γὰρ τὰ “σώματα ἡμῶν καὶ ἐπίκηρα, τῇ δὲ τῶν ἔργων μνήμῃ τάξιν ἀθανασίας λαμβάνομεν," ἧς ἐρα- σθέντας ὑμᾶς βούλομαι διώκειν τὴν εὔκλειαν, καὶ τὰ μέγιστα ὑφισταμένους μὴ ὀκνεῖν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν Peas) Ἐ \ , , oP enn ¢ a 283 ἀπολιπεῖν τὸν βίον. μάλιστα δ᾽ ὑμῖν ὁμονοεῖν παραινῶ, καὶ πρὸς ὅ τις ὑμῶν πέφυκεν ἀμείνων ~ > θατέρου πρὸς τοῦτ᾽ εἴκοντας ἀλλήλοις οἰκείαις 1 τοὐμὸν φρόνημα] patrias leges Lat. τ ἀξίους ὌΝ Lat. : ἀξιῶσαι W. 3 ἐμοὺς ΣΕ ΦΉΣ ἐμοῦ V. + FLV: ᾿παρασκευασαμένους rell. αὐτοῖς P: αὐτῷ F: αὐτὸ LVW: om. Lat. δ λαμβάνει LV Lat. (vid.). δ « Variant “ but being worthy sons of mine, to remain so.” > ie. the laws; the variants give no clear grammatical object of ** will give back.” 144 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 279-283 ill, and calling his sons, made them stand round him, matttathias’ and said, “1 myself, my sons, am about to go the ee destined way, but my spirit I leave in your keeping, his sons. and I beg you not to be unworthy guardians of it, but 0 5, "°°" to be mindful of the purpose of him who begot you and brought you up, and to preserve ‘ur country ΙΗ customs and to restore°our ancient form of govern- ment, which is in danger of passing away, and not to make common cause with those who are betraying it whether of their own will or through compulsion ; but since you are my sons, I wish you to remain constant as such? and to be superior to all force and compulsion, being so prepared in spirit as to die for the laws, if need be, and bearing this in mind, that when the Deity sees you so disposed, He will not forget you, but in admiration of your heroism will give pet » back to you again, and will restore to you your liberty, in which you shall live securely and in the enjoyment of your own customs.° For though our bodies are mortal and subject to death, we? can, through the memory of our deeds, attain the heights of immortality ὁ ; it is this which I wish you to be in love with, and for its sake to pursue glory and under- take the greatest tasks and not shrink from giving up your lives for them. But most of all I urge you to be of one mind, and in whatever respect one of you is superior to the others, in that to yield to one another, and so make the best use of your several —— ‘ In the preceding Josephus converts into philosophical language what is in 1 Macc. a simple appeal by Mattathias to his sons to remember the heroism of the great national figures from Abraham to Daniel. 4 Variant “ they ”’ (i.e. bodies). ¢ In 1 Mace. Mattathias refers not to brief mortality in general, but to the short-lived glory of wicked men. 145 284 285 287 JOSEPHUS ~ A > - \ ἢ ‘ ‘ > A χρῆσθαι ταῖς ἀρεταῖς. καὶ Σίμωνα μὲν τὸν ἀδελφὸν / - συνέσει προύχοντα πατέρα ἡγεῖσθε καὶ οἷς ἂν οὗτος / / a A ~ συμβουλεύσῃ πείθεσθε, Μακκαβαῖον δὲ τῆς στρα- ~ > , τιᾶς δι᾿ ἀνδρείαν καὶ ἰσχὺν στρατηγὸν ἕξετε: τὸ \ ” e - Α γὰρ ἔθνος οὗτος ἐκδικήσει: καὶ ἀμυνεῖται τοὺς ᾿ \ πολεμίους. προσίεσθε δὲ καὶ τοὺς δικαίους καὶ θεοσεβεῖς, καὶ τὴν δύναμιν αὐτῶν, av ete.” (4) Tatra διαλεχθεὶς τοῖς παισὶν καὶ τὸν θεὸν εὐ- / / ) - / A ~ ~ A ξάμενος σύμμαχον αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι καὶ τῷ λαῷ τὴν ~ ~ / ἰδίαν ἀνασῶσαι πάλιν τοῦ βίου συνήθειαν, μετ᾽ οὐ \ ~ ‘ / \ > , , πολὺ τελευτᾷ, καὶ θάπτεται μὲν ἐν Μωδαί, πένθος ro ~ ~ ~ ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ μέγα τοῦ λαοῦ παντὸς ποιησαμένου. Q / \ \ ~ / « - διεδέξατο δὲ τὴν προστασίαν τῶν πραγμάτων ὁ παῖς ~ a ΄ \ αὐτοῦ ᾿Ιούδας ὁ καὶ Μακκαβαῖος ἑκατοστῷ ἔτει καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ καὶ ἕκτῳ. συναραμένων δ᾽ αὐτῷ / ~ > ~ \ ~ Μ ΄ὔ προθύμως τῶν ἀδελφῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τούς τε πολεμίους ἐξέβαλεν ἐκ τῆς χώρας, καὶ τοὺς παρα- - / νομήσαντας εἰς τὰ πάτρια τῶν ὁμοφύλων διεχρή- σατο, καὶ ἐκαθάρισεν ἀπὸ παντὸς μιάσματος τὴν γῆν. -- ~ ¢ ~ (vii. 1) Ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ᾿Απολλώνιος 6 τῆς La- A μαρείας στρατηγός, ἀναλαβὼν τὴν δύναμιν ὥρμησεν > ~ ἐπὶ tov ᾿Ιούδαν. ὁ δὲ ἀπήντησεν αὐτῷ καὶ συμ- βαλὼν κρατεῖ τῇ μάχῃ καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινεν, ἐν οἷς καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν ᾿Απολλώνιον, - : = ὁ Ὁ time οὗ καὶ τὴν μάχαιραν, 7 χρῆσθαι συνέβαινεν ἐκεῖνον, 1 αὐτῶν Mss.: αὑτῶν Capps.. @ 1 Mace, “ you.” 146 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 283-287 abilities. And since your*brother Simon excels in understanding, look upon him as your father, and follow whatever counsel he gives you; but Mac- cabaeus you shall take as commander of the army because of his courage and strength, for he* will avenge our nation and will punish our enemies. And also admit to a ranks the righteous and ‘pious, and so increase their? power.” (4) Having addressed his sons in these words, he Judas prayed to God to be their ally and to recover for the Haccaliseus people its own way of life once more ©; and not long pther as afterwards he died and was buried in Modai, the 1 Macc. entire people making great lamentation for him. ' °- And he was succeeded as first in authority by his son Judas, also known as Maccabaeus, in the hundred and forty-sixth year.4 Then Judas with the ready assist- ance of his brothers and others drove the enemy out of the country, and made an end of those of his countrymen who had violated their fathers’ laws, and purified the land of all pollution.¢ (vii. 1) Hearing of this, Apollonius, the governor of Victories οἱ SamariaJ took his force of men and set out against ἀκ ποίας Judas. But Judas on meeting him and engaging him tee in battle defeated him, and killed many of fhe enemy, ee ὯΝ among them their general Apollonius himself, and taking as spoil the sword which Apollonius was then e For αὐτῶν “their” Prof. Capps suggests αὑτῶν “ your own. © 1 Mace. says merely, “ he blessed them.” 4 The official 146th year Sel. extended from Oct. 167 to Oct. 166 B.c., by Jewish reckoning (cf. § 240 note a), from April 166 to April 165 B.c. “ This last sentence is a brief summary of 1 Mace. iii. 1-9 which poetically describes Judas’ prowess. 7 Probably the same as Apollonius the Mysarch of 2 Macc., cf. § 248 note e and § 261 note a. 147 JOSEPHUS σκυλεύσας αὐτὸς εἶχε, πλείους δὲ τραυματίας ἐποίησε, καὶ πολλὴν λείαν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου 288 λαβὼν see πολεμίων ἀ ἀνεχώρησεν. Σήρων δ᾽ ὁ τῆς κοίλης Συρίας στρατηγός, ἀκούσας ὅτι πολλοὶ προσκεχωρήκασιν τῷ ᾿Ιούδᾳ καὶ δύναμιν ἤδη περι- βέβληται πρὸς ἀγῶνας καὶ πολέμους ἀξιόλογον, ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἔγνω στρατεύσασθαι, προσήκειν ὑπολαμ- βάνων τοὺς εἰς τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως προστάγματα 289 παρανομοῦντας πειρᾶσθαι κολάζειν. συναγαγὼν οὖν δύναμιν ὅση παρῆν αὐτῷ, προσκαταλέξας δὲ \ ~ 3 , \ / δε: a χε ν καὶ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων τοὺς φυγάδας καὶ ἀσεβεῖς, ἐπὶ \ > 7 , A rs \ ” τὸν ᾿Ιούδαν παρεγίγνετο: προελθὼν" δὲ ἄχρι Βαιθώρων κώμης τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας αὐτόθι στρατοπε- / ¢€ ΑΓ» ΄ 3 “4 > ~ \ 290 deverar. ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιούδας ἀπαντήσας αὐτῷ Kal συμ- βαλεῖν προαιρούμενος, ἐπεὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἑώρα πρὸς τὴν μάχην διά τε τὴν ὀλιγότητα καὶ δι᾿ ἀσι- τίαν (νενηστεύκεσαν γάρ) ὀκνοῦντας, παρεθάρσυνε, λέγων οὐκ ἐν τῷ πλήθει τὸ νικᾶν εἶναι καὶ κρατεῖν 1 προσήκειν... κολάζειν om. E Lat. 2 Niese: προσελθὼν codd.: perveniens Lat. : a | Mace. “ and Judas took the sword of Apollonius and was fighting ther ewith all his days.” > 1 Mace. “ commander of the army of Syria ” (cf. next note and § 295 note a). © Conjectured; mss. “approached.” ‘The text of 1 Mace. iii. 15 reads, καὶ προσέθετο τοῦ ἀναβῆναι Kai ἀνέβη μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ παρεμβολή, which is corrected by M. Schw abe and Εν Melamed, MGW Ixxii., 1928. pp. 202-204, to καὶ ἀνήγαγε τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀνέβη ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ιούδαν καὶ ἀνέβη μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ παρεμβολή on the theory that the original Heb. had way- ye esoph “ he gathered together,”’ but the Gr. translator read wayyoséph ‘he continued.” That Josephus has συναγαγών is not in itself clear evidence that he used a Heb. text of 1 Maece. (on which cf. F. Perles in REJ Ixxxi., 1921, p. 179), since he may easily have guessed the Heb. lying behind the 148 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 287-290 using, kept it for himself? ; he also left more of them wounded, and after taking much booty from the camp of the enemy, he withdrew. But when Seron, who was governor of Coele-Syria,’ heard that many had joined themselves to Judas, and that he had already surrounded himself with a force to be reckoned with in a contest of war, he decided to march against him, considering it his duty to try to punish those who had violated the king’s commands. He therefore gathered together whatever force he had, and having also enrolled the fugitives and irre- ligious men among the Jews, he came against Judas ; and having advanced® as far as the village of Baithoron? in Judaea, he encamped there. But Judas, meeting him there and intending to engage him, saw that his soldiers were shrinking from the battle because of their small number and lack of food—for they had fasted,@—and so he began to encourage them, saying that victory and mastery Gr. reading, or have supplied the inevitable συναγαγών. In this connexion, however, it may be worth while to mention Michaelis’ suggestion (ap. Grimm) that Josephus’ Σήρων δ᾽ ὁ τῆς κοίλης Συρίας στρατηγός above is based on Heb. gar hél ’Ardm “commander of the army of Syria,” which Josephus, taking hél to mean “ valley,” translated “governor of Coele-Syria”; unfortunately, as Grimm remarks, hél (construct of hayl) does not mean “ valley ”’ in Hebrew (though we have hayld “ valley ” in Aramaic) ; this too may be an instance of Josephus’ guessing at the Heb. (or Aram.) original underlying his Gr. text of 1 Macc. There can be no question of his use of a Gr. text ; whether he also had a Semitic text is doubtful. 4 1 Mace. “‘ to the ascent of Baithoron,” i.e. between Beth- horon the Upper, mod. Beit-‘Ur el-féqd, and Beth-horon the Lower, mod. Beit-‘Ur et-tahtd, c. 12 miles N.W. of Jerusalem, on the road which passes through Lydda and Jaffa. 41 Mace. “ we have not eaten to-day.” 149 JOSEPHUS τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῷ πρὸς TO θεῖον εὐσεβεῖν. 291 καὶ τούτου σαφέστατον ἔχειν παράδειγμα τοὺς προ- γόνους, ot διὰ δικαιοσύνον καὶ τὸ περὶ τῶν ἰδίων νόμων καὶ τέκνων ἀγωνίζεσθαι πολλὰς πολλάκις ἥττησαν μυριάδας" τὸ γὰρ μηδὲν ἀδικεῖν ἰσχυρὰ 292 δύναμις. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν πείθει τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ κατα- φρονήσαντας τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἐναντίων ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι τῷ Σήρωνι, καὶ συμβαλὼν τρέπει τοὺς Σύρους" πεσόντος γὰρ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ πάντες φεύ- yew ὥρμησαν, ὡς ἐν τούτῳ τῆς σωτηρίας αὐτοῖς ἀποκειμένης. ἐπιδιώκων δ᾽ ἄχρι τοῦ πεδίου κτείνει τῶν πολεμίων ὡσεὶ ὀκτακοσίους," οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ διεσώθησαν εἰς τὴν παραλίαν. 293 (9) Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αντίοχος μεγά- λως ὠργίσθη τοῖς γεγενημένοις, καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκείαν δύναμιν ἀθροίσας καὶ πολλοὺς ἐκ τῶν νήσων μισθοφόρους παραλαβὼν ἡτοιμάζετο περὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ ἔαρος εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἐμβαλεῖν. 294 ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν διανείμας ἑώρα τοὺς ,θη- cavpovs ἐπιλείποντας καὶ χρημάτων ἔνδειαν. οὖσαν (οὔτε γὰρ οἱ φόροι πάντες ἐτελοῦντο διὰ τὰς τῶν ἐθνῶν στάσεις, μεγα λόψυχός τε ὧν καὶ φιλόδωρος οὐκ ἠρκεῖτο τοῖς οὖσιν), ἔγνω πρῶτον εἰς τὴν 1 ὀκτακισχιλίους M?E Lat. «-ς---- @ In 1 Mace. Judas does not allude to their forefathers ; Josephus may here be thinking of Mattathias’ dying speech, 1 Mace. ii. 50 ff., cf. §§ 279 ff. » 1 Mace. does not say explicitly that Seron fell, but that “* Seron and his army were crushed.”’ © 1 Mace. ‘‘ to the land of the Philistines.” * Nothing is said at this point in 1 Mace. about “ mer- cenaries from the islands,” but they are mentioned later (vi. 29) 150 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 290-294 over the enemy lay not in numbers, but in being pious toward the Deity. And of this they had the clearest example in their forefathers, who because of their righteousness and their struggles on behalf of their own laws and children had many times defeated many tens of thousands 7; for, he said, in doing no wrong there is a mighty force. By saying this he persuaded his men to hold in contempt the great numbers of their adversaries and to encounter Seron, and so, after engaging the Syrians, he routed them, for when their ccmmander fell,’ they all made haste to flee, thinking that their safety lay in that. But Judas pursued them as far as the plain, and killed about eight hundred of the enemy ; the rest, how- ever, escaped to the sea-coast.° (2) Hearing of this, King Antiochus was greatly antiochus incensed by what had happened, and having collected oe all of his own forces and taking with him many for Persia, mercenaries from the islands,’ he ee preparations seem to invade Judaea about the beginning of the spring.® command. But when he had distributed the soldiers’ pay, he saw a that his treasuries were failing and that there was a lack of money—for not all the tribute had been paid because of uprisings among the (subject) nations, and also, being munificent and liberal with gifts, he had not limited himself to his actual resources,’— in connexion with Antiochus Eupator. In bibl. language “the islands ”’ usually include the Greek-speaking lands of the Mediterranean coasts. * 165 B.c., cf. below, § 297 note Καὶ 71 Macc. “and the tribute of the country was small _ because of the dissension and harm which he had brought upon the land.” “ The extravagance of Antiochus Epiphanes is vividly described in Polyb. xxvi. 1. 151 JOSEPHUS Περσίδα πορευθεὶς τοὺς φόρους τῆς χώρας συν- 295 ayayeiv. καταλιπὼν οὖν ἐπὶ = πραγμάτων Λυσίαν τινὰ δόξαν ἔχοντα παρ᾽ αὐτῷ" καὶ τὰ μέχρι ΄ ’ / “ ‘ ~ / > ΄ > » τῶν Αἰγύπτου ὅρων καὶ τῆς κάτωθεν ᾿Ασίας ἀπ Εὐφράτου διέποντα, ποταμοῦ καὶ μέρος τι τῆς 296 δυνάμεως καὶ τῶν ἐλεφάντων, τρέφειν μὲν ᾿Αν- 297 298 / ‘ «ν Ἂ ~ \ 7 / > τίοχον τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ μετὰ πάσης φροντίδος ἐν- \ ετείλατο ἕως ἀν᾽ παραγένηται, καταστρεψάμενον δὲ ‘ \ > ~ > τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν καὶ τοὺς οἰκοῦντας αὐτὴν ἐξανδρα- « ποδισάμενον ἀφανίσαι τὰ “Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ τὸ γένος αὐτῶν ἀπολέσαι. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐπιστείλας τῷ ,ὔ « \ > ( > / > “ Λυσίᾳ ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αντίοχος ἐξήλασεν εἰς τὴν - [- ΄“ A ~ Περσίδα τῷ ἑκατοστῷ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ καὶ ε , ” \ , ‘ > ͵ ἑβδόμῳ ἔτει, καὶ περαιωσάμενος τὸν Eddparny ἀνέβαινε πρὸς τὰς ἄνω σατραπείας." > ‘4 - (3) ‘O δὲ Λυσίας ἐπιλεξάμενος [᾿τολεμαῖον τὸν 1 Post αὐτῷ excidisse verba παραδοὺς αὐτῷ ex Lat. coni. Niese. 2 ex Lat. Hudson: διήκοντα codd. 3 ἕως av οὗ P. 4 τὰς ἄνω σατραπείας L* Lat.: τοὺς ἄνω σατράπας rell. @ According to1 Mace. iii. 32 Lysias was “of the family of the kingdom,” ἀπὸ τοῦ γένους τῆς βασιλείας. cf. 2 Mace. xi. 1, συγγενής “ kinsman (of the king) *’; this is not to be taken literally, but in the sense of a noble of high rank, cf. Bevan, //. Sel. ii. 281. He had lately been governor of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, according to 2 Mace. x. 11, and if that is true, Josephus is mistaken in calling Seron governor of Coele-Syria at this time, ef. § 288 notes ὁ and e. » Niese conjectures from the Lat. that after “ held in honour by him ” the words “ and gave him ”’ have fallen out. But if we accept Hudson’s emendation (see next note), the text may be allowed to stand. 152 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 294-298 and so he decided first to go to Persia and collect the tribute of that country. He therefore left in charge of the government a certain Lysias,* who was held in honour by him? and ruled over the country from ¢ the Euphrates river as far as the borders of Egypt and Lower Asia,’ and he also left behind a part of his force and his elephants ; and he charged Lysias to bring up his son Antiochus ὁ with the greatest care until he returned, and when he had subdued Judaea and reduced its inhabitants to slavery, to make an end of Jerusalem and destroy the Jewish race. Having given these instructions to Lysias, King Antiochus marched away to Persia in the hundred and forty-seventh year, and after he had crossed the Euphrates, went on into the Upper Satrapies.? (3) Thereupon Lysias chose Ptolemy, the son of © If for διέποντα “ ruled over,” conjectured by Hudson from the Lat., we retain the mss. reading διήκοντα “ extend- ing,’ we shall have to accept Niese’s further conjecture that the Gr. has lost two words after “ held in honour by him,” and read “ and gave him the country extending from,”’ ete. ¢* Lower Asia” is not mentioned in 1 Mace.; what Josephus means by the term is not clear. * Antiochus V Eupator, who was only 9 years old, accord- ing to Appian, Syr. 45. 7 The 147th year Sel. extended from Oct. 166 to Oct. 165 B.c. Although 1 Mace. speaks of Persia, it probably refers to Antiochus’ first eastern campaign, against Artaxias, king of Armenia, cf. Appian, Syr. 45, Diod. Sic. xxxi. 17. The passage in Tacitus, Hist. v. 8 probably refers to Antiochus Sidetes’ expedition against the Parthians (cf. Anté. xiii. 253), not to Antiochus Epiphanes, cf. W. Otto, Zur Geschichte der Zeit des 6. Ptolemders (Abhandlungen der bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Phil.-hist. Abteilung, N.F. Heft 11), Miinchen, 1934, p. 85 note 3. 9 1 Mace. “the upper country ” (τὰς ἐπάνω yadpas)—a term used by Polybius and Arrian for Armenia, Media, Persia, ete. VOL. VII F 153 299 300 301 JOSEPHUS Aopupévovs καὶ Νικάνορα καὶ Γοργίαν, ἄνδρας δυνατοὺς τῶν φίλων τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ παρα- δοὺς αὐτοῖς πεζῆς μὲν δυνάμεως μυριάδας τέσ- σαρας, ἱππεῖς δὲ ἑπτακισχιλίους, ἐξέπεμψεν ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν. οἱ δὲ ἄχρις ᾿ῇμμαοῦς πόλεως ἐλθόντες ἐπὶ τῇ πεδινῇ καταστρατοπεδεύονται. προσγί- γνονται δ᾽ αὐτοῖς σύμμαχοι ἀπό τε τῆς Συρίας καὶ τῆς πέριξ χώρας καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν πεφευγότων ᾿Ιουδαίων, ἔτι γε μὴν καὶ τῶν ἐμπόρων τινὲς ὡς ὠνησόμενοι τοὺς αἰχμαλωτισθησομένους, πέδας μὲν κομίζοντες αἷς δήσουσιν τοὺς ληφθησομένους, ἄργυρον δὲ καὶ χρυσὸν τιμὴν αὐτῶν καταθησόμενοι. τὸ δὲ στρατόπεδον καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐναντίων ὁ ᾿Ιούδας κατανοήσας ἔπειθε τοὺς οἰκείους στρα- τιώτας θαρρεῖν, καὶ παρεκελεύετο τὰς ἐλπίδας τῆς νίκης ἔχοντας ἐν τῷ θεῷ τοῦτον ἱκετεύειν τῷ πατρίῳ νόμῳ σάκκους περιθεμένους, καὶ τὸ σύνηθες αὐτῷ σχῆμα τῆς ἱκεσίας παρὰ τοὺς μεγάλους κινδύνους ἐπιδείξαντας, τούτῳ δυσωπῆσαι παρα- σχεῖν αὐτοῖς τὸ κατὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν κράτος. δια- 1 ἐν FV: in Lat. « He bears the surname of Macron in 2 Mace. x. 12; he had been Egyptian governor of Cyprus under Ptolemy Philo- metor (Polyb. xxvii. 13), but deserted to Antiochus Epiphanes (2 Mace. x. 13). Apparently he succeeded Lysias (or Seron ὃ, cf. above, p. 152 note a). > The son of Patroclus, according to 2 Mace. viii. 9. If he is the same person as the Nicanor sent against Judas by Demetrius, who is said to have escaped from Rome with Demetrius in 162 5.6. (1 Mace. vii. 26=§§ 402 ff., cf. Polyb. xxxi. 14), we must suppose that he went to Rome some time after Lysias assumed the regency. 154 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 298-301 Dorymenes,? and Nicanor ἢ and Gorgias,° persons of Lysias sends J ἢ £ he Friends @ of the ki d mht power among the Friends“ of the king, and giving yitanor, over to them a force of forty thousand foot-soldiers πὰ Gorgias and seven thousand horsemen, sent them out against eee Judaea. And when they had gone as far as the Gita *, Mace. of Emmaus,’ they encamped in the plain. Then ~~ there came to them allies from Syria and the sur- rounding territory, and many of the Jewish refugees,f and also certain slave-dealers, who with the intention of buying the expected captives brought chains with which to bind those who might be taken, and a store of gold and silver to pay for them. But when Judas caught sight of the camp and the great numbers of his adversaries, he tried to persuade his own soldiers to have courage, and exhorted them to place their hopes of victory in God and to make supplication to Him dressed in sackcloth according to their ancestral custom, and by exhibiting to Him this form of sup- plication, usual in time of great danger, to constrain Him to grant them victory over their foes.’ Then he © From what follows it appears that Gorgias most actively exercised the military command. 4“ Friends’ has here its technical meaning, cf. § 134 note a. * The Christian Nicopolis ; its site is the modern ‘4Amwas c. 15 miles N.W. of Jerusalem and ec. 8 miles S.W. of Beth- horon the Lower. If this Emmaus is the same as that mentioned in Luke xxiv. 13, we must assume that Luke’s reckoning of 60 stades (c. 7 miles) for its distance from Jerusalem is an error (but a v.1. gives 160 stades=18 miles) ; cf. Dalman, Sacred Sites, pp. 226 ff., and Dr. Thackeray’s note on B.J. vii. 217, which mentions another Emmaus, 30 stades (c. 3 miles) from Jerusalem. 7 The Jewish allies of the Syrians are not mentioned in 1 Mace., but ef. § 305 note a. 9. In 1 Macc. (iii. 47-53) there is a more detailed description of the ceremonies performed at Mizpeh. 155 JOSEPHUS τάξας δὲ τὸν ἀρχαῖον αὐτοὺς τρόπον καὶ πάτριον κατὰ χιλκίρχους καὶ ταξιάρχους, καὶ τοὺς νεο- γάμους ἀπολύσας καὶ τοὺς τὰς κτήσεις νεωστὶ πεποιημένους, ὅπως μὴ διὰ τὴν τούτων ἀπόλαυσιν φιλοζωοῦντες ἀτολμότερον μάχωνται, καταστὰς 802 τοιούτοις παρορμᾷ" λόγοις πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα τοὺς αὑτοῦ στρατιώτας" δ καιρὸς μὲν" ὑμῖν οὐκ ἄλλος ἀναγκαιότερος τοῦ παρόντος, ὦ ἑταῖροι, εἰς εὐ- ψυχίαν καὶ κινδύνων καταφρόνησιν καταλείπεται .ἡ νῦν γὰρ ἔστιν ἀνδρείως ἀγωνισαμένοις τὴν ἐλευ- θερίαν ἀπολαβεῖν, ἣν καὶ δι᾿ αὐτὴν ἅπασιν ἀγα- 303 πητὴν οὖσαν, ὑμῖν" ὑπὲρ ἐξουσίας τοῦ θρησκεύειν τὸ θεῖον ἔτι ποθεινοτέραν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν. ὡς οὖν ἐν τῷ παρόντι κειμένων ὑμῖν ταύτην τε ἀπο- λαβεῖν καὶ τὸν εὐδαίμονα καὶ μακάριον βίον ἀνα- κτήσασθαι (οὗτος δὲ ἦν ὁ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὴν πάτριον συνήθειαν) ἢ τὰ αἴσχιστα" παθεῖν καὶ μηδὲ “ / ¢ ~ ς ~ ~ >? ~ 304 σπέρμα τοῦ γένους ὑμῶν ὑπολειφθῆναι κακῶν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ γενομένων, οὕτως ἀγωνίζεσθε, τὸ μὲν ἀπο- ανεῖν καὶ μὴ πολεμοῦσιν ὑπάρξειν" ἡγούμενοι, τὸ δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τηλικούτων ἐπάθλων, ἐλευθερίας πατρίδος νόμων εὐσεβείας, αἰώνιον τὴν εὔκλειαν κατα- σκευάσειν" πεπιστευκότες. ἑτοιμάζεσθε τοιγαροῦν οὕτως τὰς ψυχὰς ηὐτρεπισμένοι"" ὡς αὔριον ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ συμβαλοῦντες τοῖς πολεμίοις.᾽᾿ 1 καὶ ταξιάρχους om. PE Lat. 2 παρώρμα PE. 3 μὲν οὖν PAM. 4 καταλέλειπται (ΕἾΝ. 5 ἡμῖν VW 8 ἔσχατα Cobet. 7 μὲν οὖν FLVW. 8 ὑπάρξον PW: ὑμῖν ὑπάρξειν Naber. ® Niese: κατασκευάσαι PAMW: κατασκευάζειν FLV. 0 ηὐτρεπισμένοι om. PFLV. 2“ And lower officers ᾿ (καὶ ταξιάρχους ; on the meaning of this term cf. Ant. vii. 26 note d) is omitted in the variant ; 156 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 301-304 drew them up, according to the ancient custom of their fathers, under commanders of thousands and lower officers,t and having dismissed the newly married men, and sent back those who had recently acquired property, in order that they might not, for the sake of enjoying these things, be too eager to live and so fight with too little spirit,? he urged his soldiers on to the contest with these words.* ‘‘ No time will ever be given you, my comrades, when there will be more need for courage and contempt of danger than at the present moment. For if you now fight bravely, you may recover that liberty which is loved for its own sake by all men, but to you most of all happens to be desirable because it gives you the right to worship the Deity. Since,therefore, at the present moment it lies in your power either to recover this liberty and regain a happy and blessed life —by this he meant a life in accordance with the laws and customs of their fathers—‘ or to suffer the most shameful fate and to leave your race without any seed by being cowardly in battle, exert yourselves accordingly, bearing in mind that death is the portion even of those who do not fight, and holding firmly to the belief that if you die for such precious causes as liberty, country, laws and religion, you will gain eternal glory. Make ready, therefore, and be pre- pared in spirit 4 so that at daybreak to-morrow you may meet the enemy.” 1 Mace. has ** commanders of thousands and commanders of hundreds and commanders of fifties and commanders of tens” (v.l. omits the last). ®’ On these exemptions see Deut. xx. 5 ff. (Ant. iv. 298). ¢ In the following, §§ 302-304 Josephus greatly amplifies Judas’ speech as given in 1 Mace. iii. 58-60. 4 Variant ** make ready your spirits.” 157 Judas en- courages his troops 1 Mace. iil. 58. 305 306 307 308 JOSEPHUS (4) Καὶ ὁ μὲν ᾿Ιούδας ταῦτα παραθαρσύνων τὴν στρατιὰν ἔλεξεν. τῶν δὲ πολεμίων πεμψάντων Γοργίαν μετὰ πεντακισχιλίων πεζῶν καὶ χιλίων ἱππέων, ὅπως διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς ἐπιπέσῃ τῷ ᾿Ιούδᾳ, καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο ὁδηγοὺς ἔχοντος αὐτοῦ τινας τῶν πεφευγότων ᾿Ιουδαίων, αἰσθόμενος ὁ τοῦ Ματ- ταθίου παῖς ἔγνω καὶ αὐτὸς τοῖς ἐν τῇ παρεμβολῇ τῶν πολεμίων ἐπιπεσεῖν, καὶ ταῦτα διῃρημένης αὐτῶν τῆς δυνάμεως. Kal? ὥραν οὖν δειπνοποι- σάμενος καὶ πολλὰ πυρὰ καταλιπὼν ἐπὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου δι᾿ ὅλης ὥδευε τῆς νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν ᾿Εμμαοῦς τῶν πολεμίων. οὐχ εὑρὼν δ᾽ ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ὁ Γοργίας, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπο- νοήσας ἀναχωρήσαντας αὐτοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσι κεκρύ- φθαι, πορευθεὶς ἔγνω ζητεῖν ὅπου ποτ᾽ elev. περὶ δὲ τὸν ὄρθρον ἐπιφαίνεται τοῖς ἐν ᾿Εμμαοῦς πο- λεμίοις ὁ ᾿Ιούδας μετὰ τρισχιλίων φαύλως ὡπλισ- μένων διὰ πενίαν, καὶ θεασάμενος τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἄριστα πεφραγμένους" καὶ μετ᾽ ἐμπειρίας πολλῆς ἐστρατοπεδευμένους, προτρεψάμενος τοὺς ἰδίους" ὡς καὶ γυμνοῖς τοῖς σώμασιν μάχεσθαι δεῖ καὶ τὸ θεῖον ἤδη που καὶ τοῖς οὕτως ἔχουσι τὸ κατὰ τῶν πλειόνων καὶ ὡπλισμένων κράτος ἔδωκεν, ἀγασά- μενον αὐτοὺς τῆς εὐψυχίας, ἐκέλευσε σημῆναι τοὺς σαλπιγκτάς. ἔπειτ᾽ ἐμπεσὼν" ἀπροσδοκήτως τοῖς 1 περιπεφραγμένους. FL 2 E: Ἰουδαίους codd. Lat. 3 ἔπειτ᾽ ἐμπεσὼν] ἐπιπεσὼν de FV: quatenus invaderent Lat. 41 Mace. “the men from the Akra (οἱ υἱοὶ τῆς axpas) were his guides’’; here, as in 8 252 (ef. note ad loc.), 158 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 305-308 (4) These were the words which Judas spoke to encourage his army. But the enemy sent Gorgias with five thousand foot-soldiers and a thousand Fm horsemen to fall upon Judas by night, for which purpose he took some of the Jewish refugees as guides *; and when the son of Mattathias became aware of this, he decided to fall upon the enemy’s camp himself, and to do this when their force was divided. Having, therefore, supped in good time and left many fires in his camp,’ he marched all night toward those of the enemy who were in Emmaus. And when Gorgias found that his foes were not in their camp, he suspected that they had withdrawn and hidden themselves in the mountains, and so he decided to go in search of them wherever they might be. But near dawn Judas appeared before the enemy at Emmaus with three thousand men poorly armed because of their poverty, and when he saw that his foes were excellently protected and had shown great skill in taking up their position, he urged his own men © on, saying that they must fight even if with unarmed bodies, and that the Deity had on other occasions in the past given the victory over more numerous and well-armed enemies to men in their condition because He admired their courage,? and he ordered the trumpeters to sound the signal. Then falling upon the unsuspecting enemy and strik- Josephus assumes that the Akra was occupied by renegade Jews. > These are details inferred from the statement in 1 Macc. iv. 6 that Judas surprised the enemy by his appearance early the next day. “ So the Epitome: mss. ** the Jews.” 4 Because of His mercy and the covenant with the fathers, according to 1 Mace. 159 Judas defeats the Syrians at Emmaus, ace. ἂν ἰς 309 ° 310 31] 312 JOSEPHUS / \ > / > ~ \ / \ πολεμίοις καὶ ἐκπλήξας αὐτῶν τὴν διάνοιαν Kal ταράξας, πολλοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτεινεν ἀνθισταμένους, \ \ \ ΄ 5 ” , 1 ‘ τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς διώκων ἦλθεν ἄχρι Taldpwv' Kat ΄- , - 3 / 2 ‘ > ΄ ‘ τῶν πεδίων τῆς ᾿Ιδουμαίας" Kai ᾿Αζώτου καὶ ᾿Ιαμνείας: ἔπεσον δὲ αὐτῶν ὡς περὶ τρισχιλίους. Ιούδας δὲ τῶν μὲν σκύλων παρεκελεύετο μὴ ἐπι- θυμεῖν τοὺς αὑτοῦ στρατιώτας" ἔτι γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἀγῶνά τινα καὶ μάχην εἶναι πρὸς [Γοργίαν καὶ “τὴν σὺν αὐτῷ δύναμιν: κρατήσαντας δὲ καὶ τούτων τότε σκὑλεύσειν ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας ἔλεγε, τοῦτο μόνον ἔχοντας καὶ μηδὲν ἕτερον ἐκδεχομένους. ἔτι δὲ αὐτοῦ διαλεγομένου ταῦτα πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας, ¢ ΄- ὑπερκύψαντες οἱ τοῦ ᾿ οργίου τὴν μὲν στρατιὰν ἣν ἐν τῇ παρεμβολῇ κατέλιπον ὁρῶσι Ζετραμμένην, τὸ δὲ στρατόπεδον ᾿ἐμπεπρησμένον" ὁ γὰρ καπνὸς αὐτοῖς πόρρωθεν οὖσι τοῦ συμβεβηκότος δήλωσιν ἔφερεν. ὡς οὖν ταῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχοντα ἔμαθον οἱ σὺν Dopyia Kal τοὺς μετὰ ᾿Ιούδου πρὸς παράταξιν ἑτοίμους κατενόησαν, καὶ αὐτοὶ δείσαντες εἰς φυγὴν ἐτράπησαν. ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιούδας ὡς ἀμαχητὶ τῶν μετὰ Γοργίου στρατιωτῶν ἡττημένων ὑποστρέψας ἀνη- a ~ \ petro Ta σκῦλα, πολὺν δὲ χρυσὸν Kal ἄργυρον Kat / \ αἰ \ > \ > / πορφύραν καὶ ὑάκινθον λαβὼν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν 1 Ταδάρων FLAIMV. 2 Ιουδαίας LM. α Variant (corrupt) Gadara. Gazara (so 1 Mace.) is the bibl. Gezer, modern Tell Jezar, on the Philistine-Judaean border (cf. Ant. ν. 83 note), and c. 5 miles N.W. of Emmaus. » So most mss. of Josephus and 1 Mace. ; variant Judaea. Since Idumaea lay rather to the S.E. of this region, the reading seems strange, unless as Abel and Bévenot assume, “ἢ Tdumaea " is here used as a vague term for the non-Jewish territory S. of Judaea. 160 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 308-312 ing terror into their hearts and throwing them into confusion, he killed many of those who opposed him, while the rest he pursued as far as Gazara ἃ and the plains of Idumaea® and Azotus ὁ and Jamneia,? and of these there fell some three thousand. Judas, Gorgias’ however, exhorted his soldiers not to be too hungry ἀρμοεδ ας for spoil, for there still awaited them a contest and Judas. battle against Gorgias and the force with him ; but, an. he said, when they had conquered these also, then they might take spoil in security, having only this task and nothing else to undertake. But while he was still addressing his soldiers in these words, the men with Gorgias looked down from the heights and saw that the army which they had left in the camp had been routed, and that the camp had _ been burned ; for the smoke brought to them from a dis- tance evidence of what had happened. Accordingly, when the men with Gorgias discovered that this was how things were, and perceived that Judas’ men were ready for battle, they too became frightened and turned to flee.’ Thereupon Judas, with the know- ledge that the soldiers with Gorgias had been de- feated without fighting, returned and carried off the spoil, and taking much gold and silver and stuffs of ¢ Bib]. Ashdod, probably modern sdid, in the Philistine plain near the coast. 4 Bibl. Jabniel, modern Yabneh (cf. Ant. v. 87) also in the _ Philistine plain, c. 10 miles N.E. of Azotus. * The last phrase (“‘ having only this task, οἷς. is an addition to 1 Mace. — 71 Mace. adds eis γῆν ἀλλοφύλων, presumably to the Philistine plain, ἀλλόφυλοι “ foreigners’? being a standing _ bibl. designation for the Philistines; iti s possible, however, _ that some other region is meant, cf. the use of ἀλλόφυλοι in | 1 Mace. iv. 26 (=Syrians). VOL. VII FQ 161 313 914 le on 316 JOSEPHUS ὑπέστρεψε," χαίρων καὶ ὑμνῶν τὸν θεὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς κατωρθωμένοις" οὐ μικρὰ γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἡ νίκη πρὸς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν συνεβάλλετο. (5) Λυσίας δὲ συγχυθεὶς ἐ ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν ἐκπεμφθέν- των ἥττῃ, τῷ ἐχομένῳ ἔτει μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν ἐπιλέκτων συναθροίσας ἕξ, καὶ πεντακισχιλίους λαβὼν ἱππεῖς, ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν," καὶ ἀναβὰς εἰς τὴν ὀρεινὴν ἐν Βεθσούροις κώμῃ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο. ἀπήντησε δὲ μετὰ μυρίων ᾿Ιούδας, καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἰδὼν τῶν πολεμίων σύμμαχον ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ" γενέσθαι" τὸν θεὸν εὐξάμενος, συμβαλὼν τοῖς προδρόμοις τῶν πολεμίων νικᾷ τού- τους, καὶ φονεύσας αὐτῶν ὡς πεντακισχιλίους τοῖς λοιποῖς ἣν ἐπίφοβος. ἀμέλει κατανοήσας ὁ Λυσίας τὸ φρόνημα τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων, ὡς ἕτοιμοι τελευτᾶν εἰσιν, εἰ μὴ ζήσουσιν ἐλεύθεροι, καὶ δείσας αὐτῶν τὴν ἀπόγνωσιν ὡς ἰσχύν, ἀναλαβὼν τὴν λοιπὴν δύναμιν ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς ᾿Αντιόχειαν καὶ διέτριβεν ἐκεῖ ξενολογῶν καὶ παρασκευαζόμενος μετὰ μεί- ζονος στρατιᾶς εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἐμβαλεῖν. (6) Τοσαυτάκις οὖν ἡττημένων ἤδη τῶν ᾿᾽Αν- 1 + χώραν LAMW. 2 Ιδουμαίαν AMW. ® Naber: αὐτὸν PAMW: : αὐτῷ rell. 4 ἔσεσθαι PAMW: fieri Lat. 5 ἰσχυρὰν LAMW Lat.: εἶχεν Naber. @ This would be the 148th yr. Sel. (ef. § 297), which ex- tended from Oct. 165 to Oct. 164 B.c., more exactly in the autumn of 165 B.c., cf. ὃ 321. » Variant Idumaea, and so most mss. of 1 Mace.; either reading may be correct, since Bethsur was on the border between Judaea and Idumaea. © ** Into the hill country ” is a detail added by Josephus. 4 The modern Khirbet et-Tubeigah, a few miles ΝΥ, of 162 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 312-316 purple and hyacinth, returned home, rejoicing and praising God in song for his successes ; for this victory contributed not a little to the regaining of their liberty. (5) But Lysias, who was dismayed at the defeat of Lysias and the men sent out by him, in the following year? collected sixty thousand picked men and five thousand horsemen, and with these invaded Judaea,? and going up into the hill country, encamped at Bethsura,? a village in Judaea. There Judas met him with ten thousand men, and seeing the great number of the enemy, he prayed to God to be his ally against them,¢ and on engaging the enemy’s skirmishers,’ defeated them and slew about five thousand of them, thereby becoming an object of fear to the rest. Indeed,’ when Lysias saw the spirit of the Jews and that they were prepared to die if they could not live as free men, he feared this desperate resolution of theirs as strength,” and taking the remainder of his force, he returned to Antioch, where he remained to enlist mercenaries and make preparations to invade Judaea with a greater army. (6) And now that the generals of King Antiochus Hebron (cf. Ant. viii. 246 note e). It was an important citadel as early as the Persian period. For the archaeological finds of the Persian and Hellenistic periods see O. Sellers, The Citadel of Beth-Zur, 1933. * The prayer is given at greater length in 1 Macc. iv. 30 ff. * For “skirmishers” 1 Macc. has simply “ army”’; possibly this reference is based on iv. 34, ἔπεσον ἐξ ἐναντίας αὐυτων. 9 Gr. ἀμέλει calls attention to something unusual, and, if such colloquialisms were permitted in this translation, might well be rendered “ believe it or not.” ” Text slightly uncertain; 1 Macc. does not give this particular motive. 163 Judas fight at Bethsur. 1 Mace. iv. 26. JOSEPHUS τιόχου τοῦ βασιλέως στρατηγῶν ὁ ᾿Ιούδας ἐκκλη- σιάσας ἔλεγε μετὰ πολλὰς νίκας, ἃς ὁ θεὸς αὐτοῖς ἔδωκεν, ἀναβῆναι δεῖν εἰς Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ τὸν ναὸν καθαρίσαι καὶ τὰς νενομισμένας θυσίας προσφέρειν. 317 ὡς δὲ παραγενόμενος μετὰ παντὸς τοῦ πλήθους εἰς ἹἹεροσόλυμα τὸν ναὸν ἔρημον εὗρε καὶ καταπεπρησ- μένας τὰς πύλας καὶ φυτὰ διὰ τὴν ἐρημίαν αὐ- τόματα ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ἀναβεβλαστηκότα, θρηνεῖν ἤρξατο μετὰ τῶν ἰδίων, ἐπὶ τῇ ὄψει τοῦ ναοῦ 918 συγχυθείς. ἐπιλεξάμενος δέ τινας τῶν αὑτοῦ στρατιωτῶν προσέταξε τούτοις ἐκπολεμῆσαι τοὺς τὴν ἄκραν φυλάττοντας ἄχρι τὸν ναὸν αὐτὸς ἁγνί- σειε. καθάρας δ᾽ ἐπιμελῶς αὐτὸν εἰσεκόμισε καινὰ σκεύη, λυχνίαν τράπεζαν βωμόν, ἐκ χρυσοῦ πεποιη- μένα, ἀπήρτησε δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐκπετάσματα' τῶν θυρῶν, καὶ τὰς θύρας αὐτὰς ἐπέθηκεν, καθελὼν δὲ καὶ τὸ θυσιαστήριον καινὸν ἐκ λίθων συμμίκτων 319 ὠκοδόμησεν" οὐ λελαξευμένων" ὑπὸ σιδήρου. πέμ- πτῃ δὲ καὶ εἰκάδι τοῦ Χασλεὺ μηνός, ὃν οἱ 1 ἐμπετάσματα PFV: vela Lat.: περιπετάσματα ed. pr.: παραπετάσματα Naber. 5. κατεσκεύασεν AMW. 3. λελατομημένων FLY. 4 ex Lat. Naber: ’EfeAéou P: Ξανθικοῦ F: om. L: Ζελ- Aaiov VF marg.: Χασλαίου AM: Τεβέθου W. 41 Mace. describes their distress i in greater detail. > Cf. the statement in B.J. i. 39, “δ expelled the troops from the upper city and confined them to the lower portion cf the town, known as Akra,”’ which is not based on 1 Mace. © The altar of incense. 4 This last detail is an addition to 1 Mace. “ The altar of burnt-offerings. Josephus omits the detail (1 Mace. iv. 46) that the stones of the desecrated altar were 164 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 316-819 had been defeated so many times, Judas assembled Purification the people and said that after the many victories ie which God had given them, they ought to go up to 1 Mace. Jerusalem and purify the temple and offer the cus- δ Ὁ tomary sacrifices. But when he came to Jerusalem with the entire multitude and found the temple desolate, the gates burned down and plants growing up by themselves in the sanctuary because of the desolation, he began to lament with his men in dismay at the appearance of the temple.*_ Then he selected some of his soldiers and commanded them to keep fighting the men who guarded the Afra?” until he himself should have sanctified the temple. And when he had carefully purified it, he brought in new vessels, such as a lampstand, table and altar,° which were made of gold,’ and hung curtains from the doors, and replaced the doors themselves ; he also pulled down the altar,’ and built a new one of various stones which had not been hewn with iron.’ And on the Rededica- twenty-fifth of the month Chasleu,? which the Mace- {97 Sf "° 1 Mace, put away “ on the temple-hill in a fitting place until a prophet iv. 52. should come and givea decision about them,”’ perhaps because in Josephus’ time it was the general belief that true prophetic inspiration had ceased with Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, but cf. Ant. xiii. 300 note a. 7 This last detail is an expansion of 1 Mace. iv. 47, ‘“‘ and they took whole stones (λίθους ὁλοκλήρους), according to the Law, and built a new altar after the fashion of the former one”; here λίθους ὁλοκλήρους represents Heb. ‘’abanim §*léméth as in txx Deut. xxvii. 6 et al.; elsewhere (e.g. Ex. xx. 25) xx has λίθους οὐ τμητούς “ stones not cut (by iron).” 9 Variants Exeleos, Zellaios, Chaslaios, εἴς. = Heb. Kislew, roughly December (165 B.c.); the same date is given in Megillath Ta‘anith (ed. Lichtenstein, 7UCA viii.-ix., 1931/2, p. 341), “‘ On the twenty-fifth (of Kislew) is the festival of Hanukkah, lasting eight days, on which it is forbidden to fast ’’ (cf. below, ὃ 325 notes). 165 32 32 1 bo JOSEPHUS 5 - ~ - Μακεδόνες Ἀπελλαῖον καλοῦσιν, ἦψάν τε φῶτα ἐπὶ τῆς λυχνίας καὶ ἐθυμίασαν ἐπὶ τοῦ “βωμοῦ, καὶ ἄρτους ἐπὶ τὴν τράπεζαν ἐπέθεσαν καὶ ὡλοκαύτω- σαν ἐπὶ τοῦ καινοῦ θυσιαστηρίου. ἔτυχε δὲ ταῦτα € a κατὰ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην γενέσθαι καθ᾽ ἣν καὶ μετέπεσεν αὐτῶν ἡ ἅγιος θρησκεία εἰς βέβηλον καὶ \ κοινὴν συνήθειαν, μετὰ ἔτη τρία. τὸν γὰρ ναὸν ἐρημωθέντα ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αντιόχου διαμεῖναι τοιοῦτον ἔτεσι συνέβη τρισίν: ἔτει γὰρ πέμπτῳ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ ~ ~ > Kal ἑκατοστῷ ταῦτα περὶ TOV ναὸν ἐγένετο, πέμπτῃ \ > / ; ~ > / / > / c ‘ Kal εἰκάδι τοῦ ᾿Απελλαίου μηνός, ὀλυμπιάδι ἑκα- τοστῇ καὶ πεντηκοστῇ καὶ τρίτῃ. ἀνενεώθη δὲ \ κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ἡμέραν πέμπτῃ καὶ εἰκοστῇ τοῦ ᾿Απελλαίου μηνός, ὀγδόῳ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ καὶ ἑκατοστῷ ἔτει, ὀλυμπιάδι ἑκατοστῇ καὶ πεντη- ~ \ / ~ ~ KOOTH Kal τετάρτῃ. τὴν δ᾽ ἐρήμωσιν τοῦ ναοῦ / / \ \ i} / συνέβη γενέσθαι κατὰ τὴν Δανιήλου προφητείαν > ~ πρὸ τετρακοσίων Kal ὀκτὼ γενομένην ἐτῶν" ἐδή- λωσεν γὰρ ὅτι Μακεδόνες καταλύσουσιν αὐτόν. -» ἘΠῚ) . εν 7 \ A A \ (7) “Edprale δὲ ὁ ᾿Ιούδας μετὰ τῶν πολιτῶν τὴν ἀνάκτησιν τῆς περὶ τὸν ναὸν θυσίας ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας > / \ > \ «ς ~ 7 > \ ὀκτώ, μηδὲν ἀπολιπὼν ἡδονῆς εἶδος, ἀλλὰ πολυ- τελέσι μὲν καὶ λαμπραῖς ταῖς θυσίαις κατευωχῶν αὐτούς, ὕμνοις δὲ καὶ ψαλμοῖς τὸν μὲν θεὸν τιμῶν" 1 ἐτίμων PLAMW Lat.: ἐτίμα E. 2 The Macedonian month-name is not given in 1 Mace. ; on the equation Kislew-Apellaios cf. Ant. xi. 148 note ὁ. » 2 Mace. x. 3 wrongly gives 2 years as the interval, on which cf. Otto, Ptol. p. 40 note 2, and Meyer, Ursprung li. 459. © Cf. above, § 248 notes. 4 December, 165 B.c. Although the 154th Olympiad (not mentioned in 1 Mace.) is generally reckoned as extending 166 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 319-323 donians call Apellaios,* they kindled the lights on the lampstand and burned incense on the altar and set out the loaves on the table and offered whole burnt- offerings upon the new altar. These things, as it chanced, took place on the same day on which, three years before, their holy service had been transformed into an impure and profane form of worship. [Ὃν the temple, after being made desolate by Antiochus, had remained so for three years ὃ ; it was in the hundred and forty-fifth year that these things befell the temple, on the twenty-fifth of the month Apellaios, in the hundred and fifty-third Olympiad. And the temple was renovated on the same day, the twenty- fifth of the month Apellaios, in the hundred and forty-eighth year, in the hundred and fifty-fourth Olympiad.? Now the desolation of the temple came about in accordance with the prophecy of Daniel, which had been made four hundred and eight years before ὁ ; for he had revealed that the Macedonians would destroy it. (7) And so Judas together with his fellow-citizens celebrated the ἘΝ of sacrifices in the temple for eight days, omitting no form of pleasure, but feasting them on costly and splendid sacrifices, and ( while honouring God with songs of praise and the from July 164 to July 160 s.c., and thus cannot correspond to the 148th yr. Sel. which began in Oct. 165 B.c. (the official reckoning) or the spring of 164 B.c. (the Jewish reckoning), it is likely that, as Bickermann suggests, PW xiv. 784, Josephus’ source was using the so-called Macedonian Olympiad-era, which a eel the Attic by a year; possibly, however, as Bickermann remarks, Josephus’ Olympiad reckoning is erroneous here as elsewhere. ¢ This would be in 576 B.c., or, if ‘‘ before ᾿᾿ means ** before the rededication.” in 573 8.c. ; for the prophecy see Dan. xi. 31 and vii. 25 (Ant. x. 275). 167 The Jews celebrate the festival] of lights (Hanuk- kah). 1 Mace. iv. 56. JOSEPHUS 324 αὐτοὺς δὲ τέρπων. ‘ χοσαύτῃ δ᾽ ἐχρήσαντο τῇ περὶ τὴν ἀνανέωσιν τῶν ἐθῶν ἡδονῇ, μετὰ χρόνον πολὺν ἀπροσδοκήτως ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ γενόμενοι τῆς θρησκείας, ὡς νόμον θεῖναι τοῖς μετ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἑορτάζειν τὴν ἀνάκτησιν τῶν περὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ὀκτώ. 325 καὶ ἐξ ἐκείνου μέχρι τοῦ δεῦρο τὴν ἑορτὴν ἄγομεν, καλοῦντες αὐτὴν φῶτα, ἐκ τοῦ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας, οἶμαι, ταύτην ἡμῖν φανῆναι τὴν ἐξουσίαν, τὴν προσηγο- 326 ρίαν θέμενοι τῇ ἑορτῇ. τειχίσας δ᾽ ἐν κύκλῳ τὴν πόλιν, καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἐπιδρομὰς τῶν πολεμίων πύργους οἰκοδομησάμενος ὑψηλούς, φύλακας ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐγκατέστησε, καὶ τὴν Βεθσούραν δὲ πόλιν ὠχύρωσεν, ὅπως ἀντὶ φρουρίου αὐτῇ πρὸς τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἀνάγκας ἔχῃ χρῆσθαι. 27 {π||: 1) Τούτων οὕτως γενομένων τὰ πέριξ ἔθνη πρὸς τὴν ἀναζωπύρησιν καὶ τὴν ἰσχὺν τῶν ᾿Ἰου- δαίων χαλεπῶς διακείμενα πολλοὺς ἐ ἐπισυνιστάμενα διέφθειρεν, ἐνέδραις καὶ ἐπιβουλαῖς αὐτῶν ἐγκρατῆ" 1 δ᾽ ἔτερπον PLAMW Lat.: ἔτερπε E. 2 κρατήσειν LAME: ἐγκρατείσειν W. 9 τῷ α Variant (after “‘ sacrifices ’’), ‘‘ and they honoured God with songs of praise and the playing of harps, and rejoiced.” ® Josephus explains the name “ festival of Lights” as referring to the sudden deliverance which was like a light appearing in the darkness of despair (a somewhat similar explanation is given in the scholion to Megillath Ta‘anith, ‘“ because they went out from oppression to deliverance ”’ they made Hanukkah a permanent festival) ; it is puzzling, however, that he does not directly connect the name with the kindling of lights in the temple lampstand (ef. above, § 319). In connexion with the 8 days of the celebration, the scholion to Megillath Ta‘anith briefly relates the finding of the single jar of oil which would have sufficed for only one day’s illumi- nation had not a miracle caused it to last 8 days ; for other rabbinic passages cf. Schiirer i. 209 note 61, or the more 168 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 324-327 playing of harps, at the same time delighted them.? So much pleasure did they find in the renewal of their customs and in unexpectedly obtaining the right to have their own service after so long a time, that they made a law that their descendants should celebrate the restoration of the temple service for eight days. And from that time to the present we observe this festival, which we call the festival of Lights, giving this name to it, I think, from the fact that the right to worship appeared to us at a time when we hardly dared hope for it.?- Then Judas erected walls round the city,“ and having built high towers against the incursions of the enemy, he placed guards in them ; and he also fortified the city of Bethsura in order that he might use it as a fortress in any emergency caused by the enemy.? (viii. 1) When these things had been done in this fashion, the surrounding nations, who resented the reviving of the strength of the Jews, banded together against them and destroyed many of them, whom they had got into their power ὁ through ambushes recent work of O. Rankin, The Origin of the Festival of Hanukkah, 1930. In 2 Mace. the festival is called ‘ Taber- nacles (σκηνοπηγία) of the month of Kislew’’; the usual rabbinic name is Hanukkah “ dedication,” cf. ἐγκαίνια in John x. 22, and the texts cited by Strack-Billerbeck, ad loc., ii. 539. Derenbourg, p. 62 note 2, suggests that the name ** Lights,’ which is not found elsewhere, may go back to an abbreviation of Heb. y’mé néréth sel Hanukkah “days of (the festival of) the lights of dedication.” The practice of Jighting candles on each of the eight days of the festival (one on the first day, two on the second, etc.) is still observed by the majority of Jews. © 1 Mace. “ Mount Sion,” 7.¢. the temple-hill. 4“ 1 Mace. ‘that the people might have a fortress over against Idumaea,”’ cf. § 313 note ὁ. © Variant *‘ whom they thought to get into their power.” 169 Judas’ victories over the surrounding natious. 1 Mace. v. 1. 328 329 330 JOSEPHUS U - > γιγνόμενα. πρὸς τούτους πολέμους συνεχεῖς ἐκ- > ~ - φέρων ὁ ᾿Ιούδας ἐπέχειν αὐτοὺς τῆς καταδρομῆς ΜΈ ~ ᾽ ~ καὶ ὧν ἐποίουν κακῶν τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ἐπειρᾶτο. \ - > a3 ‘ καὶ τοῖς ᾿Ησαύου υἱοῖς" ᾿Ιδουμαίοις ἐπιπεσὼν κατὰ \ > De] A > ~ > ΄ ‘ τὴν ᾿Ακραβατηνὴν" πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινε Kat > 4 \ « ~ ἐσκύλευσεν. συγκλείσας δὲ καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς τοῦ Badvov' λοχῶντας τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους περικαθίσας , ~ ΄ ἐπολιόρκει, καὶ τούς τε πύργους αὐτῶν ἐνεπίμπρα \ ‘\ » / Μ , > - > ‘ καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας διέφθειρεν. ἔπειτ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ τοὺς ᾿Αμμανίτας ἐξώρμησε δύναμιν μεγάλην καὶ πολυάνθρωπον ἔχοντας, ἧς" ἡγεῖτο Τιμόθεος. \ χειρωσάμενος δὲ Kal τούτους τὴν ᾿Ιαζωρῶν" ἐξαιρεῖ πόλιν, καὶ τάς τε γυναῖκας αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ τέκνα λαβὼν αἰχμαλώτους καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐμπρήσας εἰς \ > , ¢ ΄, ΄ o>? ? ‘ ‘ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ὑπέστρεψεν. μαθόντα δ᾽ αὐτὸν τὰ 1 γενόμενα ed. pr.: οἰόμενα LAMWE. 2 EN ANT + τοῖς καὶ Niese. 3 ᾽Ακραβατινὴν PL: ᾿Ακραβεττηνὴν F: Κραβεττινὴν V: sum- mitates Lat.: ᾿Ακραβεντήνῃ Syncellus. 4 Σαβαανου LAMW. δὲ ὧν 1081. ὃ Ἰάζωρον LW: Ιαζωρὸν AMV: Azororum Lat. « The phrase “ ambushes and plots “ἢ is an amplification of 1 Mace. v. 2, “and they planned (ἐβουλεύσαντο) to destroy the race of Jacob.” ® 1 Mace. “ against the descendants (lit. ὁ" sons ’’) of Esau in Idumea (v.l. Judaea),”’ cf. note following. ¢ Variants Akrabatine, Akrabettene, etc. : 1 Mace. (most mss.) Akrabattine ; this may have been the Akrabatene near Shechem (cf. B.J. ii. 235, iii. 55 et al.), but more probably the bibl. Akrabbim (Num. xxxiv. 4, Jos. xv. 3), modern Nagb es-Safa, S.E. of the S. end of the Dead Sea; Bévenot, how- ever, following Hélscher, favours the former because of the reference to the Baanites (see note following) in the next sentence. ¢ Lit. ‘sons of Baanes”; 1 Macc. “sons of Baian.” Pére Abel connects this name with the Beon (Ethiopic Béwén) 170 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 327-330 and plots.? Against these enemies Judas waged continuous war in an attempt to check their inroads and the mischief which they were doing the Jews. And falling upon the Idumaeans, the descendants of Iisau,® at Akrabatene,® he killed many of them and took their spoil. He also hemmed in the Baanites,? who were ambushing the Jews, and after besieging them closely, burned their towers and destroyed their men. Then he set out from there against the Am- manites, who had a great and numerous force, which was led by Timotheus. And when he had subdued them also, he took the city of Jazora,’ and after taking captive their wives and children,’ and burning the city,’ he returned to Judaea. Thereupon the in Jubilees xxix. 10 and Beon (Heb. B*én, txx Baav) in Num. xxxii. 3—the latter being explained by many scholars as haplology for Baal Meon, modern Ma‘in, c. 5 miles S.W. of Medeba in Moab. * 1 Maee. Jazer, identified by Pere Abel with modern Khirbet Sar, c. 10 miles W. of “Ammdn and c. 7 miles N.E. of ‘Ardq el--Emir. Perhaps this identification finds support in the mention (1 Mace. ν. 13) of the Jews in the territory of Tubias (ἐν τοῖς TovBiov) if this means the Tobiad stronghold at ‘Ardq el-’Emir (cf. § 230 note c), and not the bibl. Tob, S.E. of the Sea of Galilee. 7 The reference here to wives and children, not mentioned in 1 Mace. in connexion with Jazer, may, as Reinach assumes, be due to Josephus’ misunderstanding of the phrase τὴν ᾿Ιαζὴρ καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας “‘ Jazer and its daughters (7.6. daughter-cities) ’’; it seems rather strange, however, that Josephus should have misunderstood so common a bibl. idiom, and the phrase may have been added to conform with the verse below (1 Mace. ν. 13=§ 330) which mentions the wives and children of the Jews taken captive by ‘Timotheus— these not being referred to by Josephus. 9 The burning of Jazer is not mentioned in 1 Mace. ; perhaps Josephus has repeated this detail from the preceding passage (1 Macc. v. 5=§ 328) about the Baanites. 171 331 332 333 JOSEPHUS γειτονεύοντα τῶν ἐθνῶν ἀναστραφέντα' συναθροί- ζεται εἰς τὴν [ἀλααδῖτιν᾽ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὅροις inl 3 , € 9. , > ΄, 3 αὐτῶν ᾿Ιουδαίους. οἱ δὲ καταφυγόντες εἰς Διάθεμα τὸ φρούριον, πέμψαντες πρὸς ᾿Ιούδαν ἐδήλουν αὐ- ~ a - > / ’ ‘ / > τῷ ὅτι λαβεῖν ἐσπούδακε Τιμόθεος τὸ χωρίον εἰς ὃ συνεπεφεύγεσαν. ἀναγινωσκομένων δὲ τῶν > ~ 4, > ~ ‘ Μ ἐπιστολῶν τούτων, κἀκ τῆς [Γαλιλαίας ἄγγελοι παραγίνονται σημαίνοντες ἐπισυνῆχθαι τοὺς ἐκ Πτολεμαΐδος καὶ Τύρου καὶ Σιδῶνος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν" “τῆς Γαλιλαίας. (2 ) Πρὸς οὖν ἀμφοτέρας τὰς τῶν “ἠγγελμένων χρείας σκεψάμενος ὁ ᾿Ιούδας 6 τι χρὴ ποιεῖν, Σιί- μωνα μὲν τὸν ἀδελφὸν προσέταξεν ὡς τρισχιλίους ~ > / / a >? / \ τῶν ἐπιλέκτων λαβόντα τοῖς ev TadAaia βοηθὸν > - > U > ‘ Ms ADD / ce ἐξελθεῖν ᾿Ιουδαίοις- αὐτὸς δὲ Kai ᾿Ιωνάθης ὁ ἕτερος ἀδελφὸς μετὰ ὀκτακισχιλίων στρατιωτῶν ὥρμησαν > \ - / \ > \ ~ « / εἰς τὴν Vadaadirw: κατέλιπε δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ὑπολοίπων ΄ ,ὔ 3 / / ‘ ΄ \ > τῆς δυνάμεως ᾿Ιώσηπόν te τὸν Ζαχαρίου καὶ ᾿Αζα- ρίαν, προστάξας αὐτοῖς φυλάττειν ἐπιμελῶς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν καὶ συνάπτειν πόλεμον πρὸς μηδένα, ἕως ἂν αὐτὸς ἐπανέλθῃ. ὁ μὲν οὖν Σίμων παραγενό- > \ / A \ cal > a μενος εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν καὶ συμβαλὼν τοῖς ἐχθροῖς εἰς φυγὴν αὐτοὺς ἔτρεψε, καὶ μέχρι τῶν πυλῶν τῆς Πτολεμαΐδος διώξας ἀπέκτεινεν αὐτῶν ὡς περὶ τρισχιλίους, καὶ τά τε σκῦλα λαβὼν τῶν ἀνῃρη- 1 ἀνεστροφότα P: ἀναστρέφοντα LAMW. 2 Ταλα(α)δινὴν PW. 3 Διάθημα P. 4 ἀλλογενῶν FV: aliis civitatibus Lat. 2 Bibl. Gilead, the territory lying between the Jarmuk and Jabbok rivers in 'Transjordan; perhaps it is used here in 1 Mace. in a wider sense to include the territory farther east (so Schiirer and Pére Abel). 172 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 330-334 neighbouring nations, on learning that he had re- turned, gathered together in Galaaditis ἃ against the Jews who were in their borders. But these fled to the fortress of Diathema ὃ and sent to Judas, inform- ing him that Timotheus was making an effort to seize the place in which they had taken refuge. And while these letters were being read, there came messengers from Galilee also, announcing that a force had been raised against him by those in Ptole- mais,“ Tyre and Sidon and the other nations? of Galilee. (2) Judas, therefore, considering what had to be done in both these cases of need which had been reported, commanded his brother Simon to take some three thousand of the picked men and go out to the help of the Jews in Galilee, while he himself and his other brother Jonathan with eight thousand soldiers set out for Galaaditis ; and over the remainder of the force he left Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, whom he commanded to guard Judaea carefully and not to join battle with anyone until he himself re- turned. And so Simon went to Galilee, and engaging the foe, put them to flight, and after pursuing them as far as the gates of Ptolemais, killed about three thousand of them ; then taking the spoil of the slain, » | Mace. Dathema; identified by Pére van Kasteren (ap. Abel) with modern el-Tosn c. 20 miles E. of the Jordan in the latitude of Beth-shean (Scythopolis), and c. 35 miles W. of the supposed site of Bozrah, Bosra eski-Sdm - Bévenot, following Hélscher, identifies Dathema with er-Ramtheh c. 10 miles N.E. of el-Hogn. ¢ Bibl. Accho, modern ‘Akkd, a famous city in Hellenistic times, at the N. end of the bay of Haifa, opposite Mount Carmel ; it is described by Josephus in B.J. ii. 188 ff. 4 Variant ‘‘ and the gentiles (ἀλλογενῶν),᾽᾿ cf. 1 Mace., “* Galilee of the gentiles (ἀλλοφύλων). 173 Simon invades Galilee, 1 Mace, ν. 10. Ww ~ an 336 337 JOSEPHUS ΄, ‘ A > / € > » -“ Ε] μένων καὶ τοὺς ἠχμαλωτισμένους ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν *lov- δαίους, καὶ τὴν ἀποσκευὴν αὐτῶν ἐπαγόμενος εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν πάλιν' ἀνέστρεψεν. (3) Ἰούδας δὲ ὁ Μακκαβαῖος καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς > 1 ee 3 / / \ > ’ὔ ‘ αὐτοῦ ᾿Ιωνάθης διαβάντες τὸν ᾿Ιορδάνην ποταμὸν καὶ ὁδὸν ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τριῶν ἀνύσαντες ἡμερῶν τοῖς Ναβαταίοις εἰρηνικῶς ὑπαντῶσι περιτυγχάνουσιν. ‘ ΄- ὧν διηγησαμένων τὰ περὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ Τ᾿ αλααδίτιδι, ~ ~ > - ὡς πολλοὶ κακοπαθοῦσιν αὐτῶν ἐν τοῖς φρουρίοις ἀπειλημμένοι καὶ ταῖς πόλεσιν τῆς Ἰ αλααδίτιδος, καὶ παραινεσάντων αὐτῷ σπεύδειν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀλλο- φύλους καὶ ζητεῖν ἀπ᾿ αὐτῶν σώζειν τοὺς ὁμο- - > εθνεῖς, πεισθεὶς ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν ἔρημον, Kat προσπεσὼν πρώτοις τοῖς τὴν Βοσόραν" κατοικοῦσιν καὶ λαβὼν αὐτήν, πᾶν τὸ ἄρρεν καὶ μάχεσθαι / / \ \ / « -“ > δυνάμενον διέφθειρε Kal τὴν πόλιν ὑφῆψεν. ἐπι- , \ \ 9» Ὁ > A > > γενομένης δὲ νυκτὸς οὐδ᾽ οὕτως ἐπέσχεν, ἀλλ ¢€ / > > ~ > \ \ /, ” \ > ὁδεύσας δι᾿ αὐτῆς ἐπὶ τὸ φρούριον ἔνθα τοὺς ’lov- δαίους ἐγκεκλεῖσθαι συνέβαινε, περικαθεζομένου τὸ 1 πάλιν om. FLAMVW Lat. 2 Βοσόρραν FV: Βοσσόρραν L.: Betsuram Lat. 3 4 καταλαβὼν PAMW: + καταβαλὼν rell. 4 1 Mace. does not specify Jewish captives, but “ those from Galilee and in Arbatta (location uncertain) with their wives and children and all that belonged to them,”’ presum- ably meaning the Jews resident among the gentiles of Galilee. » 1 Mace. “ἃ three-days’ journey in the wilderness.” ¢ Originally an Arab tribe (ef. Ant. i. 220 ff.) dwelling N.E. of the peninsular of Sinai; in the 6th century B.c, they occupied Petra, formerly held by the Edomites; during Hellenistic and Roman periods they spread north and east through Transjordan as far as Palmyra where many inscrip- tions (in Aramaic) have been found. Josephus gives further details of their history in Ané. xiii. 10 ff. For a convenient 174 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 334-337 and bringing back the Jews who had been made captive by them, and their belongings,” he returned once more to his own country. (3) As for Judas Maccabaeus and his brother Jonathan, they crossed the river Jordan, and after covering a distance of three days’ march from it,? they came upon the Nabataeans,° who greeted them peaceably. And they told him what had happened to those in Galaaditis, and that many of them were in distress after being shut up in the fortresses and cities of Galaaditis ¢; and when they urged him to march speedily against the foreigners and to try to save his countrymen ¢ from them, he followed their advice, and returned into the wilderness; then falling first upon the inhabitants of Bosora’ and taking that city,’ he destroyed all the males and those able to fight,” and set fire to the city. And not even when night came on did he call a halt, but marched through the night toward the fortress? where the Jews had been shut up when Timotheus invested modern account of this people see G. Robinson, The Sarco- phagus of an Ancient Civilization, 1930, ch. xxviii. (by A. P. Scott). 4 The names of these cities are given in 1 Mace. v. 26 as Bosora, Bosor, Alema, Chasphor, Maked and Karnaim, cf. below, § 340. ¢ There is no need to render ὁμοεθνεῖς here or elsewhere by “ coreligionists ’ rather than ‘t countrymen,” since the distinction is a modern one; 1 Mace. has ** brothers.” ‘ Variants Bosorra, Bossora; 1 Mace. Bosor, probably bibl. Bozrah of Moab, modern Bogrdé eski-Sdm, cf. § 330 note b. 9 Emended text: mss. add “ and occupying it δ or ‘‘ and overthrowing it.” ” This last detail seems to be based on a careless reading of 1 Macc. v. 28, “ he slew every male at the point of the sword.” * i.e. Dathema, cf. above, § 330. 175 Victories of Judas and Jonathan in Gilead, 1 Mace. v. 24. 338 339 340 341 JOSEPHUS χωρίον Τιμοθέου μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, ἕωθεν ἐπ αὐτὸ παραγίνεται. καὶ καταλαβὼν ἤδη τοῖς τείχεσι προσβεβληκότας τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ τοὺς μὲν κλίμακας ὥστε ἀναβαίνειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτά, τοὺς δὲ μη- χανήματα προσφέροντας, κελεύσας τὸν σαλπιγκτὴν ~ \ / \ / «ς \ σημῆναι, Kal παρορμήσας τοὺς στρατιώτας ὑπὲρ ἀδελφῶν καὶ συγγενῶν διακινδυνεῦσαι προθύμως, εἰς τρία διελὼν τὸν στρατὸν ἐπιπίπτει κατὰ νώτου τοῖς πολεμίοις. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Τιμόθεον αἰσθόμενοι ὅτι Μακκαβαῖος εἴη, πεῖραν ἤδη καὶ πρότερον αὐτοῦ τῆς ἀνδρείας καὶ τῆς ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις εὐτυ- χίας εἰληφότες φυγῇ χρῶνται"" ἐφεπόμενος δὲ μετὰ τοῦ στρατεύματος ὁ ᾿Ιούδας ἀ ἀναιρεῖ μὲν αὐτῶν εἰς" ὀκτακίσχιλίους. ἀπονεύσας δ᾽ εἰς Μελλὰ" πόλιν οὕτως λεγομένην τῶν ἀλλοφύλων λαμβάνει καὶ ταύτην, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄρρενας ἅπαντας ἀποκτείνει, τὴν δὲ πόλιν αὐτὴν ἐμπίμπρησιν. ἄρας δ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν τήν τε Χασφομάκη" καὶ Βοσὸρ καὶ πολλὰς ἄλλας πόλεις τῆς ᾿ Γαλααδίτιδος καταστρέφεται. (4) Χρόνῳ δ᾽ ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ Τιμόθεος δύναμιν μεγάλην παρασκευασάμενος, καὶ συμμάχους ἀλ- λους τε παραλαβὼν καὶ ᾿Αράβων τινὰς μισθῷ εἰ via χρῶνται] εἰς φυγὴν χρῶνται P: εἰς φυγὴν τρέπονται PLV Lat. 2 2 ws P: om. FL. 3 Μαάφην FLV et AM marg.: Μάλλα W: Mellam Lat. 4 Χασθομακι P: Χασφωμακεὶ (F)V: Χασμοφάκην L: Ka- σφομάχην (A)M: ΚΚασθῶμακεϊ (sic) W: Castomachi Lat. 2 This last phrase is an addition to 1 Mace. » Cf. § 331 note d. 1 Macc. does not so describe the city here. ¢ Variants Maaphe, Malla; 1 Macc. Maspha, probably bibl. Mizpeh of Gilead, which in turn is perhaps to be 176 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 337-341 the place with his force, and reached it at dawn. And finding that the enemy was already assaulting the walls, some bringing up ladders to scale them, and others siege-engines, he ordered the trumpeter to sound the charge ; then, after urging his soldiers to face danger gladly for their brothers and kin, he divided his army into three parts, and fell upon the enemy's rear. And when ‘Timotheus’ men recog- nized Maccabaeus, of whose courage and good fortune in war they had already had proof,? they took to flight ; but Judas followed them closely with his army, and slew as many as eight thousand. Then turning aside to one of the gentile’ cities called Mella,® he took this also, and killed all the males, and burned the city itself. From there he moved on, and subdued Chasphomake ὁ and Bosor® and many other cities of Galaaditis. (4) Not long after this Timotheus made ready a Judas great force, and taking, in addition to other allies, εν ας ας some of the Arabs whom he persuaded by payment of and takes Carnaim. identified with Tell Mas fa near Sif, c. 5 miles N.W. of Jerag aa (Gerasa). But the reading Maspha in 1 Mace. is questioned by Pere Abel, while the Mella of Josephus may just possibly, as Grimm surmises, be a corruption of Alema, mentioned earlier in 1 Mace. (v. 26). 4 Variants Chasthomaki, Chasphomakei, etc.; the read- ings of all the mss. of Josephus combine into one name those of two cities named separately in 1 Mace. Chasphor (v.l. Chasphon, cf. Kaspin, Chaspin in 2 Mace. xii. 13) and Maked; Casphor is identified by Pére Abel, following Hélscher, with el-Mezeirib situated on one of the tributaries of the Yarmuk, where now the old Roman road, the Pilgrim road of the Muslims and the Hejaz railway all meet; Maked is more tentatively identified by Pére Abel with Tell el-Jamid on the Yarmuk river, c. 10 miles due W. of el- Mezeirib. ¢ Probably modern Bugr el-Hariri, c. 20 miles N.E. of el- Mezeirib. 11 34 34 34 34 34 2 3 4 5 6 JOSEPHUS ~ 4 πείσας αὐτῷ συστρατεύειν, ἧκεν ἄγων τὴν στρατιὰν , “- ΄ € Pe aed / > πέραν τοῦ χειμάρρου Ῥομφῶν᾽ avtixpus (πόλις ὃ ἦν αὕτη), καὶ παρεκελεύετο τοὺς στρατιώτας, εἰ Ul ? , - > , , συμβάλοιεν εἰς μάχην τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις, προθύμως 3 , 0 \ r 4 > \ / ‘ ἀγωνίζεσθαι Kat κωλύειν αὐτοὺς διαβαίνειν τὸν χείμαρρον: διαβάντων γὰρ ἧτταν αὐτοῖς προέλεγεν. 5 / δ᾽ 3 / / \ / lovdas ἀκούσας παρεσκευάσθαι τὸν Τιμόθεον \ -“ > πρὸς μάχην, ἀναλαβὼν ἅπασαν τὴν οἰκείαν δύναμιν / \ ἔσπευδεν ἐπὶ TOV πολέμιον, καὶ περαιωσάμενος TOV / a A χείμαρρον ἐπιπίπτει τοῖς ἐχθροῖς καὶ τοὺς μὲν ~ ͵ὔ αὐτῶν ὑπαντιάζοντας ἀνήρει, τοὺς δ᾽ εἰς δέος > \ cr \ a ΖΞ > / ἐμβαλὼν ῥίψαντας τὰ ὅπλα φεύγειν ἠνάγκασεν. " \ \ > ~ / ie 3 > A /, καὶ τινὲς μὲν αὐτῶν διέδρασαν, ot δ᾽ εἰς TO καλού- 2 ” μενον ᾿Εγκρανὰς" τέμενος συμφυγόντες ἤλπισαν / ,ὔ 3 / \ \ / τεύξεσθαι σωτηρίας. “lovdas δὲ τὴν πόλιν κατα- λαβόμενος αὐτούς τε ἀπέκτεινε καὶ τὸ τέμενος ἐνέπρησε, ποικίλῃ χρησάμενος ἰδέᾳ τῆς ἀπωλείας τῶν πολεμίων. ~ / \ \ Ἁ > (5) Tatra διαπραξάμενος καὶ συναγαγὼν τοὺς ἐν aT. / > / A / \ ~ τῇ Vadaadirrds ᾿Ιουδαίους μετὰ τέκνων Kal γυναικῶν καὶ τῆς ὑπαρχούσης αὐτοῖς ἀποσκευῆς, οἷός τε ἦν cal e 2 , εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἐπαναγαγεῖν. ὡς δ᾽ ἧκεν ἐπί τινα 1 ῬΡαμφῶν AM: Ῥαφῶν FLV: Rophon Lat. μ' Ρ 2 ἐμπίπτει FLAM. 3 ἐν κραναῖν F: ἐν καρναῖν LV: "Eyxapvaiv AM. « Variants Ramphon, Raphon (so 1 Mace.), Rophon ;, it is identified by Pére Abel, following Buhl, with Tell es-Sihdb, c. 4 miles S.W. of el- Mezeirib, near one of the tributaries of the Yarmuk river, which is probably “ὁ the stream ”’ referred 178 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 341-346 money to join his campaign, he led his army across the stream opposite Romphon?—this was ἃ city—and exhorted his soldiers, if they engaged the Jews in battle, to fight eagerly and prev ent them from cross- ing the stream ; for, he predicted, if the Jews crossed, they themselves would be defeated. But when Judas heard that Timotheus had made ready for battle, he took all his own force and hastened to meet the enemy ; and after crossing the stream, he fell upon his foes, and slew some of them who opposed him, and struck fear into the others and forced them to throw away their arms and flee. And so some of them escaped, while others took refuge in the sacred precinct called Enkranai,? where they hoped to find safety. But Judas took this city, and killed the inhabitants, and also burned the sacred precinct ; thus he accomplished the destruction of the enemy under various forms.¢ (5) Having achieved these things and gathered Jaca together ES Jews in Galaaditis ie their children a ed and wives and belongings, he was ready to lead them i Gilead. 1 Mace. back to Judaea. But when he came to a certain city v. 5. to in the text above; this identification is questioned by Bévenot, who prefers er-Rafe, c. 15 miles N.E. of el- Mezeirib. Grotius (ap. Grimm) and Hudson connect Raphon with the Raphana mentioned by Pliny, Hist. Nat. v. 16, as one of the cities of the Decapolis. » Variant Enkarnain; the readings of all the mss. of Josephus are corruptions of the phrase in 1 Mace. ἐν Καρναίν “in Carnaim ”’; this is the bibl. Carnaim, identified by Pere Abel and Bévenot with Seikh Sa‘ad, c. 10 miles due N. of el- Mezeirib, and c. 2 miles N. by W. of Tell ‘AStara (bibl. Ashtaroth). Karnaim and Ashtaroth are coupled in Gen. xiv. 5 and Jubilees xxix. 10. * The phrase ποικίλῃ... ἰδέᾳ τῆς ἀπωλείας is reminiscent of Thucydides, cf. Thue. iii. 81. 5 and vii. 29. 5. 179 JOSEPHUS , > ‘ » > ‘ - « - ,ὔ ‘ πόλιν ᾿Εμφρὼν ὄνομα ἐπὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ κειμένην, καὶ ite ἄλλην αὐτῷ τρα ‘va βαδίζειν ὃ Vv ἢ οὔτε ἄλλην αὐτῷ τραπομένῳ ίζειν δυνατὸν ἦν » > ΄, » , ‘ 4 > 1 ~ οὔτε ἀναστρέφειν ἤθελεν, πέμψας πρὸς τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ παρεκάλει τὰς πύλας ἀνοίξαντας ἐπιτρέπειν αὐτῷ ‘ ~ / > - ’ὔ \ / / διὰ THs πόλεως ἀπελθεῖν: τάς τε yap πύλας λίθοις > 7, 1 \ \ , > , 2 \ 347 ἐμπεφράκεσαν' καὶ τὴν διέξοδον ἀπετέμοντο." μὴ πειθομένων δὲ τῶν ᾿Εμφραίων, παρορμήσας τοὺς μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ κυκλωσάμενος ἐπολιόρκει, καὶ δι᾽ ἡμέρας καὶ νυκτὸς προσκαθίσας ἐξαιρεῖ τὴν πόλιν, καὶ πᾶν ὅσον ἄρρεν ἦν ἐν αὐτῇ κτείνας καὶ κατα- πρήσας ἅπασαν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν ἔσχεν: τοσοῦτον δ᾽ ἦν Α ~ / ~ ¢€ > > > ~ / τὸ TOV πεφονευμένων πλῆθος, ὡς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν Badi- 348 ζειν τῶν νεκρῶν. διαβάντες δὲ τὸν ᾿Ιορδάνην ἧκον εἰς τὸ μέγα πεδίον, οὗ κεῖται κατὰ πρόσωπον πόλις Βεθσάνη, καλουμένη πρὸς “EAAjvwv Σκυθόπολις. 3 - ¢ / > \ 5» / / 449 κἀκεῖθεν ὁρμηθέντες εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν παρεγένοντο / / \ ~ \ ‘ / > - ψάλλοντές τε καὶ ὑμνοῦντες καὶ τὰς συνήθεις ἐν τοῖς ἐπινικίοις παιδιὰς ἄγοντες": ἔθυσαν δὲ χαριστηρίους ὑπέρ τε τῶν κατωρθωμένων θυσίας καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς τοῦ στρατεύματος σωτηρίας: οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἐν τούτοις τοῖς πολέμοις τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀπέθανεν. . > 350 (6) ᾿Ιώσηπος δὲ ὁ Ζαχαρίου καὶ “Alapias, οὕς \ « > LAN > “ κατέλιπε στρατηγοὺς 6 ᾿Ιούδας καθ᾽ ὃν καιρὸν Σίμων μὲν ὑπῆρχεν ἐν τῇ αλιλαίᾳ πολεμῶν τοὺς ἐν τῇ Πτολεμαΐδι, αὐτὸς δὲ 6 ᾿Ιούδας καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς 1 ἐπεφράκεσαν Dindorf. 3. ἀπετέμνοντο FLV. 3. ἄδοντες Ν]. 41 Mace. Ephron, identified by Pere Abel with mod. et-Taybeh, c. 8 miles E. of the Jordan, a little N. of the lati- 180 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 346-350 by the name of Emphron,? which lay on his road, as it was not possible for him to avoid it by taking another road,® and being unwilling to turn back, he sent to the inhabitants and requested them to open their gates and permit him to go on through their city ; for they had blocked the gates with stones, and had cut off any passage through it. The Emphraeans, however, would not consent to this, and so he urged on his men and surrounded the city and besieged it, and after investing it for a day and a night, he took the city, and killed all the males who were in it, and burned it all down,” and so made a way ; but so great was the number of the slain that they had to walk over their dead bodies. And after crossing the Jordan, they came to the Great Plain, in front of which lies Beth- sane,? by the Greeks called Scythopolis. And setting out from there, they came to Judaea, playing harps and singing songs of praise and observing such forms of merry-making as are customary at celebrations of a victory ὁ ; then they offered the sacrifices of thanks- giving for their successes and for the safety of their army, for not one of the Jews had met death in these wars. (6) Now Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, whom Judas had left in command at the time when Simon was in Galilee warring against those in Ptole- mais, and Judas himself and his brother Jonathan tude of Beisan (Scythopolis), and 8 miles W. by 8. of Irbid (Arbela): it is probably the Tedpodv of Polyb. v. 70. 12, as suggested by Graetz. Because of the difficult terrain. © 1 Mace. “ uprooted it.” 4 Bibl. Beth-shean, mod. Beisdn, cf. Ant. ν. 83 note ἢ. * According to 1 Macc., it seems, the rejoicing began only when they reached Jerusalem, 181 Gorgias defeats the Jewish home-guard at Jamneia. 1 Mace. v. 55. 35 - 902 909 JOSEPHUS ~ ~ ‘ αὐτοῦ ᾿Ιωνάθης ἐν τῇ Γαλααδίτιδι, βουληθέντες Kia αὐτοὶ δόξαν περιποιήσασθαι στρατηγῶν τὰ πολε- μικὰ γενναίων, τὴν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῖς δύναμιν ἀναλαβόντες > > , / / \ ~ ~ 3 Ul ἦλθον εἰς ᾿Ιάμνειαν. Γοργίου δὲ τοῦ τῆς ᾿Ιαμνείας στρατηγοῦ ὑπαντήσαντος, συμβολῆς γενομένης δισ- χιλίους ἀποβάλλουσι τῆς στρατιᾶς, καὶ φεύγοντες" ἄχρι τῶν τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας ὅρων" διώκονται. συνέβη > αὐτοῖς τὸ πταῖσμα τοῦτο παρακούσασιν ὧν > A“ > ΄ > , \ - > / αὐτοῖς ᾿Ιούδας ἐπέστειλεν, μὴ συμβαλεῖν εἰς μάχην μηδενὶ πρὸ τῆς ἐκείνου παρουσίας" πρὸς γὰρ τοῖς ἄλλοις αὐτοῦ στρατηγήμασιν καὶ τὸ κατὰ τοὺς περὶ τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον καὶ τὸν ᾿Αζαρίαν πταῖσμα θαυμά- σειεν ἄν τις, ὃ συνῆκεν, εἰ παρακινήσουσί τι τῶν > ΄, τὶ - > / ¢ \ 3 / ‘ ἐπεσταλμένων αὐτοῖς, ἐσόμενον. ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιούδας καὶ δ 8 \ ΕἸ ~ ~ \ > / > ot ἀδελφοὶ αὐτοῦ πολεμοῦντες τοὺς ᾿Ιδουμαίους οὐκ ἀνίεσαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐνέκειντο πανταχόθεν αὐτοῖς, τήν τε Χεβρῶνα πόλιν καταλαβόμενοι, ὅσον ἦν ὀχυρὸν αὐτῆς καθεῖλον, καὶ τοὺς πύργους ἐμπρήσαντες ἐδήουν τὴν ἀλλόφυλον χώραν καὶ Μάρισαν" πόλιν, ” Μ > / \ / > \ / εἴς τε “Alwrov ἐλθόντες καὶ λαβόντες αὐτὴν διήρ- \ \ ~ \ Ψ / > πασαν. πολλὰ δὲ σκῦλα καὶ λείαν κομίζοντες εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ὑπέστρεψαν. 1 φεύγουσιν AMW Lat.: φυγόντες E. 9 ὀρῶν FLAMW: om: E. 3 διώκονται om. PAM WE Lat. 4 Mapiocay V. Cf. § 308 note d. > Cf. § 298. © The variant omits “‘ were pursued.” 7 So 1 Mace. ; variant ‘‘ mountains.” * In place of the sentence about Judas‘ cleverness 1 Mace. gives the explanation that Joseph and Azariah were defeated 182 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 350-353 were in Galaaditis—they too wished to acquire the reputation of being generals valiant in action, and so they took their force and went to Jamneia.? But Gorgias,” the commander of Jamneia, met them there, and in the engagement which took place they lost two thousand men of their army, and fleeing, were pursued ὁ as far as the borders? of Judaea. This reverse befell them because they disobeyed the in- structions of Judas not to engage anyone in battle before his arrival; for in addition to the other in- stances of Judas’ cleverness, one might well admire him also for having foreseen that such a reverse would come to the men under Joseph and Azarias if they departed in any respect from the instructions given them.€ Meanwhile Judas and his brothers were warring on the Idumaeans/’ without ceasing, and pressed them closely on all sides ; and after taking the city of Hebron, they destroyed all its fortifications and burned its towers’; and they ravaged the foreign territory, including the city of Marisa,” and coming to Azotus,’ they took this city and sacked 1.7 Then they returned to Judaea, carrying much spoil and booty. because ‘‘ they were not of the seed of those men (i.e. the Hasmonaeans) by whose hand salvation was given to Israel.” 4 1 Mace. ‘‘ the sons of Esau,’’ which, of course, means the Idumaeans. 9 1 Mace. adds that they captured the yillages near Hebron. 4 The reading ‘‘ Samaria ’”’ in the Gr. mss. of 1 Mace. is generally recognized to be a corruption of ** Marisa "ἢ (also found in most mss. of 2 Mace. xii. 35); it is the bibl. Mareshah near the Philistine border, cf. Ant. viii. 246 note 7. * Bibl. Ashdod, cf. ὃ 308 note δ. 71 Macc. adds that they burned the carved idols found there. 183 ’ Judas’ victories in Idumaea. JOSEPHUS 354 (ix. 1) “Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν Kai ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αντίοχος τὴν ἄνω χώραν ἐπερχόμενος ἀκούει πόλιν >? ~ / / ,ὔ 31. he ev τῇ Ilepoids πλούτῳ διαφέρουσαν ᾿Ιὑλυμαΐδα »Μἤ \ \ « οὖ > / 2 > “-“ τοὔνομα, καὶ πολυτελὲς ἱερὸν ᾿Αρτέμιδος ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ παντοδαπῶν ἀναθημάτων πλῆρες εἶναι ἔτι γε μὴν ὅπλα καὶ θώρακας, ἃ καταλιπεῖν ἐπυνθάνετο τὸν υἱὸν τὸν Φιλίππου βασιλέα δὲ Μακεδόνων > ,ὔ ὃ \ > « ‘ / 1 “ 355 Αλέξανδρον. κινηθεὶς οὖν ὑπὸ τούτων' ὥρμησεν > \ \ > he \ \ > \ > , ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ιὑλυμαΐδα, καὶ προσβαλὼν αὐτὴν ἐπολιόρ- κει. τῶν δ᾽ ἐν αὐτῇ μὴ καταπλαγέντων τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτοῦ μηδὲ τὴν πολιορκίαν, ἀλλὰ καρτερῶς ἀντι- σχόντων, ἀποκρούεται τῆς ἐλπίδος. ἀπωσάμενοι γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἐπεξελθόντες ἐδίωξαν, ὥστ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν εἰς Βαβυλῶνα φεύγοντα καὶ 356 πολλοὺς ἀποβαλόντα τῆς στρατιᾶς. λυπουμένῳ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῇ διαμαρτίᾳ ταύτῃ προσαγγέλλουσί τινες καὶ τὴν τῶν στρατηγῶν ἧτταν, οὗς πολεμήσοντας τοῖς ᾿ΙἸουδαίοις κατελελοίπει, καὶ τὴν ἰσχὺν ἤδη τὴν τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων. προσγενομένης οὖν καὶ τῆς περὶ τού- των φροντίδος τῇ προτέρᾳ, συγχυθεὶς ὑπὸ ἀθυμίας εἰς νόσον κατέπεσεν, ἧς μηκυνομένης καὶ αὐξανο- 1 ἐπὶ τούτῳ AMW. « His eastern campaign lasted from about the summer of 165 B.c. to the summer of 163 B.c., ef. §§ 297 note f, 361 note a. » So 1 Mace., probably referring to the province, not the city, of Elymais =bib]. Elam, and corresponding to Susiana, the eighth in the list of provinces of ets empire, as given by Herodotus. According to 2 Mace. ix. 2 it was Persepolis that Antiochus attempted “to despoil. © So Polyb. xxxi. 9 (11). 1, ef. Jerome on Dan. xi., who gives the Latin form Diana, citing Polybius and Diodorus; Appian, Syria 66, gives the goddess’s name as Aphrodite ; 1 Macc. omits her name. Both names, Artemis and Aphro- 184 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 364-357 (ix. 1) About the same time King Antiochus, as he was entering the upper country,” heard of a city in Persia of surpassing wealth, named Elymais,? and that there was in it a rich temple of Artemis,° which was full of all kinds of dedicatory offerings, as well as of arms and breastplates which he learned had been left behind by Alexander, the son of Philip, king of Macedon. And so, being excited by these reports, he set out for Elymais, and assaulted it and began a siege. As those within the city, however, were not dismayed either by his attack or by the siege, but stoutly held out against him, his hopes were dashed ; for they drove him off from the city, and went out against him in pursuit, so that he had to come to Babylon @ as a fugitive, and lost many of his army. And as he was grieving over this failure, some men brought him news also of the defeat of the generals whom he had left to make war on the Jews, and of the strength which the Jews now had. And so, with the anxiety over these events added to his former anxiety, he was overwhelmed, and in his despondency fell ill ; and as his illness lingered on, and his sufferings in- dite, are merely hellenizations of the Oriental Nanaia or Anaitis, cf. 2 Mace. i. 13 and Cook, RAP, pp. 218, 223. 4 So 1 Mace. ; Polybius gives the name of the city in which Antiochus died as Tabae in Persia. This is probably an error for Gabae, a city in Gabiane, a sub-province (eparchia) of Elymais, according to Strabo xv. 728 and xvi. 745. Ecba- tana is given in 2 Mace. ix. 3 as the name of the city where Antiochus heard the news of the Jews’ successes in the West ; this, in turn, is identified by Kugler, pp. 387 ff., with Aspa- dana (mod. Ispahan), once apparently called Gai or Gabae. Niese, GG MS iii. 218 note 3, corrects Polybius’ Tabae to Gabae, but in ritik, pp. 19 Εἰ, suggests that here 2 Mace. confuses Antiochus Epiphanes with Antiochus Sidetes. See now W. W. Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria, pp. 463-466. VOL. VII a 185 Antiochus Epiphanes is stricken in Persia. 1 Mace. vi. 1. Death of Antiochus Epiphanes. 1 Mace. vi. 8 JOSEPHUS ’ ~ “ \ “ , - μένων τῶν παθῶν, συνεὶς ὅτι μέλλοι τελευτᾶν, συγ- καλεῖ τοὺς φίλους καὶ τήν τε νόσον αὐτοῖς χαλε- \ 5 ἐξ πὴν οὖσαν ἐμήνυε, καὶ ὅτι ταῦτα πάσχει κακώ- \ = > , ” 7 , 2 σας τὸ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔθνος παρεδήλου, συλήσας τὸν ναὸν καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ καταφρονήσας" καὶ ταῦτα ζ 358 λέγων ἐξέπνευσεν. ὥστε με θαυμάζειν Ἰ]ολύβιον \ , a > \ xn τὰ | > a tov Μεγαλοπολίτην, ὃς ἀγαθὸς ὧν ἀνὴρ ἀποθανεῖν / A > / / \ ~ > / λέγει τὸν ᾿Αντίοχον βουληθέντα τὸ τῆς ev Ἰ]έρσαις > “-“ ΄“ Αρτέμιδος ἱερὸν συλῆσαι: τὸ γὰρ μηκέτι ποιῆσαι τὸ ἔργον βουλευσάμενον οὐκ ἔστιν τιμωρίας ἀξιον. 359 εἰ δὲ διὰ τοῦτο [Πολυβίῳ δοκεῖ καταστρέψαι τὸν βίον ᾿Αντίοχον οὕτως, πολὺ πιθανώτερον διὰ τὴν ἱεροσυλίαν τοῦ ἐν “Ἱεροσολύμοις ναοῦ τελευτῆσαι \ / > \ \ x "s ? / τὸν βασιλέα. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτου οὐ διαφέρομαι τοῖς τὴν' ὑπὸ τοῦ Μεγαλοπολίτου λεγομένην αἰτίαν \ Ngee 715» es oes > A ἢ 8 παρὰ τὴν" ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἀληθῆ νομίζουσιν. 800 (4) ‘O δ᾽ ᾿Αντίοχος πρὶν ἢ τελευτᾶν καλέσας / “ A“ ¢ / Lond U Jem | Φίλιππον ἕνα τῶν ἑταίρων, τῆς βασιλείας αὐτὸν ἐπίτροπον καθίστησι, καὶ δοὺς αὐτῷ τὸ διάδημα καὶ x \ \ \ / > / ~ \ τὴν στολὴν καὶ τὸν δακτύλιον, ᾿Αντιόχῳ τῷ παιδὶ αὐτοῦ ταῦτα ἐκέλευσε κομίσαντα δοῦναι, δεηθεὶς προνοῆσαι τῆς ἀνατροφῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ τηρῆσαι τὴν / >? / > 6 Ae / > / \ 361 βασιλείαν ἐκείνῳ. ἀπέθανε δὲ ᾿Αντίοχος ἐνάτῳ καὶ 1 καὶ τοῦτο FLV: τοῦτο PW. 2 καὶ συλήσας AMWE: συλήσας yap Ν : συλήσας τε Naber. 3 we om. PFLAM. 4 τοῖς τὴν Bekker: τὴν PFLAVW: τὴν εἴτε πρὸς τοὺς M. 5 παρὰ τὴν ed. pr.: ταύτην PFLAVW: ἢ ταύτην τὴν ΑΜ. δρᾷ, pr.: νομιζόντων (νομίζοντος Μ|5) codd. @ Or “ intimated.” Variant * one is.”* 186 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 357-361 creased, he perceived that he was about to die; he therefore called together his friends and told them that his illness was severe, and confessed *@ that he was suffering these afflictions because he had harmed the Jewish nation by despoiling their temple and treating God with contempt ; and with these words he expired. Accordingly I am ὃ surprised that Poly- bius of Megalopolis, who is an honest man, says that Antiochus died because he wished to despoil the temple of Artemis in Persia °; for merely to wish a thing without actually doing it is not deserving of punishment. But although Polybius may think that Antiochus lost his life on that account, it is much more probable that the king died because of sacri- legiously despoiling the temple in Jerusalem. Con- cerning this matter, however, I shall not dispute with those who believe that the cause given by the Megalo- politan is nearer the truth than that given by us.? (2) Now before he died, Antiochus summoned Philip, one of his companions,’ and appointed him regent of his kingdom, and giving him his diadem and robe and seal-ring, ordered him to take these and give them to his son Antiochus ; and he requested Philip to look after his son’s education and to guard the kingdom for him.f And Antiochus died in the ¢ Cf. Polyb. xxxi. 9 (11), also referred to in Ap. ii. 84, together with Strabo, Nicolas of Damascus, ‘Timagenes, Castor and Apollodorus. 4 Text slightly uncertain. 41 Mace. “ Friends,”’ probably in a technical sense, cf. § 134 note a. 7 Farlier (cf. § 296=1 Mace. iii. 33) Antiochus had en- trusted Lysias, his regent in the West, with this office, and it was Lysias who actually governed after Antiochus’ death, of. § 319. 187 Philip is appointed regent of the Seleucid kingdom, 1 Mace. vi. 14, 363 364 JOSEPHUS τεσσαρακοστῷ καὶ ἑκατοστῷ ἔτει. Λυσίας δὲ τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ δηλώσας τῷ πλήθει, τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ᾿Αντίοχον (αὐτὸς γὰρ εἶχεν τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν) ἀπο- δείκνυσι βασιλέα, καλέσας αὐτὸν Εὐπάτορα. (3) Ἂν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ καιρῷ οἱ ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ τῶν ἹἹεροσολύμων φρουροὶ καὶ φυγάδες τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων πολλὰ τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους εἰργάσαντο" τοὺς γὰρ ἀνα- βαίνοντας εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ; θῦσαι βουλομένους ἐξαίφνης ἐκτρέχοντες οἱ φρουροὶ διέφθειραν" ἐπ- έκειτο γὰρ τῷ ἱερῷ ἡ ἄκρα. τούτων οὖν συμβαι- νόντων αὐτοῖς ᾿Ιούδας ἐξελεῖν διέγνω τὴν φρουράν, καὶ συναγαγὼν τὸν λαὸν ἅπαντα τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ καρτερῶς ἐπολιόρκει. ἔτος δ᾽ ἦν τοῦτο τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῖς ἀπὸ Σελεύκου ἑκατοστὸν καὶ πεντηκοστόν. κατασκευάσας οὖν μηχανήματα καὶ χώματα ἐγεί- ρας, φιλοπόνως προσέκειτο τῇ τῆς ἄκρας αἱρέσει. πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ φυγάδων νύκτωρ ἐξελθόντες εἰς τὴν χώραν καί τινας τῶν ὁμοίων καὶ ἀσεβῶν συναγαγόντες ἧκον πρὸς ᾿Αντίοχον τὸν βασιλέα, οὐκ ἀξιοῦντες ἑαυτοὺς ὑπερορᾶσθαι δεινὰ πάσχον- τας ὑπὸ τῶν ὁμοφύλων καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ὑπομένοντας διὰ 1 καὶ οπη. FV W Lat. @ The 149th yr. Sel. extended from Oct. 164 to Oct. 168 B.c. Other ancient sources indicate that Antiochus died in the spring or summer of 163 B.c., 50, ¢.g., Eusebius, Chronicon (ed. Aucher 1. 348), who gives Olymp. 154.1=July 164 to July 163 B.c.; this date is rather arbitrarily corrected by some scholars (cf. Niese, GG MS iii. 218 note 7) to Olymp. 153.4 =July 165 to July 164 8.6. Niese considers the date given by Josephus and 1 Mace. vi. 16 ‘“‘a deliberate or careless alteration” of the real date, and prefers the account of 2 Mace. xi. 23 ff., which implies that Antiochus’ death was known in Syria—or at least that his son Antiochus Eupator was recognized as king—as early as the 148th yr. Sel., that 188 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 361-364 hundred and forty-ninth year. Then Lysias, after informing the people of his death, appointed his son Antiochus king—for he had charge of him,—and called him Eupator. (3) At this time the garrison in the Afra of Jeru- Judas be- salem and the Jewish renegades ὃ did much harm to 372330" the Jews ; for when they went up to the temple with in ἘΠ , the intention of sacrificing, the garrison would sally Sereiane out and kill them—for the Akra commanded the ae temple. And so, as a result of these experiences, ~~ Judas determined to drive out the garrison, and gathering together all the people, he stoutly besieged those in the Afra. This was in the hundred and fiftieth year of the Seleucid reign.? Accordingly, he constructed siege-engines, and erected earthworks, and assiduously applied himself to the capture of the Akra. But many of the renegades within the Akra went out by night into the country, and having gathered together some of the irreligious men like themselves, came to King Antiochus ὁ and said that they did not deserve to be left to suffer these hard- ships at the hands of their countrymen, especially as they were enduring them for the sake of his father, is, before Oct. 164 8.c. Kugler, pp. 390 ff., dates Antiochus’ death in March or April, 164 8.6. » The Jewish renegades are not mentioned at this point in 1 Mace. They are, indeed, mentioned further on, in vs. 21, καὶ ἐκολλήθησαν αὐτοῖς (the Syrians) τινὲς τῶν ἀσεβῶν ἐξ *IcpanA, but 1 Mace. does not say that they were in the Akra, as Josephus states in ὃ 364; ef. §§ 252 note e, 305 note a. © Here too Josephus amplifies 1 Mace. 4 The 150th yr. Sel. extended from Oct. 163 to Oct. 162 B.c. 2 Mace. xiii. 1 places the invasion of Judaea by Antiochus Eupator and Lysias (cf. ὃ 367) in the 149th yr. Sel. = 164/3 B.c. ¢ At Antioch, cf. § 367. 1 Macc. does not say where the king was. 189 JOSEPHUS ~ \ / ~ τὸν πατέρα αὐτοῦ, τὴν μὲν πάτριον αὐτῶν KaTa- “Δ λύσαντας θρησκείαν, ἣν δὲ προσέταξε ταύτης aa , , > εἴ er , \ 365 ἀντιποιουμένους" κινδυνεύειν οὖν ὑπὸ ᾿Ιούδου καὶ ~ ~ « ~ " τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν αἱρεθῆναι καὶ τοὺς \ ~ >’ φρουροὺς τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως κατασταθέντας, εἰ 806 μή τις παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ βοήθεια πεμφθείη. ταῦτ᾽ ἀκού- 367 368 369 € aA > / » / \ \ e / σας ὁ παῖς ᾿Αντίοχος ὠργίσθη, καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας \ / / > / / καὶ φίλους μεταπεμψάμενος ἐκέλευσε μισθοφόρους συναγαγεῖν καὶ ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας τοὺς στρατεύ- σιμον ἡλικίαν ἔχοντας. καὶ συνήχθη στρατὸς πεζῶν \ « \ / Ld « a“ \ / μὲν ὡσεὶ δέκα μυριάδες, ἱππεῖς δὲ δισμύριοι, > / \ / \ / ἐλέφαντες δὲ δύο Kal τριάκοντα. (4) Ταύτην οὖν ἀναλαβὼν τὴν δύναμιν ἐξώρμησεν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας μετὰ Λυσίου πάσης τῆς στρα- τιᾶς ἔχοντος τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. καὶ παραγενόμενος > \ > ,ὔ > a > / > / εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιδουμαίαν ἐκεῖθεν εἰς Βεθσούραν ἀναβαίνει ΄ , > wes \ , \ πόλιν σφόδρα oxvpav' καὶ δυσάλωτον, καὶ περι- , > / \ / > ~ \ > καθίσας ἐπολιόρκει τὴν πόλιν. ἰσχυρῶς δὲ ἀντ- ἐχόντων τῶν Βεθσουραίων καὶ τὴν παρασκευὴν αὐτοῦ τῶν μηχανημάτων ἐμπρησάντων (ἐπεξῆλθον γὰρ αὐτῷ) χρόνος ἐτρίβετο πολὺς περὶ τὴν πολι- / > ΄ \ A ” ~ / > Ἢ ορκίαν. ᾿Ιούδας δὲ τὴν ἔφοδον τοῦ βασιλέως ἀκούσας ἀφίσταται μὲν τοῦ τὴν ἄκραν πολιορκεῖν, ἀπαντήσας \ ~ -“ / / (ee ~ δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ βάλλεται στρατόπεδον ἐπὶ τῶν στενῶν ἔν τινι τόπῳ ἘΒεθζαχαρίᾳ λεγομένῳ, στα- 1 ἰσχυρὰν PM: ἐχυρὰν LIA}, 2 So most mss. of 1 Mace., but cod. A has ‘‘ horses.”” In B.J. i. 41 Josephus gives the numbers as 50,000 foot-soldiers, 190 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 364-369 for they had broken with their ancestral religion and had adopted that which he had commanded them to follow ; and now, they continued, the citadel was in danger of being taken by Judas and his men, as well as the garrison stationed there by the king, unless some assistance were sent by him. When the young Antiochus heard this, he became angry, and sending for his officers and Friends, ordered them to collect mercenaries and those in his kingdom who were of military age. And so an army was collected, which consisted of about a hundred thousand foot-soldiers and twenty thousand horsemen? and _ thirty-two elephants. (4) Thereupon he took this force and set out from Antioch with Lysias, who was in command of the entire army, and after coming to Idumaea, he went up from there to Bethsura,® a very strong city and one difficult to take, and he invested the city and besieged it. However, as the people of Bethsura strongly resisted and burned his supply of siege-engines—for they sallied out against him,—much time was con- sumed in the siege. And when Judas heard of the king’s advance, he left off besieging the Afra, and went to meet the king, pitching his camp near the mountain passes, ata place called Bethzacharias,° 5000 horsemen and 80 elephants (2 Mace. has 110,000 foot-soldiers, 5300 horsemen and 22 elephants). On the number of elephants (32) given above, Abrahams, Cam- paigns, Ὁ. 30, remarks, “ this agrees with Polybius who (in the procession at Antioch in 165 8.c.), in addition to a few chariot elephants, describes the presence of ‘ thirty-six elephants in single file, with all their furniture on.’ The coincidence of numbers is almost exact.” > Cf. § 313 note b. ° Mod. Beit Skdria, c. 10 miles S.W. of Jerusalem and 6 miles N.E, of Bethsur. 191 Antio- chus V Eupator invades Judaea. 1 Macc. vi. 31. JOSEPHUS 370 δίους ἀπέχοντι τῶν πολεμίων ἑβδομήκοντα. ὁ δὲ 371 \ ¢ / > \ ~ , » A βασιλεὺς ὁρμήσας ἀπὸ τῆς Βεθσούρας ἤγαγε τὴν δύναμιν ἐπὶ τὰ στενὰ καὶ τὸ τοῦ ᾿Ιούδα στρατό- πεδον, ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ δὲ πρὸς μάχην διέτασσε τὴν 7 ‘ \ A > / > / > / στρατιάν. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐλέφαντας ἐποίησεν ἀλλή- λοις ἕπεσθαι, διὰ τὴν στενοχωρίαν οὐ δυναμένων > ~ 3. aN / / > \ / 2 / αὐτῶν ἐπὶ πλάτος τετάχθαι. εἰς δὲ κύκλον ἐλέφαν- τος ἑκάστου συμπροῇσαν᾽ πεζοὶ μὲν χίλιοι, ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντακόσιοι: ἔφερον δὲ of ἐλέφαντες πύργους ς \ 9 \ , \ \ \ , te ὑψηλοὺς" καὶ τοξότας. τὴν δὲ λοιπὴν δύναμιν ἑκατέρωθεν ἐποίησεν ἀναβαίνειν ἐπὶ τὰ ὄρη, τοὺς 372 ψιλοὺς" αὐτῆς προτάξας. κελεύσας δὲ ἀλαλάξαι \ \ / A / 7 τὴν στρατιὰν προσβάλλει τοῖς πολεμίοις, γυμνώσας ΄- ~ > \ τάς τε χρυσᾶς Kal χαλκᾶς ἀσπίδας, ὥστε αὐγὴν 3 > ’ ~ > / / / \ A ΝΜ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀφίεσθαι λαμπράν: συνεπήχει δὲ τὰ ὄρη κεκραγότων αὐτῶν. ταῦτα ὁρῶν ὁ ᾿Ιούδας οὐ , κατεπλάγη, δεξάμενος δὲ γενναίως τοὺς πολεμίους 373 τῶν προδρόμων περὶ ἑξακοσίους ἀναιρεῖ. *EXed- 1 συμπαρῆσαν Ἢ LV: προήεσαν E: properabant Lat. + καὶ ἰσχυροὺς AMW. 3 Naber: φίλους codd. 2 About 8 miles ; this estimate (not given in 1 Macc.) is a little more than the actual distance between Bethzacharias and Bethsur, given in the preceding note. Pére Abel locates the actual battlefield at Ballutat el- Yerza,c. ἢ mile S. of Beit Skdria. ® Josephus omits the detail in 1 Macc. that the Syrians “ showed the blood of grapes (i.e. red wine) and mulberries ἢ tothe elephants tomake them fierce. It has been conjectured by W ellhausen (cited by Béyenot) that the Heb. original had hirwaéh “ intoxicated δ and that this was corrupted to, or mistaken for, her’dh “* showed.” 192 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 370-373 which was seventy stades* away from the enemy. Thereupon the king set out from Bethsura and led his The battle army to the passes and Judas’ camp ; and at day- of Bethz- break he drew up his army for battle.? And he made 1 Mace. his elephants follow one another, since they could not ἡ ** be placed side by side in an extended line because of the narrow space.° Round each elephant there advanced together a thousand foot-soldiers and five hundred horsemen ; and the elephants carried high 4 towers and archers.’ He also made the rest of his force ascend the mountains on either side, putting his light- armed troops 7 in front of them. Then he ordered his army to raise the battle-cry, and set upon the enemy, uncovering his shields of gold 2 and bronze so that a brilliant light was given off by them, while the moun- tains re-echoed the shouts of his men. Judas saw this, and yet was not terrified, but valiantly met the enemy’s charge, and slew some six hundred of their skirmishers. And his brother Eleazar, whom they * This sentence is an amplification of the text of cod. A and Lue. in 1 Mace. vi. 35, ‘‘ And they divided the elephants among the defiles,” reading φάραγγας for φάλαγγας “ pha- lanxes.”’ 4 The variant adds “ and strong.” 41 Mace. gives the number of men in the tower or howdah as 30 (v.l. 32), an impossible number, plausibly explained by Rahlfs, ΖΑ ΤΥ, N.F. xi., 1934, pp. 78 ff., as a corruption of A’=4 to A’=30. Perhaps Josephus has omitted this detail because of its incredibility. 7 “ Light-armed troops ἡ (ψιλούς) is Naber’s conjecture for mss. “* friends ᾿ (φίλους) ; although the conjecture has no support in the text of 1 Macc., it is plausible in view of the parallel in § 426. 9 The shields of gold (also mentioned in 1 Mace.) are a fictitious detail. Polybius tells us, xi. 9. 1, that Philopoemen had his soldiers keep their arms bright in order to inspire the enemy with fear. VOL. VII G2 193 374 375 376 377 378 JOSEPHUS Lapos δὲ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ, ὃν Αὐρὰν ἐκάλουν, ἰδὼν A « / ~ > / ¢ / / τὸν ὑψηλότατον τῶν ἐλεφάντων ὡπλισμένον θώραξι βασιλικοῖς, καὶ νομίζων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὸν βασιλέα > 7, , > , $73 ant εἶναι, παρεβάλετο σφόδρα evKapdins ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁρμήσας, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν περὶ τὸν ἐλέφαντα κτείνας τοὺς ἄλλους διεσκέδασεν, ὑποδὺς δὲ ὑπὸ τὴν γαστέρα καὶ πλήξας ἀπέκτεινε τὸν ἐλέφαντα. 6 0 ἐπικατενεχθεὶς τῷ ᾿Βλεαζάρῳ διαφθείρει τὸν ἄνδρα ὑπὸ τοῦ βάρους. καὶ οὗτος" μὲν εὐψύχως πολλοὺς τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀπολέσας, τῷ τρόπῳ τούτῳ τὸν βίον κατέστρεψεν. ind € te τ. / « ~ \ ~ / > A (5) Ὃ δὲ ᾿Ιούδας ὁρῶν τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἰσχὺν ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ πρὸς πολιορκίαν παρεσκευάζετο. ᾿Αντίοχος δὲ τὸ μέν τι τῆς στρα- τιᾶς εἰς Βεθσοῦραν ἔπεμψε πολεμήσων αὐτήν, τῷ λοιπῷ δὲ τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτὸς ἧκεν els” Ἱεροσόλυμα. οἵ μὲν οὖν Βεθσουρῖται τὴν ἰσχὺν καταπλαγέντες καὶ σπανίζοντα βλέποντες τὰ ἐπιτήδεια παρα- διδόασιν ἑαυτούς, ὅρκους λαβόντες ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲν , Aye ee A , > , Ἢ πείσεσθαι κακὸν᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως. ᾿Αντίοχος δὲ λαβὼν τὴν πόλιν ἄλλο μὲν αὐτοὺς οὐδὲν διέθηκεν ἢ μόνον᾽ γυμνοὺς ἐξέβαλε, φρουρὰν δὲ κατέστησεν ἰδίαν ἐν τῇ πόλει. πολλῷ δὲ χρόνῳ τὸ ἱερὸν πολι- ορκῶν τὸ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις προσεκαθέζετο, καρ- τερῶς τῶν ἔνδοθεν ἀμυνομένων: πρὸς ἕκαστον γὰρ ὧν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπ᾿ αὐτοὺς ἔστησε μηχάνημα, κἀκεῖνοι πάλιν ᾿ἀντεμηχανῶντο. τροφὴ δ᾽ αὐτοῖς" ἐπιλελοίπει, τοῦ μὲν ὄντος ἀπανηλωμένου καρποῦ, 1 οὕτως FLAMW Lat. 2 ἐπὶ τὰ FLAMWE. 3. δεινὸν VE, 4 ἢ μόνον] μόνον δὲ P. 5. M Zonaras: αὐτοὺς rell. 194 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 373-378 called Auran,* on seeing that the tallest of the sleazar elephants was armed with breastplates like those of ne gaia the king, and supposing that the king was mounted elephant. on it, risked his life by rushing upon it boldly, and Sapte after killing many of the men round the elephant and scattering the others, he slipped under the elephant’s belly and killed it with a thrust. But the animal came down upon Eleazar and crushed the hero under its weight. And so, after bravely ὃ destroying many of the foe, Eleazar met his end in this manner. (5) Thereupon Judas, seeing how strong the enemy Antiochus was, retired to Jerusalem 5 and prepared himself pe for a siege. And Antiochus sent a part of his army Bethsur. to Bethsura to assault it, while he himself with the ae rest of his force came to Jerusalem. Now the inhabit- ants of Bethsura, being overawed by his strength, and seeing how scarce their provisions were, sur- rendered to him, after receiving sworn assurances that they should suffer no harm at the hands of the king.? Then Antiochus took the city and did nothing to them beyond expelling them unarmed; and he stationed his own garrison in the city. But the siege He then of the temple in Jerusalem kept him there a long [eles time, for those within stoutly resisted ; and every 1 Mace. siege-engine which the king set up against them, kisi they, in turn, countered with another engine. Their supply of food, however, had begun to give out, for the present crop had been consumed, and the ground 2 Cf. § 266 note b. ® Variant “ And after so bravely.” © According to B.J. i. 45 Judas withdrew to Gophna, N. of Jerusalem. 4 1 Mace. says nothing of these ἡ sworn assurances,”’ but merely that the king ‘‘ made peace with them.” 195 379 380 JOSEPHUS τῆς δὲ γῆς ἐκείνῳ τῷ ἔτει μὴ γεωργουμένης," ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸ εἶναι τὸ ἕβδομον ἔτος, καθ᾽ ὃ νόμος ἡμῖν ἀργὴν ἐᾶν τὴν χώραν, ἀσπόρου μεμενηκυίας. πολλοὶ τοιγαροῦν τῶν πολιορκουμένων ἀπεδίδρασκον διὰ τὴν τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἀπορίαν, ὡς ὀλίγους ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ καταλειφθῆναι. \ A \ / > ~ c ~ (6) Kat rots μὲν πολιορκουμένοις ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοιαῦτα συνέβαινεν εἶναι τὰ πράγματα. Λυσίας δὲ ὁ στρατηγὸς καὶ ὁ βασιλεύς," ἐπεὶ Φίλιππος αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς Ilepaidos ἥκων ἐδηλώθη" τὰ πράγματα εἰς αὑτὸν κατασκευάζειν, εἶχον μὲν ὥστε τὴν πολιορ- κίαν ἀφέντες ὁρμᾶν ἐπὶ τὸν Φίλιππον, οὐ μὴν τοῦτο ποιῆσαι φανερὸν τοῖς στρατιώταις καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν » 3 3 > / \ / ¢ \ ἔγνωσαν, ἀλλ ἐκέλευσε τὸν Λυσίαν ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῷ" τε καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἐν κοινῷ διαλεχθῆναι, μηδὲν μὲν τῶν περὶ Φίλιππον ἐμφανίζοντα, τὴν δὲ πολιορκίαν ὅτι χρονιωτάτη" γένοιτ᾽ ἂν δηλοῦντα, καὶ τὴν ὀχυρότητα τοῦ χωρίου, καὶ ὅτι τὰ τῆς 1 EK: γεωργημένης aut γεγεωργημένης codd. 2 + ᾿Αντίοχος Εἰ Lat. 3 E Lat.: ἐδηλώθη καὶ codd. 4 αὐτοῖς ed. pr.: om. Lat. 5 πολυχρονιωτάτη LAMW. 2 Josephus here too amplifies somewhat. The date of this seventh (sabbatical) year is a matter of dispute. According to §§ 363 ff. Lysias’ campaign against Bethsur began in the 150th yr. Sel., extending from Oct. 163 to Oct. 162 B.c.; as the sabbatical year was reckoned from Tishri (roughly October), we may assume that this one coincided with the 150th yr. Sel., and that it was toward the end of this year, about the summer of 162 3.c., that the besieged inhabitants of Jerusalem began to feel the lack of food. ‘This reckoning is supperer by the statement in Ant. xiii. 234 that a sab- batical year began after Simon’s death; as this occurred about February 135 B.c., the sabbatical year then began in 196 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 378-380 had not been tilled that year, but had remained un- sown because it was the seventh year,“ during which our law obliges us to let it lie uncultivated.? Many of the besieged, therefore, ran away because of the lack of necessities, so that only a few were left in the temple. (6) Such were the circumstances of those who were besieged in the temple. But when Lysias, the com- mander, and the king were informed that Philip was coming against them from Persia to secure the govern- ment for himself, they were ready to abandon the siege and set out against Philip ; they decided, how- ever, not to reveal their plan to the soldiers and their officers, but, instead, the king ordered Lysias to address him ὦ and the officers publicly and say nothing of the trouble with Philip, but merely show that the siege would take a very long time, and the place was very strong, and explain that their supply of food had Oct. 135 B.c., the sabbatical years being the following : (1) Oct. 163 to Oct. 162 B.c. (2) Oct. 156 to Oct. 155 B.c. (3) Oct. 149 to Oct. 148 B.c. (4) Oct. 142 to Oct. 141 B.c. (5) Oct. 135 to Oct. 134 B.c. This reckoning seems however to be contradicted by the statement in Ant. xiv. 475 that Herod and Sossius captured Jerusalem during a sabbatical year, since that event occurred in the summer of 37 B.c., and thus the sabbatical year began in Oct. 38 B.c., which does not fit in with the table given above. But Josephus may have been inexact in language there, ef. note ad loc. > Gf. Ex..xxiil. 10 £.5 Lev. xxv. '2-ff: ¢ Our text of 1 Mace. vi. 57 states that Lysias addressed the king, the officers and the men at the same time, εἶπεν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας, but it is quite possible that Josephus’ text of 1 Macc. read differently (some mss. and the Syriac version have “ the nobles” for “τη men’”’). It is likely, moreover, that Josephus infers secrecy on the king’s part from the fact that Lysias does not mention Philip in his speech. 4 Variant *‘ them.” 197 Antiochus Eupator, threatened by Philip's advance, makes terms with the Jews in Jerusalem, 1 Mace. vi. 55. JOSEPHUS τροφῆς αὐτοῖς ἤδη ἐπιλελοίπει, Kai ὡς πολλὰ δεῖ ~ ~ > ~ / ’ ‘ 381 καταστῆσαι τῶν ἐν TH βασιλείᾳ πραγμάτων, καὶ «ς cal \ - \ / ὡς δοκεῖ πολὺ κρεῖττον εἶναι σπονδὰς ποιησαμένους πρὸς τοὺς πολιορκουμένους καὶ φιλίαν πρὸς ὅλον αὐτῶν τὸ ἔθνος, ἐπιτρέψαντας αὐτοῖς χρῆσθαι τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις, ὧν ἀφαιρεθέντες νῦν ἐξεπολεμώ- θησαν, χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα. ταῦτα τοῦ Λυσίου φήσαντος ἠρέσθη τό τε στράτευμα καὶ οἱ ἡγεμόνες τῇ γνώμῃ. 382 (7 ) Kai πέμψας ὁ ὁ βασιλεὺς πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ιούδαν καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ πολιορκουμένους εἰρήνην τε ἐπὴηγ- γείλατο καὶ συγχωρεῖν τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις χρω- μένους ζῆν. οἱ δὲ ἀσμένως δεξάμενοι τοὺς λόγους" λο λ Z, Ψ \ / > AAA > ~ kal” λαβόντες ὅρκους τε Kal πίστεις ἐξῆλθον ἐκ τοῦ ce ~ > \ hy? / > > \ \ / 383 ἱεροῦ. εἰσελθὼν δὲ ᾿Αντίοχος εἰς αὐτὸ καὶ θεασά- μενος ὀχυρὸν οὕτως τὸ χωρίον παρέβη τοὺς ὅρκους, καὶ κελεύει τὴν δύναμιν περιστᾶσαν" καθελεῖν τὸ τεῖχος εἰς ἔδαφος. καὶ ταῦτα ποιήσας ἀνέστρεψεν εἰς ᾿Αντιόχειαν, ἐπαγόμενος ᾿᾽Ονίαν τὸν ἀρχιερέα, ὃς \ / b] ~ / \ / 384 καὶ Μενέλαος ἐκαλεῖτο. Λυσίας yap συνεβούλευσε ~ a \ ; , > A > , \ τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν Μενέλαον ἀνελεῖν, εἰ βούλεται τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ἠρεμεῖν καὶ μηδὲν ἐνοχλεῖν αὐτῷ: τοῦ- τον γὰρ ἄρξαι τῶν κακῶν, πείσαντ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὸν 1 παραγενομένους P: παραγενομένους λόγους F. 2 καὶ om. PFLV. 3 παραστᾶσαν PFLA?V. 41 Mace. “ the king and the officers,” cf. ὃ 380 note ce. > Variant “to accompany him.” The above reading is closer to 1 Mace., καθεῖλεν τὸ τεῖχος κυκλόθεν. The following section, §§ 383-388, is not taken from 1 mee @ Zeitlin, Meg. Taanit, pp. 80 f., connects with this event 198 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 380-384 already begun to fail, and that it was necessary to put in order many of the affairs of the kingdom, and that it seemed much better to make a treaty with the besieged and seek the friendship of their whole nation by permitting them to observe their fathers’ laws, the loss of which had caused them to begin the present war ; and that then they should return cipsatee Lysias spoke in this manner, and both the army and their officers * were pleased with his advice. (7) And so the king sent to Judas and those who were being besieged with him, and offered to make peace with them and allow them to live in accordance with their fathers’ laws. Thereupon the Jews gladly accepted his proposals, and after receiving sworn assurances of his good faith, went out from the- temple. But when Antiochus entered it and saw how strong the place was, he violated his oaths, and ordered his force to go round ὃ and pull down the wall to the ground.* After doing this, he returned to Antioch,? taking with him the high priest Onias, who was also called Menelaus.¢ For Lysias had advised the king to slay Menelaus, if he wished the Jews to remain quiet and not give him any trouble ; it was this man, he said, who had been the cause of the mischief the statement in Megillath Ta‘anith under the 28th of Shebat (roughly February) that ‘*“‘ Antiochus departed (or ‘“ was made to depart ’’) from Jerusalem,’ while Derenbourg, p. 59, and Lichtenstein, F'astenrolle Ῥ- 279, connect w ith this period the statement in Megillath Ta‘anith under the 28th of Adar (roughly March) that ‘‘ the good news came to the Jews that they need not depart from the Law ” (ef. 2 Mace. xi. 24 ff.), which statement the ancient scholion refers to the time of Hadrian. In view of the vagueness of these statements, it is safer not to connect them with known historical events. “ He was, according to ὃ 238, the youngest son of Simon II and the brother of Onias III and Jesus-Jason. 199 Antiochus Eupator pulls down the temple wall. 1 Maec. vi. 60. JOSEPHUS πατέρα' τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ἀναγκάσαι τὴν πάτριον 385 θρησκείαν καταλιπεῖν. πέμψας οὖν τὸν Μενέλαον ς \ 9 / ~ , ,ὔ ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς Βέροιαν τῆς Συρίας διέφθειρεν, Δ ἀρχιερατεύσαντα μὲν ἔτη δέκα, πονηρὸν δὲ γενό- μενον καὶ ἀσεβῆ, καὶ ἵνα αὐτὸς ἄρχῃ, τὸ ἔθνος ἀναγκάσαντα τοὺς ἰδίους. παραβῆναι νόμους. ἀρχ- ιερεὺς δὲ ἐγένετο μετὰ τὸν Μενελάου θάνατον 386 Αλκιμος ὁ καὶ ᾿Ιάκειμος" κληθείς." ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς > , παρὸ δος ὠγν, τ" \ , A Αντίοχος εὑρὼν ἤδη τὸν Φίλιππον κρατοῦντα τῶν πραγμάτων ἐπολέμει πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ λαβὼν 381 αὐτὸν ὑποχείριον ἀπέκτεινεν. ὁ δὲ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱὸς ᾽Ονώς, ὃν προείπομεν ἔτι παῖδα τελευτήσαντος ἀφεῖσθαι" τοῦ πατρός, ἰδὼν ὅτι τὸν θεῖον αὐτοῦ Μενέλαον ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνελὼν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ᾿Αλκίμῳ δέδωκεν οὐκ ἐκ τῆς τῶν ἀρχιερέων ὄντι γενεᾶς, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ Λυσίου πεισθεὶς μεταθεῖναι τὴν a > τιμὴν ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς οἰκίας εἰς ἕτερον οἶκον, 7 \ a \ > / , φεύγει πρὸς []τολεμαῖον τὸν Αἰγύπτου βασιλέα. 388 καὶ τιμῆς ἀξιωθεὶς ὑπό τε αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς + ᾿Αντίοχον AMW. 2 ᾿ἸῪάκιμος PFLW: Ἰωάκειμος A7ME: Ioachim Lat. 3 ἐπικληθείς LAMW. 4 δρῶν PFLA marg. V. ° Bekker: ἀφίεσθαι codd. E: relictus Lat. 2 A similar account of Menelaus’ execution is given in 2 Mace. xiii. 4. > This would place the beginning of his office about 172 B.c. ¢ Gr. Alkimos. According to 1 Mace. vii. 5 ff. it was King Demetrius (cf. below) who appointed Alcimus high priest. 2 Mace. is inconsistent on this point; in xiv. 3 it states that Alcimus had been high priest before Demetrius became king, while in xiv. 13 it says that Demetrius ordered his general to “appoint ’’ Alcimus high priest ; possibly, however, the latter expression (καταστῆσαι) may here mean “ ἴο reinstate.” In any case Alcimus probably succeeded Menelaus toward the end of 162 B.c, 200 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 384-388 by persuading the king’s father to compel the Jews to abandon their fathers’ religion. Accordingly, the king sent Menelaus to Beroea in Syria, and there had Execution him put to death *; he had served as high priest for {if Sriest ten years,” and had been a wicked and impious man, Menelaus ; : A . accession of who in order to have sole authority for himself had ‘aicimus. compelled his nation to violate their own laws. The high priest chosen after the death of Menelaus was Alcimus,® also called Jakeimos.4 Now when King Antiochus found ὁ that Philip had already seized control of the government, he made war on him, and after getting him into his power, killed him. Then oOnias rv 2 . * + 1 flees to I το = Onias, the son of the high priest,’ who, as we said ΠΥ ΒΕ ἐπᾶ before,” had been left a mere child when his father panes em died, seeing that the king had slain his uncle Mene- there, laus and had given the high priesthood to Alcimus, although he was not of the family of high priests,’ because he had been persuaded by Lysias to transfer the office from this house to another, fled to Ptolemy, the king of Egypt. And being treated with honour 4 Variants Joakimos, Joakeimos (Joachim). ¢ Variant “ saw.” f je, Onias IV (if we disregard Onias-Menelaus in the numbering of Oniad high priests). 9 Onias III. According to B.J. vii. 423 it was an Onias, son of Simon, who fled to Ptolemy—this would be Onias III and not Onias IV, as here and in Ant. xiii. 62 ff. The Onias who was slain at Daphne near Antioch by Andronicus, the minister of Antiochus Epiphanes, at the instigation of Mene- laus, according to 2 Mace. iv. 32 ff., was Onias III, and not Onias IV ; his martyrdom is probably alluded to in Dan. ix. 26, “the anointed one” (A.V. “‘ Messiah ’’), meaning the anointed high priest. » In § 237. * According to 1 Mace. vii. 14 the Asidaioi (=Heb. Hasidim) or pious Jews spoke of Alcimus as “ἃ priest of the seed of Aaron,” without specifying whether he was of the high-priestly family ; cf. Ant. xx. 235. 201 389 390 391 392 JOSEPHUS αὐτοῦ Κλεοπάτρας λαμβάνει τόπον' ἐν τῷ νομῷ τῷ ᾿Ηλιοπολίτῃ, ἐν ᾧ καὶ ὅμοιον τῷ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ὠκοδόμησεν ἱερόν. περὶ τούτου" μὲν οὖν εὐκαιρό- τερον ἡμῖν ἔσται διελθεῖν. 3 1) Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν φυγὼν Δημή- τριος ἀπὸ “Ῥώμης ὁ Σελεύκου υἱὸς καὶ καταλαβό- μενος τῆς Συρίας Τρίπολιν," περιτίθησι μὲν ἑαυτῷ διάδημα, συναγαγὼν δέ τινας περὶ αὑτὸν μισθο- φόρους εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν εἰσῆλθε, πάντων αὐτὸν ἡδέως προσδεχομένων καὶ παραδιδόντων αὑτούς. συλλαβόντες δὲ καὶ ᾿Αντίοχον τὸν βασιλέα καὶ Λυσίαν ζῶντας ἀνάγουσιν αὐτῷ. καὶ οὗτοι μὲν κελεύσαντος Δημητρίου παραχρῆμα διεφθάρησαν, βασιλεύσαντος ᾿Αντιόχου ἔτη δύο, καθὼς ἤδη που καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις" δεδήλωται. συστραφέντες δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν πολλοὶ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων “πονηροὶ καὶ φυγάδες καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν Αλκιμος. ὁ ἀρχιερεύς, “κατηγόρουν τοῦ ἔθνους παντὸς καὶ ᾿Ιούδα καὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν αὐτοῦ, λέγοντες ὡς τοὺς φίλους αὐτοῦ πάντας ἀπεκτόνασι, καὶ ὅσοι τὰ ἐκείνου φρονοῦντες καὶ περιμένοντες αὐτὸν ὑπῆρχον ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τούτους ἀπολωλέκασιν, αὐτούς τε τῆς οἰκείας γῆς ἐκβα- 1 τόπον Herwerden : τόπον ἀξιώσας codd. 2 τούτων V Lat. 8 τριοῖν PFEV!: Tyrum Lat. 4 ἄλλῳ PFLV. 2 In Ant. xiii. 62 ff. > 1 Mace. vii. 1 dates this event in the 151st yr. Sel., which extended from Oct. 162 to Oct. 161 B.c. The account in Polybius (see next note) pretty definitely fixes it in the autumn of 162 B.c. © Demetrius I Soter, the son of Seleucus IV Philopator and the nephew of Antiochus Epiphanes, had been a hostage in 202 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 388-392 by him and his wife Cleopatra, he received a place in the nome of Heliopolis, where he built a temple similar to that in Jerusalem. Of this, however, we shall give an account on a more fitting occasion.% (x. 1) About the same time ὃ Demetrius, the son of Demetrius . . . s fi Seleucus,’ escaped from Rome, and occupying Tripolis gone and in Syria,? placed the diadem on his own head; then oe he gathered round him a number of mercenaries, and syria. entered the kingdom, where all the people received ee him gladly and submitted to him. They also seized ὁ King Antiochus and Lysias, and brought them to him alive. And by order of Demetrius these two were immediately put to death,* Antiochus having reigned two years, as has already been related elsewhere.’ Then there came to him in a body many of the wicked gyoinus and renegade Jews, among whom was the high priest @ppeals to τ Ξ Ὡς Demetrius Alcimus, and they accused their whole nation, espe- for help cially Judas and his brothers, saying that they had ae udas, killed all the king’s friends, and had destroyed alli Mace. those in the kingdom who were of his party and “* awaited his coming, and had driven the present speakers out of their country and made them aliens in Rome during the latter’s reign. The story of his escape, when refused permission to return to Syria by the Roman Senate, is vividly narrated by his friend and counsellor, the historian Polybius, xxxi. 11 (19) ff. 4 So 2 Mace. xiv. 1; 1 Macc. has only “ a city on the sea- coast ᾽ (of Phoenicia). “ According to 1 Macc. Demetrius’ order was given in a less explicit form, ** Do not show me their faces,”’ probably in order to evade direct responsibility for their execution. 7 163 to 162 B.c. inclusive. 9 No such passage is found in Josephus; this may, how- ever, be a reference to another historian, and not to Josephus’ earlier writing; οὐ. the Appendix on the sources of Josephus for the Hellenistic-Roman period in the last volume of this translation. 203 393 394 395 396 JOSEPHUS λόντες ἀλλοτρίας ἐπήλυδας πεποιήκασιν" ἠξίουν τε πέμψαντα τῶν ἰδίων τινὰ φίλων γνῶναι bv αὐτοῦ τὰ ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τὸν ᾿Ιούδαν τετολμημένα. (2) Ὃ δὲ Δημήτριος παροξυνθεὶς ἐκπέμπει Βακ- χίδην φίλον ᾿Αντιόχου τοῦ ᾿Επιφανοῦς βασιλέως, ἄνδρα χρηστὸν καὶ τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν ἅπασαν πεπιστευμένον, δοὺς αὐτῷ δύναμιν καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα παραθέμενος αὐτῷ ἤΛλκιμον, ἐντειλάμενος ἀπο- κτεῖναι ᾿Ιούδαν καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ. ἐξορμήσας δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ὁ Βακχίδης μετὰ τῆς δυνά- pews Kal παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν, ἔπεμψε πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ιούδαν καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς αὐτοῦ, περὶ φιλίας καὶ εἰρήνης διαλεγόμενος: δόλῳ γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐβούλετο λαβεῖν. ὁ δ᾽ οὐκ ἐπίστευσεν" ἑώρα γὰρ ὅτι μετὰ στρατιᾶς πάρεστι τοσαύτης μεθ᾽ ὅσης ἐπὶ πόλεμόν τις, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐπ᾽ εἰρήνην ἔρχεται. τινὲς μέντοι γε τῶν ἐκ τοῦ δήμου “προσέχοντες οἷς ὁ Βακχίδης ἐπεκηρυκεύσατο, καὶ νομίσαντες οὐδὲν αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ ᾿Αλκίμου πείσεσθαι δεινὸν ὄντος ὁμο- φύλου, πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀνεχώρησαν, καὶ λαβόντες ὅρκους παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων μήτε αὐτοί τι παθεῖν μήτε τοὺς ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς ὄντας προαιρέσεως, ἐπίστευσαν αὑτοὺς ἐκείνοις. ὁ δὲ Βακχίδης ὀλιγωρήσας τῶν ὅρκων ἑξήκοντα μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινεν, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ὅσοι διενοοῦντο πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀναχωρεῖν ἀπέτρεψε,, τοῖς πρώτοις τὴν πίστιν μὴ φυλάξας. 1M: ἀπέστρεψε ed. pr.: ἐπέτρεψε FLAVWE: ἐπέστρεψε P: remorari fecit Lat. @ 1 Mace. calls him “ one of the Friends (cf. § 134 note a) of the king,” without specifying which king, but presumably meaning Demetrius. > 1 Mace, “ a great man in the kingdom and one faithful to the king.” 204: JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 392-396 a strange land ; and now they requested him to send one of his own friends and learn from him what bold crimes had been committed by Judas and his men. (2) And so Demetrius, being roused to anger, sent out Bacchides, a friend of King Antiochus Epiphanes,* and a worthy man,” who had been entrusted with the government of all Mesopotamia,’ and giving him a force of soldiers, and putting Alcimus under his pro- tection, instructed him to kill Judas and the men with him. Thereupon Bacchides set out with his force from Antioch, and when he came to Judaea, sent to Judas and his brothers to discuss friendship and peace, for he planned to take him by deceit. But Judas did not trust him, for he saw that he had come with such an army as one has when going to war, but not when making peace. Some of the citizens,“ however, giv- ing ear to the peace proposals made by Bacchides, and believing that they would suffer no harm at the hands of Alcimus, who was their countryman,’ went over to them, and after receiving oaths from both men that neither they themselves nor those who were of their mind should suffer in any way, put them- selves in their hands. But Bacchides made light of his oaths, and killed sixty of them ; and so, by not keep- ing faith with the first, deterred the others who were thinking of going over to him from doing so. And ¢ Josephus misunderstands the phrase in 1 Mace., κυριεύ- οντα ἐν τῷ πέραν τοῦ ποταμοῦ, which means that he was governor of the country west of the Euphrates, whether North Syria (so Meyer, Ursprung ii. 242 note 4) or Coele-Syria (so Wellhausen cited by Meyer, cf. Ant. xi. 25 note a), and not Mesopotamia. 4 These were the scribes and Asidaioi (= Heb. Hasidim) or pious and peace-loving Jews, who did not, it seems, fully sympathize with the Hasmonaeans, but cf. § 401 note a. * 1 Mace. “ἃ priest of the seed of Aaron,” ef. § 387 note 4. 205 Demetrius sends Bacchides against Judas. 1 Mace. vii. 8. 397 398 399 400 JOSEPHUS > ‘ > > ~ € ͵ > \ ‘ ¥. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν Ιεροσολύμων ἀπελθὼν κατὰ κώμην Βηρζηθὼ" λεγομένην ἐ ἐγένετο, πέμψας συλλαμβάνει πο λλοὺς τῶν αὐτομολούντων καί τινας τοῦ λαοῦ, καὶ πάντας ἀποκτείνας προσέταξε τοῖς ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ πᾶσιν ὑπακούειν ᾿Αλκίμῳ: καὶ μετὰ στρατιᾶς τινος, ἵν᾽ ἔχῃ τηρεῖν τὴν χώραν αὐτῷ," καταλιπὼν αὐτόν, εἰς ᾿Αντιόχειαν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα Δημήτριον ὑπέστρεψεν. (3) ᾿Αλκιμος" δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν αὑτοῦ βουλόμενος βεβαιώσασθαι, καὶ συνεὶς ὅτι κατασκευάσας εὔνουν τὸ πλῆθος ἀσφαλέστερον ἄρξει, χρηστοῖς ἅπαντας ὑπήγετο λόγοις, wat! πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἑκάστῳ καὶ χάριν ὁμιλῶν, ταχὺ δὴ μάλα χεῖρα πολλὴν καὶ δύναμιν περιεβάλετο: τούτων δ᾽ ἦσαν οἱ πλείους ἐ ἐκ τῶν ἀσεβῶν καὶ πεφυγαδευμένων, οἷς ὑπηρέταις καὶ στρατιώταις χρώμενος ἐπήρχετο τὴν χώραν, καὶ ὅσους ἐν αὐτῇ τὰ ᾿Ιούδα φρονοῦντας εὕρισκεν ἐφόνευσεν. ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν "Ἄλκιμον ἤδη" μέγαν ὁ > , , 8 \ \ , A lovdas γενόμενον" Kat πολλοὺς διεφθαρκότα τῶν ἀγαθῶν καὶ ὁσίων τοῦ ἔθνους, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπιπορευ- / όμενος τὴν χώραν, διέφθειρεν τοὺς ταὐτὰ ἐκείνῳ ~ / > ¢€ \ Μ 3 , φρονοῦντας. βλέπων δ᾽ αὑτὸν “AAKipos ἀντέχειν 1 Βηθζηθὼ ἘΝ : Birzitho Lat. 2 Naber: αὐτοῦ codd. 3 ἸἼάκιμος P: ᾿Ιωάκειμος E: Ioachim Lat. 4 καὶ secl. Naber. 5 ἤδη om. PL Lat. δ γινόμενον AWM neh * Variant Bethzetho; most mss. of 1 Macc. have Βηζέθ, but Luc. Βαιθζαρά. This Bezeth or Bethzetho is probably not the well-known Bezetha, the northern quarter of Jerusalem, since the text of 1 Mace. implies that Bacchides marched some distance from the city, but, as Pére Abel suggests, mod. Beit Zeita, c. 3 miles N. of Bethsur. 1 Mace. speaks of Bac- chides’ victims being slaughtered near a great cistern, the 206 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 397-400 when, after marching out of Jerusalem, he came to a village called Berzetho,* he sent his men to seize many of the deserters ὃ and some of the people, and after killing all these, commanded all who lived in the country to obey Aleimus; and leaving him with enough of an army to enable him to keep the country under his control, he returned to Antioch ® to King Demetrius. (3) But Alcimus, wishing to strengthen his authority, and perceiving that by making the people feel friendly toward him he would govern with greater security, led them on with kind words, and speaking to every- one in a pleasant and gracious manner, very soon indeed acquired a large body of men and a force behind him,? who were for the most part from the irreligious and renegades, and these he used as his attendants and soldiers in going through the country ; and all those whom he found in it siding with Judas he slew. When Judas, therefore, saw that Alcimus had now become powerful and had put to death many of the good and pious men of the nation, he also went through the country, and put to death those who sided with the enemy. And when Alcimus saw that he was ruins of which Pére Abel thinks may still be seen at Kiufin close by Beit Zeita. Meyer, on the other hand, Ursprung ii. 244 note 1, adheres to the older view that Bezetha (or Bethesda) is meant, and connects the cistern in 1 Macc. with the ‘* pool of Bethesda ”? mentioned in John vy. 2. δ 1 Mace. vii. 19 ‘‘ those of the deserters who were with him,” which may mean either the Jews who had deserted to the Syrians (cf. vs. 24. =§ 400) and whom he was now punish- ing for their earlier disobedience, or the Jews who had first sided with the Syrians, but later went over to Judas. “1 Mace. omits “ to Antioch.” 4 This explanation of the way in which Alcimus acquired a following is an addition to 1 Mace. 207 Alcimus attempts to conciliate the Jews. 1 Macc. Vii. 21. 401 403 JOSEPHUS τῷ “lovda μὴ δυνάμενον, ἀλλ᾽ ἡττώμενον' αὐτοῦ τῆς ἰσχύος, ἐπὶ τὴν παρὰ Δημητρίου τοῦ βασιλέως συμμαχίαν ἔγνω τραπέσθαι. παραγενόμενος οὖν > > / / > A > ‘ \ > / εἰς ᾿Αντιόχειαν παρώξυνεν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ιούδαν, κατηγορῶν ws πολλὰ μὲν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πεπόνθοι κακά, / \ / > »Μ > \ , \ πλείω δὲ γένοιτ᾽ av, εἰ μὴ προκαταληφθείη καὶ δοίη" δίκην, δυνάμεως ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἰσχυρᾶς ἀπο- σταλείσης. (4) “O δὲ Δημήτριος τοῦτ᾽ ἤδη καὶ τοῖς ἰδίοις αὐτοῦ πράγμασιν ἐπισφαλὲς ἡγησάμενος εἶναι τὸ περιιδεῖν ᾿Ιούδαν ἐν ἰσχύι τοσαύτῃ γενόμενον, ἐκπέμπει Νικάνορα τὸν εὐνούστατον αὐτῷ καὶ πιστότατον τῶν φίλων (οὗτος γάρ ἐστιν ὁ καὶ ἀπὸ “ « / / ° ~ / ‘ \ τῆς Ῥωμαίων πόλεως αὐτῷ συμφυγών), Kat δοὺς δύναμιν ὅσην ὑπέλαβεν ἀρκέσειν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ιούδαν, ἐκέλευσεν μηδεμίαν φειδὼ ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ » « \ £ / >’ « ἔθνους. 6 δὲ Νικάνωρ παραγενόμενος εἰς ‘lepo- / A \ > \ >’ / Pie 7 σόλυμα πολεμεῖν μὲν εὐθὺς οὐ διέγνω τῷ ᾿Ιούδᾳ, / > «ς / - / / / δόλῳ δ᾽ ὑποχείριον λαβεῖν κρίνας προσπέμπει λό- γους εἰρηνικοὺς αὐτῷ, μηδεμίαν μὲν ἀνάγκην εἶναι φάσκων πολεμεῖν καὶ κινδυνεύειν, ὅρκους δ᾽ αὐτῷ / \ ~ \ / / Ld \ διδόναι περὶ τοῦ μηδὲν πείσεσθαι δεινόν": ἥκειν yap ~ ‘a a ai μετὰ φίλων ἐπὶ TH ποιῆσαι φανερὰν αὐτοῖς τὴν 1 ἀλλ᾽ ἡττώμενον] ἀλλὰ κατὰ πολὺ λειπόμενον AMW. 2 Dindorf: δῷ codd. 2 1 Mace. says merely that Alcimus accused Judas of evil deeds. It is noteworthy that 2 Macc. xiv. 6 ff. makes Aleimus 208 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 400-408 not able to withstand Judas, but was inferior to him in strength, he decided to turn for help to his ally King Demetrius. Accordingly, he went to Antioch and roused the king’s anger against Judas, at whose hands he said in his accusation, he had suffered many injuries, which would become still greater unless Judas were first caught and brought to punishment by having a strong force sent against him. (4) Thereupon Demetrius, beginning to believe that it would be hazardous to his own interests also to do nothing about Judas’ growing strength, sent out Nicanor, the most devoted and faithful of his Friends ὃ —for it was he who had escaped with him from the city of Rome,’—and giving him as large a force as he thought would be sufficient for him to use against Judas, ordered him to deal unsparingly with the nation. But when Nicanor came to Jerusalem, he decided not to fight Judas immediately, but chose to get him into his power by deceit, and so he sent him offers of peace, saying that there was no necessity for their making war and facing danger, but he would give Judas his oath that he should suffer no harm ; for, he said, he had come with some friends to make clear to them what the intentions of King Demetrius denounce Judas as leader of the Asidaioi, really the peace- loving Jews, cf. ὃ 396 note d. *’ 1 Mace. “one of his honoured officers (ἀρχόντων), 2 Mace. xiv. 12 “‘ the elephantarch.”’ © Neither 1 Mace. nor 2 Macc. mentions Nicanor’s having been in Rome with Demetrius, which information Josephus must have got from Polybius, ¢f. Polyb. xxxi. 14 (22). 4. It is doubtful whether he is the same Nicanor whom Lysias sent against Judas in 165 B.c., cf. § 298 note ὁ. Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 200 note 5, writes, “‘ One suspects that Josephus had nothing to go upon, except that he knew from Polybius that a Nicanor had been on that oceasion with Demetrius.”’ 209 Demetrius sends Nicanor against Judas, 1 Mace vii. 26. JOSEPHUS Δημητρίου τοῦ βασιλέως διάνοιαν, ὡς περὶ τοῦ 404 γένους αὐτῶν φρονεῖ. ταῦτα διαπρεσβευσαμένου τοῦ Νικάνορος 6 ᾿Ιούδας καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ αὐτοῦ πεισθέντες καὶ μηδεμίαν ἀπάτην ὑποπτεύσαντες διδόασι πίστεις αὐτῷ καὶ δέχονται τὸν Νικάνορα μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως. ὁ δὲ ἀσπασάμενος τὸν ᾿Ιούδαν, μεταξὺ" προσομιλῶν δίδωσι τοῖς οἰκείοις τι σημεῖον 405 ὅπως συλλάβωσι τὸν ᾿Ιούδαν. ὁ δὲ συνεὶς τὴν ἐπιβουλήν, ἐκπηδήσας πρὸς τοὺς ἰδίους" συνέφυγεν. φανερᾶς δὲ τῆς προαιρέσεως αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς ἐνέδρας γενομένης ὁ Νικάνωρ" πολεμεῖν ἔ ἔκρινεν τῷ ᾿Ιούδᾳ: ὁ δεὲ' συγκροτήσας καὶ παρασκευασάμενος τὰ πρὸς τὴν μάχην συμβάλλει κατά τινα “κώμην Καφαρσαλαμά, καὶ νικήσας ἀναγκάζει αὐτὸν" ἐπὶ" τὴν ἐν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις ἄκραν φεύγειν. ~ ” 7 > > ~ / > ‘8 a »” > \ 406 (δ) “Er? δ᾽ αὐτῷ κατιόντι ἀπὸβ τῆς ἄκρας εἰς TO ἱερὸν ἀπαντήσαντες" τῶν ἱερέων τινὲς καὶ πρεσ- βυτέρων ἠσπάζοντο, καὶ τὰς θυσίας ἐπεδείκνυον ἃς «ες \ ~ AY / ἐλ , 10 ~ 0 ~ ¢ ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασιλέως ἔλεγον προσφέρειν" τῷ θεῷ. ὁ 1 'V Lat. vid.: καὶ μεταξὺ rell. 2 Ιουδαίους PFLVEA marg. 8 γενομένης (6) Νικάνωρ E: ὁ Νικάνωρ γενομένης codd, 4 ὁ δὲ Dindorf: ὃς Hudson: καὶ codd. 5. Dindorf: τὸν ᾿Ιούδαν codd. 6 εἰς AMWE. 1 ἐπεὶ ῬΕῚ. 8 ἐκ FLVE. 9. ὑπαντήσαντες LAM. 10 MV: ἐπιφέρειν rell. 41 Mace. does not say that Nicanor spoke of Demetrius’ attitude toward the Jews. Is there, perhaps, some connexion between this statement in Josephus and that of 2 Mace. xiv. 5, that Demetrius inquired of Alcimus how the Jews were disposed toward him ? > Variant ‘‘the Jews.” In the preceding sentences, Josephus amplifies somewhat. 210 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 403-406 were, and how he felt toward their race.* This offer, Failure of . Te N which was made by the envoys of Nicanor, was be- pict. --- lieved by Judas and his brothers, and not suspecting | Mace. . a vil. 29. any treachery, they gave pledges to him, and received Nicanor with his force. But he, after greeting Judas, and while conversing with him, gave his men a certain signal by which they were to seize Judas. He, how- ever, saw through the plot, and dashing out, escaped to hisown men.’ Accordingly, since his purpose and the trap had become known, Nicanor decided to make war on Judas; but the other, having organized his men and prepared for battle, engaged him at a certain village called Kapharsalama,’ and defeated him and forced him to flee to the Afra in Jerusalem.? (5) And again,’ as Nicanor was coming down from Nicanor the Akra to the temple, he was met by some of the fio juts priests and elders, who greeted him and showed him paps the sacrifices which they said they were offering to 1 Mace. God on behalf of the king. Thereupon he fell to “4% © 1 Mace. Chapharsalama. Formerly identified with mod. Kefar Sallam on the road from Ramleh to Caesarea, it is now located by Pére Abel near Khirbet Deir Sellam, c. 5 miles N.E. of Jerusalem. 4 The text of this paragraph has been emended in two places by Dindorf; according to the ms. reading it was Nieanor who defeated Judas and forced him to flee to the Akra. It seems necessary to accept Dindorf’s emendations for two reasons, first because 1 Mace. says plainly that Nicanor, having lost 500 men, fled to Jerusalem (“ἡ the city of David ’’), and second because the Akra was in the hands of the Syrians, and it must therefore have been Nicanor, and not Judas, who fled there. Schiirer, however, i. 217 note 26, insists that Nicanor could not have suffered a “ real defeat ” since, according to 1 Macc., he lost only 500 men (a v.l. gives 5000). 4 ἔτι is preferable to the variant ἐπεὶ ‘‘ when”; it intro- duces another instance of Nicanor’s treachery. 211 JOSEPHUS be βλασφημήσας αὐτοὺς ἠπείλησεν, εἰ μὴ παραδοίη; τὸν ᾿Ιούδαν ὁ λαὸς αὐτῷ, καθαιρήσειν, ὅταν ἐπ- 407 ανέλθῃ, τὸν ναόν. καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα ἀπειλήσας ἐξ- ῆλθεν a ἀπὸ τῶν “Ἱεροσολύμων, ot det ἱερεῖς εἰς δάκρυα διὰ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰρημένοις λύπην προέπεσον, καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἱ ἱκέτευον ῥύσασθαι ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων av- 40g τούς. ὁ δὲ Νικάνωρ, ws ἐκ τῶν “Ἱεροσολύμων ἐξελθὼν ἐγένετο κατά τινα κώμην Βηθωροῦν" λεγομένην, αὐτόθι στρατοπεδεύεται, προσγενομένης αὐτῷ καὶ ἄλλης ἀπὸ Συρίας δυνάμεως. ᾿Ιούδας δὲ ἐν ᾿Αδασοῖς, ἑτέρᾳ κώμῃ σταδίους ἀπεχούσῃ τριάκοντα τῆς Βηθωροῦ, στρατοπεδεύεται, δισ- 409 χιλίους" ἔχων τοὺς ἅπαντας." τούτους παρορμήσας μὴ καταπλαγῆναι τὸ τῶν ἐναντίων πλῆθος, μηδὲ λογίζεσθαι πρὸς πόσους ἀγωνίζεσθαι μέλλουσιν, ἀλλὰ τίνες ὄντες καὶ περὶ οἵων ἐπάθλων κιν- δυνεύουσιν ἐνθυμουμένους, εὐψύχως ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην ἐξάγει. καὶ συμβαλὼν τῷ Νικάνορι καὶ καρτερᾶς τῆς μάχης γενομένης κρατεῖ τῶν ἐναντίων, καὶ πολλούς τε αὐτῶν ἀπ- ἔκτεινε, καὶ τελευταῖον αὐτὸς ὁ Νικάνωρ λαμπρῶς 410 ἀγωνιζόμενος ἔπεσεν. οὗ πεσόντος οὐδὲ τὸ στρά- τευμα ἔμεινεν, ἀλλὰ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἀπολέσαντες εἰς φυγὴν ἐτράπησαν ῥίψαντες τὰς πανοπλίας. ἐπι- 1 Dindorf: παραδώη aut παραδῶ codd. E. * Βηθωρου P: Βαιθωρὼν FL: Βεθωρὸν V: Bethoro Lat. 3 εἰς χιλίους AMW: χιλίους E Lat. 4 ἔχων τοὺς ἅπαντας LAMWE: dzartas ἔχων FV: στρατιώτας ἔχων P: socios habens Lat. 2WliMaccin bum. > Variant Baithoron, ef. ὃ 289 note d. ° Pere Abel accepts the identification of Adasa with mod. Khirbet ‘Adaseh earlier proposed by Guérin, although this 212 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 406-410 cursing them, and threatened that, if the people did not give Judas up to him, he would pull down 4 the temple when he returned. After making these threats, he left Jerusalem, while the priests burst into tears in their distress over his words, and supplicated God to deliver them from their enemies. Now after Nicanor had left Jerusalem, he came to a certain village called Bethoron,’ and there encamped, being joined by another force from Syria. And Judas encamped at Adasa,° another village thirty stades ¢ distant from Bethoron, with two thousand men in 41]. These he exhorted not to be overawed by the num- bers of their adversaries nor to reflect how many they were about to contend against, but to bear in mind who they were and for what prize they were facing danger, and bravely encounter the enemy ; and then he led them out to battle. And engaging Nicanor, Judas’ vie. he defeated his adversaries after a severe fight, and Pao killed many of them; and finally ὁ Nicanor himself at Adasa, fell, fighting gloriously. When he fell, his army did |,” ΕΝ not stay, but having lost their commander, threw away all their armour, and turned to flight. But Judas site is really 60 stades (6. 7 miles) from Beit-“Ur el-Féqa (Bethoron), and not merely 30 stades as Josephus states (no distance is given in 1 Macc.). Other scholars, including Schiirer, identify Adasa with mod. ‘“Adaseh N.E. of Bethoron in the vicinity of Jifnd (Gophna), on the basis of δ). i. 45 ff. where the account of Judas’ retreat to Gophna after the battle of Bethzacharias (cf. §§ 369 ff.) is followed by that of his death (!) at Acedasa (=Adasa?), but the passage in B.J. is entirely unreliable. We must, it seems, suppose, with Peére Abel, that Josephus errs here in giving the distance between Adasa and Bethoron as 30 stades. 4 Variant 1000; 1 Mace. 3000. ¢ 1 Mace. says that Nicanor was the first to fall. Josephus also adds the phrase ‘“ fighting gloriously.” 213 JOSEPHUS διώκων δὲ ὁ ᾿Ιούδας ἐφόνευσε, καὶ ταῖς σάλπιγξι ταῖς πέριξ κώμαις ἐσήμαινεν ὅτι νικῴη τοὺς πολε- , « ΦΡΑΘ ΕἸ cal > 4 > / « 411 μίους. οἱ δ᾽ ἐν αὐταῖς ἀκούοντες ἐξεπήδων ὡπλισ- μένοι καὶ τοῖς φεύγουσιν ὑπαντῶντες ἔκτεινον > ~ αὐτούς, γενόμενοι κατὰ πρόσωπον, ὥστε EK τῆς ~ 5 μάχης ταύτης οὐδεὶς διέφυγεν, ὄντων αὐτῶν ἐν- 412 νακισχιλίων. τὴν δὲ νίκην συνέβη γενέσθαι ταύτην τῇ τρισκαιδεκάτῃ τοῦ μηνὸς τοῦ λεγομένου παρὰ μὲν ᾿Ιουδαίοις "Αδαρ κατὰ δὲ Μακεδόνας Δύστρου. ἄγουσιν δ᾽ ἐν τούτῳ τὰ νικητήρια κατὰ πᾶν ἔτος, καὶ ἑορτὴν νομίζουσι τὴν ἡμέραν. ἐξ ἐκείνου μέν- ~ ~ ΝΜ τοι τοῦ χρόνου πρὸς ὀλίγον τὸ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔθνος τῶν πολέμων ἀναπαυσάμενον καὶ εἰρήνης ἀπολαῦον, ἔπειτα εἰς ἀγῶνας πάλιν καὶ κινδύνους κατέστη. 413 (6) Τῷ δ᾽ ἀρχιερεῖ τῷ ᾿Αλκίμῳ βουληθέντι καθελεῖν τὸ τεῖχος τοῦ ἁγίου παλαιὸν ὃν καὶ κατ- ~ ~ , eokevacpevoy ὑπὸ τῶν apyalwy' προφητῶν, πληγή > / > ~ ~ /, « Ἣν τις αἰφνίδιος ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ προσέπεσεν, ὑφ᾽ ἧς + / > \ \ ~ / \ \ ἀφωνός τε ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν κατηνέχθη καὶ βασανισθεὶς ἐπὶ συχνὰς ἡμέρας ἀπέθανεν, ἀρχιερατεύσας ἔτη \ 414 τέσσαρα. τελευτήσαντος δὲ τούτου τὴν apx- 1 ἁγίων MVE. « As far as Gazera (bibl. Gezer) according to 1 Macc., which adds that this was ‘‘ one day’s journey from Adasa,” Gezer is, in fact, c. 20 miles W. of [hirbet “Adaseh. > Their number is not given in 1 Mace. © Roughly March; it preceded by one day the festival of Purim, as noted in 2 Mace. xv. 36 (which calls the latter “ Mordecai’s Day’’). 214 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 410-414 pursued @ and slew them, and caused the trumpets to signal to the surrounding villages that he was defeat- ing the enemy. When their inhabitants heard this, they leaped to arms, and heading off the fugitives, met them face to face, and killed them, so that from this battle not a single man escaped out of the nine thousand who were init.’ Now the victory took place on the thirteenth of the month which is called Adar by the Jews, and Dystros by the Macedonians.° And the Jews celebrate their victory every year in this month, and observe this day as a festival. But though the Jewish nation for a little while after that date had respite from war and enjoyed peace, there- after it was again to undergo a period of struggle and danger. (6)* As the high priest Alcimus was planning to pull down the wall of the Holy Place,’ which was very old “ and had been erected by the ancient ” prophets, a sudden stroke from God? seized him, by which he was brought speechless to the ground, and after suffering torment for many days, he died, having been high priest for four years.) And when he died, 4 Cf. Megillath Ta‘anith under this date, “ On the 13th (of Adar) is the day of Nicanor,” cf. also Ant. xi. 292 note c. The year of the victory over Nicanor is not given in 1 Macc., but on the basis of 1 Mace. ix. 3 we may date the battle in March 161 B.c. ¢ The following section on Alcimus is placed in 1 Macc. (ix. 54 ff.) after the death of Judas, in the 153rd yr. Sel. = 160/59 B.c. 71 Mace. ‘ the wall of the inner court of the sanctuary.” 9 Detail not found in 1 Mace. * Variant ‘‘ holy.” * 1 Mace. omits “ from God.” 7 From 162 s.c. (cf. § 385 note c) to 159 B.c. inclusive (cf. above, note 6), counting part of a year as a full years 215 The painful death of Alcimus. 1 Mace. ix. 54. 1 Mace. viii. 1. 415 JOSEPHUS 4 « \ “ > / ὃ “ > 4 tepwavrvynv 6 λαὸς τῷ ᾿Ιούδᾳ δίδωσιν, ὃς ἀκούσας περὶ τῆς Ῥωμαίων δυνάμεως καὶ ὅτι καταπεπο- , 1 ΄, , \ \ > , \ λεμήκασι' τήν τε Γαλατίαν καὶ τὴν ᾿Ιβηρίαν καὶ Καρχηδόνα τῆς Λιβύης, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις τὴν ΓΦ il / / \ \ ~ / \ ᾿υλλάδα κεχείρωνται καὶ τοὺς βασιλεῖς Ἰ]ερσέα καὶ / \ \ / > / » / Φίλιππον καὶ τὸν μέγαν ᾿Αντίοχον, ἔγνω φιλίαν ποιήσασθαι πρὸς αὐτούς. πέμψας οὖν εἰς τὴν “Ῥώμην τῶν αὑτοῦ φίλων Εὐπόλεμον τὸν ᾿Ιωάννου εν \ > / \ > 4 / > υἱὸν καὶ ᾿Ιάσονα τὸν ᾿Ελεαζάρου, παρεκάλει δι αὐτῶν συμμάχους εἶναι καὶ φίλους, καὶ Δημητρίῳ 416 γράψαι ὅπως μὴ πολεμῇ τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις. ἐλθόντας 417 δὲ εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην τοὺς παρὰ τοῦ ᾿Ιούδα πρεσβευτὰς ἡ σύγκλητος δέχεται, καὶ διαλεχθεῖσι" περὶ ὧν ἐπέμφθησαν τὴν συμμαχίαν ἐπινεύει. ποιήσασα δὲ περὶ τούτου δόγμα τὸ μὲν ἀντίγραφον εἰς τὴν > / 3 / ? \ 3 > \ bA Ἰουδαίαν ἀπέστειλεν, αὐτὸ δ᾽ εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον > ~ >? / / > , εν \ εἰς χαλκᾶς ἐγγράψαντες δέλτους ἀνέθεσαν. ἦν δὲ 1 καταπεπονήκασι PV. 5 διαλεχθεῖσα PFLY. « This statement, repeated in §§ 419 and 434, has no basis in 1 Macc. ; it is, moreover, contradicted by Josephus himself, who says, Ant. xx. 237, that after the death of Alcimus there was no high priest in Jerusalem for seven years (7.e. until Jonathan became high priest). According to early rabbinic tradition, cf. Derenbourg, p. 58, Mattathias and his sons were all high priests. If not actually high priest, Judas was, at any rate, the head of the Jewish people, as Schiirer points out, 1, 219. > Of. § 413 note ὁ. ¢ Either the territory of the Gauls in Asia Minor, which the Romans raided in 189 8.c. or Cisalpine Gaul, which the Romans conquered in 190 B.c, 4 1 Mace. Σπανίας “ Spain,’ which the Romans conquered in part in 201 B.c. 1 Mace. refers to the precious metals of this country. * A reference to the victory of the Romans at Zama in 216 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 414-417 the people gave the high priesthood to Judas ?; thereupon,” having heard of the power of the Romans and that they had subdued Galatia ὁ and Iberia ὁ and Carthage in Libya,’ and in addition had conquered Greece / and the kings Perseus,’ Philip” and Antio- chus the Great,’ he decided to make a treaty of friendship with them.’ Accordingly, he sent to Rome his friends Eupolemus, the son of Joannes, and Jason, the sonof Eleazar, and through them requested the Romans to become his allies and friends, and to write to Demetrius that he should not make war on the Jews. When the envoys sent by Judas came to Rome, the Senate received them, and after they* had spoken about their mission, agreed to the alliance. It also made a decree concerning this, and sent a copy to Judaea, while the original was engraved on bronze tablets and deposited in the Capitol.’ It read as 202 x.c. 1 Macc. does not mention the Carthaginians by name, but probably refers to them (viii. 4) as “‘ the kings . . . from the end of the earth.” 71 Mace. “ the Kitians,’’ here meaning the Macedonians. 9 The last Macedonian king, who was defeated by L. Aemilius Paulus at Pydna in 168 B.c. » The father of Perseus, defeated by T. Quinctius Fla- mininus at Cynoscephalae in 197 B.c. (1 Macc. mentions Philip before Perseus). τ Antiochus III, having been defeated in several battles by the Romans, the last at Magnesia in 189 B.c., was forced to pay a large indemnity and annual tribute to Rome. Josephus omits further details about the Romans given in 1 Mace. viii. 6-16. 4 On the problem of the first diplomatic relations between Judaea and Rome, and on the authenticity of the decree of the Roman senate quoted in §§ 417 ff. (=1 Mace. viii. 23 ff.) see literature cited in Appendix J. * Variant ‘‘ it ’’ (the senate). ' 1 Mace. says naively that the copy sent to Jerusalem was engraved on bronze tablets. VOL. VII H a A JOSEPHUS τοιοῦτον" “᾿ δόγμα συγκλήτου περὶ συμμαχίας Kal εὐνοίας τῆς πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων. μηδένα τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων ἱῬωμαίοις πολεμεῖν τῷ ᾿Ιου- δαίων ἔθνει, μηδὲ τοῖς πολεμοῦσι χορηγεῖν ἢ σῖτον 418 ἢ πλοῖα ἢ χρήματα. ἐὰν δὲ ἐπίωσί' τινες ᾿Ιου- δαίοις, βοηθεῖν Ρωμαίους αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν, \ , 1 a2 ¢ , pny " > καὶ πάλιν, av TH “Ρωμαίων ἐπίωσί' τινες, *lov- δαίους αὐτοῖς συμμαχεῖν. ἂν δέ τι πρὸς ταύτην τὴν συμμαχίαν θελήσῃ τὸ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔθνος 7) προσ- θεῖναι 7 ἀφελεῖν, τοῦτο κοινῇ γινέσθω" γνώμῃ τοῦ δήμου τῶν “Ρωμαίων, ὃ ὃ δ᾽ ἂν προστεθῇ τοῦτ᾽ εἶναι 419 κύριον. ἐγράφη τὸ" δόγμα ὑπὸ [ὐπολέμου τοῦ ᾿Ιωάννου παιδὸς καὶ ὑπὸ ᾿Ιάσονος τοῦ ’EAcaldpov ἐπὶ ἀρχιερέως μὲν τοῦ ἔθνους ᾿Ιούδα, στρατηγοῦ δὲ Σίμωνος τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ. καὶ τὴν μὲν πρώτην “Ῥωμαίοις πρὸς ᾿Ιουδαίους φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν οὕτως συνέβη γενέσθαι. 420 (xi. 1) Δημήτριος δ᾽ ᾿ἀπαγγελθείσης αὐτῷ τῆς Νικάνορος τελευτῆς καὶ τῆς ἀπωλείας τοῦ σὺν αὐτῷ στρατεύματος, πάλιν τὸν Βακχίδην. μετὰ 42] δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἐξέπεμψεν. ὃς ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐξορμήσας καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν 1 ἐπιβῶσ LAMW. 2 swt LAMW. 3 γενέσθω F: γενέσθαι V: γίγνεσθαι AMW. 4 δὲ τὸ P Lat. 2 Josephus substitutes this technical phrase for the informal one of 1 Mace. καλῶς γένοιτο Ῥωμαίοις καὶ τῷ Over *Tovdaiwy “ὁ may it go well with the Romans and the ‘Jewish nation.’’ We must remember that the Greek text of the treaty in 1 Mace. is a translation from Hebrew, and this, in turn, a translation of the Greek original. > 1 Mace. adds “‘ arms.” 218 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 417-421 follows. “Α decree of the Senate concerning a treaty The Roman of alliance and goodwill ¢ with the Jewish nation. No one of those who are subject to the Romans shall make war on the Jewish nation, or furnish to those who make war on them any grain, ships or money.? And if any attack the Jews, the Romans shall assist them so far as they are able, and on the other hand, if any attack the Romans, the Jews shall help them as allies.© And if the Jewish nation ὦ wishes either to add anything to, or remove anything from, this treaty of alliance, this shall be done with the con- currence of the Roman people,’ and whatever may be added shall be valid.””’ The decree was signed’ by Eupolemus, the son of Joannes, and by Jason, the son of Eleazar, Judas being high priest of the nation, and his brother Simon commander.” This, then, is how the first treaty of friendship and alliance between the Romans and the Jews came about. (xi. 1) Now when Demetrius was informed of the death of Nicanor and of the destruction of the army with him, he again sent out Bacchides* with a force to Judaea. Setting out from Antioch, he came to ¢ In these two sentences also Josephus alters the phraseo- logy of 1 Mace. to conform with Greek usage. 4 1 Mace. “ if either side.”’ 41 Mace. ἐξ αἱρέσεως αὐτῶν “ by their choice” (i.e. of both Romans and Jews) ; to the phrase κοινῇ. . . γνώμῃ τοῦ δήμου in Josephus ‘Taubler, Imp. Rom. p. 241, cites parallels from other treaties, ¢.g., κοινῇ βουλῇ δημοσίᾳ (Cibyra). 1 1 Mace. adds that the Romans wrote to Demetrius warn- ing him not to molest their Jewish allies. 9 Lit. “‘ written.” » This sentence is not found in 1 Mace. On the alleged high-priesthood of Judas, cf. § 414 note a. 1 Mace. adds “ and Alcimus,’’ which Josephus omits because he has already reported Alcimus’ death, cf. § 413 note ἐν 219 treaty with the Jews. 1 Mace. viii. 23. Demetrius sends Bacchides against udas. 1 Macc. ix. 1 422 423 JOSEPHUS *Tovdalar, ἐν ᾿Αρβήλοις πόλει τῆς Γαλιλαίας στρα- τοπεδεύεται, καὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἐκεῖ σπηλαίοις ὄντας (πολλοὶ γὰρ εἰς αὐτὰ συμπεφεύγεσαν) ἐκπολιορ- / \ / »” > A 3. δὶ ALR / κήσας καὶ λαβών, ἄρας ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ τὰ ‘lepoodAvpa σπουδὴν ἐποιεῖτο. μαθὼν δὲ τὸν ᾿Ιούδαν ἔν τινι κώμῃ ᾿Βηρζηθὼ" τοὔνομα κατεστρατοπεδευμένον, ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἠπείγετο μετὰ πεζῶν μὲν δισμυρίων, ἱππέων δὲ δισχιλίων: τῷ ᾿Ιούδᾳ δὲ ἦσαν οἱ πάντες , 2 - \ , = , χίλιοι." οὗτοι τὸ Βακχίδου πλῆθος θεωρήσαντες 97 3 VEN \ , »" ἔδεισαν," καὶ τὴν παρεμβολὴν καταλιπόντες ἔφυγον / Ἁ > / > / \ \ πάντες πλὴν ὀκτακοσίων. ᾿Ιούδας δὲ καταλειφθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκείων στρατιωτῶν, καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἐπικειμένων καὶ μηδένα καιρὸν αὐτῷ πρὸς συλλογὴν τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπιτρεπόντων, οἷός T ἦν μετὰ τῶν ὀκτακοσίων συμβαλεῖν τοῖς τοῦ" ἘΒακχίδου, καὶ προτρεπόμενός γεῖ τούτους εὐψύχως ὑφίστασθαι 1 Βαρζηθὼ AMW: Βιρζηθρὼ V: Ζηθῶ Ῥ: Βηρζηθοῖ E: Barziton Lat.: Βηθζηθὼ (cf. ad § 397) Naber. 2 duo milia Lat. 8 θεωρήσαντες ἔδεισαν] δείσαντες AMWE. 4 μετὰ τοῦ FLAMVW. 5 ΤΈΡΕΝ * 1 Mace, “ And they took the road to Galgala (vl. ““Galaad”’) and encamped against Maisaloth in Arbela.” Josephus thus omits Maisaloth, and apparently equates Galilee with Judaea, probably using ‘** Judaea’’ inthe broader sense of ‘‘ Jewish territory,” as in B.J. i. 309. Pere Abel follows Josephus in reading Galilee for Galgala or Galaad, and with Robinson explains Maisaloth, not as a proper name, but as the transliteration of Heb. m*silléth, here meaning “ascent” (in the txx of 2 Chron. ix. 11 ἀναβάσεις renders m*sill6th). This Arbela in Galilee would then be the same as that mentioned in Vita 188, 311 ef al. as a region of caves, as Josephus describes it here, and is therefore to be identified with mod. Jrbid, a few miles W. of the Sea of Galilee, a little S.W. of Magdala and N.W. of Tiberias. 220 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 421-423 Judaea and encamped at Arbela, a city in Galilee *; and after besieging those who were in the caves there ’—for many had taken refuge in these,—he captured them, and departing from there, hastened toward Jerusalem. But when he learned that Judas had encamped at a certain village by the name of Berzetho,? he pushed on to meet him with twenty thousand foot-soldiers and two thousand horsemen 3 while Judas’ whole force amounted to only a thousand.¢ When these saw the great numbers of Bacchides’ men, they became afraid,’ and abandoning their lines, all but eight hundred fled. But Judas, Judas en- although abandoned by his own soldiers, and with the fou"8%) enemy pressing him and allowing him no time to rally force. _ his force, was ready to engage Bacchides’ men with rel eet his eight hundred ; and so he exhorted these few 2 to Ὁ The caves (see preceding note) are not mentioned in 1 Mace. © 1 Mace. dates this in the first month of the 152nd yr. Sel. = April 161 B.c. 4 Variants Barzetho, Birzetho, Zetho, etc.; 1 Macc. Berea, v.ll. Beerzath, Berethiim. This site was earlier identified (cf. Schiirer i. 222 note 36) with Bir ez-Zeit c. 2 miles N.W. of Gophna (mod. Jifnd) and c. 15 miles N. of Jerusalem. Pére Abel, however, positing the reading Bereth in 1 Macc., conjectures that the Heb. original had Birath, which he identifies with mod. el-Bireh c. 10 miles N. of Jerusalem, commanding the road between Jerusalem and Samaria. He holds that this conjecture is supported by the fact that Elasa, mentioned in 1 Mace. as the site of Judas’ camp over against Berea, can plausibly be identified with mod. el-‘Assy less than a mile S.W. of el-Bireh. ¢ Variant 2000; 1 Mace. “ 3000 picked men.” Judas must have had much more than a 1000 men, if, after most of them had fled (cf. below), there were still 800 left. * Variant ‘‘ these feared the great number of Bacchides’ men.” 9 Reading ye. 221 JOSEPHUS 424 τὸν κίνδυνον, παρεκάλει χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην. TOV δὲ λεγόντων ὡς οὐκ εἰσὶ πρὸς τοσοῦτον μέγεθος στρατιᾶς ἀξιόμαχοι, συμβουλευόντων δὲ νῦν μὲν ἀναχωρεῖν καὶ σώζειν αὐτούς," αὖθις δὲ συναγα- / 3 \ ἰδί ~ > θ “-“ Ἃ - [ΠῚ \ yovra® τοὺς ἰδίους τοῖς ἐχθροῖς συμβαλεῖν, “ μὴ pa 89) 99 s ἕξ kg > / / a) > \ % τοῦτ᾽, εἶπεν, “᾿ ἥλιος ἐπίδοι γενόμενον, ἵν᾽ ἐγὼ τὰ ~ / / A / > > > \ 425 νῶτά μου δείξω τοῖς πολεμίοις. ἀλλ᾽ εἰ Kal τελευ- τὴν ὁ παρών μοι καιρὸς φέρει καὶ δεῖ πάντως ἀπολέσθαι μαχόμενον, στήσομαι, γενναίως πᾶν aA ἊΝ A ὑπομένων μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς ἤδη κατωρθωμένοις καὶ τῇ περὶ αὐτῶν δόξῃ προσβαλὼν" τὴν ἐκ τῆς νῦν φυγῆς UBpw.” καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα πρὸς τοὺς ὑπο- λειφθέντας, παρακαλῶν τοῦ κινδύνου καταφρονή- ~ a / σαντας ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἔλεγεν. ᾽ ~ (2) Ὃ δὲ Βακχίδης ἐξαγαγὼν ἐκ τοῦ στρατο- \ \ / / πέδου τὴν δύναμιν πρὸς μάχην παρετάσσετο, Kal τοὺς μὲν ἱππεῖς ἐξ ἑκατέρων τῶν κεράτων ἔταξε, τοὺς δὲ ψιλοὺς καὶ τοξότας προέστησε πάσης τῆς / ᾽ \ “σὴν > \ ~ ~ ᾽ὔ “ 427 φάλαγγος, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἦν ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρως. οὕτως δὲ συντάξας τὴν στρατιάν, ἐπεὶ προσέμιξε τῷ τῶν πολεμίων στρατοπέδῳ, σημῆναι τὸν σαλπιγκτὴν ἐκέλευσε καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν ἀλαλάξασαν προσιέναι \ > ᾽ \ / « al "ὃ LAA A 428 τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ ποιήσας ὁ ᾿Ιούδας συμβάλλει τοῖς πολε- μίοις, καὶ καρτερῶς ἀμφοτέρων ἀγωνιζομένων καὶ τῆς μάχης μέχρι δυσμῶν παρατεινομένης, ἰδὼν ὁ 420 ς 1 ἢ καὶ PEW. 3 αὑτοὺς AMW corr. 3 συναγαγόντας PLAMW. 4 μᾶλλον ἢ coni.: τὸ μέλλον ἢ codd, δ᾽ προσβαλῶ LAMW. δ WW: προσεῖναι rell.: προϊέναι Bekker, JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 424-428 face danger bravely, and urged them to advance to battle. They, however, said that they were not sufficiently strong to fight so great an army, and advised him to retreat for the time being, and so save them, but, when he had assembled his men,? to engage the foe then. “ May the sun not look upon such a thing,” ὃ he replied, “‘ as that I should show. my back to the enemy. But even if the present moment brings death to me, and I must inevitably perish in the fight, I will stand my ground, valiantly enduring all things rather than flee now and so bring disgrace upon my former achievements and upon the glory won through them.” 7 So he spoke to those who were left, urging them to show contempt for danger and join battle with the enemy. (2) Meanwhile Bacchides led his force out of their camp, and drew them up for battle ; his horsemen he stationed on either wing, and the light-armed troops and archers he placed in front of his main body,é while he himself was on the right wing. Having marshalled his army in this way, he came close to the enemy's lines, and ordered his trumpeter to sound the charge, and his army to raise the battle-cry and go forward. And Judas, doing the same, engaged the enemy, and as both sides fought stoutly, the battle was prolonged till sunset ; but Judas, seeing 2 Variant “‘ when they had assembled their men.” > Josephus varies the phrase in 1 Macc. μή μοι γένοιτο ποιῆσαι τὸ πρᾶγμα τοῦτο, which reflects the Heb. idiom= “ God forbid !” ¢ The variant, apparently a corruption through ditto- graphy, adds “that are to come.” 4 1 Mace. “ Let us die bravely for the sake of our brothers, and let us not leave any stain on our reputation” (or “‘ glory ’’). * Lit. ‘‘ the entire phalanx.” 223 Bacchides defeats Judas at Berzetho, 1 Mace. ib. ila 429 430 431 432 JOSEPHUS > / \ , \ ‘ ‘ ~ Ἰούδας τὸν Βακχίδην καὶ τὸ καρτερὸν τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐν τῷ δεξιῷ κέρατι τυγχάνον, παραλαβὼν τοὺς εὐψυχοτάτους ὥρμησεν ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνο τὸ μέρος τῆς τάξεως, καὶ προσβαλὼν τοῖς ἐκεῖ διασπᾷ αὐτῶν τὴν A φάλαγγα. ὠσάμενος 6 eis μέσους εἰς φυγὴν al \ ΄ αὐτοὺς ἐβιάσατο, καὶ διώκει μέχρι Aca’ ὄρους οὕτω λεγομένου. θεασάμενοι δὲ τὴν τροπὴν τῶν" ἐν τῷ δεξιῷ κέρατι οἱ τὸ εὐώνυμον ἔχοντες ἐκυ- κλώσαντο τὸν ᾿Ιούδαν διώκοντα," καὶ λαμβάνουσι μέσον αὐτὸν κατόπιν γενόμενοι. ὁ δὲ φυγεῖν οὐ ~ / δυνάμενος, ἀλλὰ περιεσχημένος ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, στὰς ἐμάχετο μετὰ τῶν σὺν αὑτῷ. πολλοὺς δὲ κτείνας τῶν ἀντιπάλων καὶ κατάκοπος γενόμενος καὶ αὐτὸς ἔπεσεν, ἐπὶ καλοῖς μὲν πρότερον γεγενη- / »>7y>? ¢ / / i > / \ \ μένοις, ἐφ᾽ ὁμοίοις δέ, ὅτε ἀπέθνησκε, τὴν ψυχὴν 3 / / A. 9 / \ / \ \ ἀφείς. πεσόντος δὲ ᾿Ιούδα, πρὸς μηδένα τὸ λοιπὸν “ « ~ ~ ἀφορᾶν ἔχοντες οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ, στρατηγοῦ δὲ τοιούτου στερηθέντες ἔφυγον. λαβόντες δὲ τὸ σῶμα παρὰ - / τῶν πολεμίων ὑπόσπονδον Σίμων καὶ ᾿Ιωνάθης > \ ants ͵΄ , > \ alia ἀδελφοὶ τοῦ *lovda, κομίσαντες εἰς τὴν Μωδεεῖν ~ 4 κώμην, ὅπου Kal ὃ πατὴρ αὐτῶν ἐτέθαπτο, κηδεύ- ovat, πενθήσαντος ἐπὶ συχνὰς αὐτὸν τοῦ πλήθους ἡμέρας καὶ τιμήσαντος κοινῇ τοῖς νενομισμένοις. 1 Ἔζᾷ P: Gazara (om. ὄρους... λεγομένου) Lat. 2 τὴν PFLVE. 3 διώκοντες V. 4 Μωδεεὶμ FV : Μωδεεῖ L: Μωδαιεὶ AMW: Modin Lat. 2 Variants Mount Eza, Gazara ; 1 Mace. ἕως ᾿Αζώτου ὄρους ‘‘as far as Mount Azotus ’’—this cannot, of course, be the city of Azotus (bibl. Ashdod) in the Philistine plain. Michaelis (ap. Grimm) long ago ingeniously suggested that Azotus (=Ashdod) in 1 Mace. is a rican Ἐπ ἀγπεισςς of Heb. *aSdéth ha-har “the slopes of the mountain (hill),”’ while 224 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 428-432 that Bacchides and the strongest part of his army were on the right wing, took his bravest men and made for that part of the line, and falling upon the troops there, broke their solid ranks. Then thrusting himself through their midst, he forced them to flee, and pursued them as far as Mount Aza,’ as it is called. But when those of the left observed the rout of their The death right wing, they encircled Judas as he was pursuing Shee ot an it,” and coming up behind him, caught him in their 1 Mace. midst. And so, being unable to flee, and surrounded ™ τὸ: by the enemy, he stood there with his followers and fought. But after killing many of his adversaries, he became worn out, and himself fell ; and so, still per- forming glorious deeds as he was dying, like those which he had performed in the past, he breathed his last. When Judas fell, his followers, having no one to look to thereafter, and being deprived of so great a commander, fled forthwith. But Simon and Jonathan, the brothers of Judas, obtained his dead body from the enemy under a truce, and carrying it to the village of Modeein,¢ where their father also had been buried, performed the last rites ; and the people mourned him for many days, and publicly honoured him with the customary ceremonies. Such was the Torrey, JBLliii., 1934, p. 32, less plausibly supposes that the original Greek of 1 Macc. was ἕως ἄνω τοῦ ὄρους rendering Heb. ‘ad ma‘aléh ha-har “* up to the slope of the hill.” Both these attempts to eliminate the proper name seem less convincing than the proposal of Pére Abel to explain AZAOPOY in Josephus as an haplography of AZQPOY OPOY®S, and to identify this Azorus with mod. el-’ Asiir, a hilly site c. 6 miles N.E. of el-Bireh (Berzetho). » Variant “‘ they encircled and pursued Judas.” ¢ Josephus here amplifies the brief statement in 1 Mace. (ix. 18), ‘‘ And Judas fell, and the rest fled.” 4 Variants Modeei, Modaiei, etc., cf. § 265 note ὁ. VOL. VII H 2 225 JOSEPHUS \ / ἢ ~ / > / wv 433 καὶ τέλος μὲν τοιοῦτον κατέσχεν “lovdav, ἄνδρα γενναῖον καὶ μεγαλοπόλεμον" γενόμενον, καὶ τῶν τοῦ πατρὸς ἐντολῶν Ματταθίου μνήμονα, καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν πολιτῶν ἐλευθερίας καὶ δρᾶσαι καὶ 484 παθεῖν ὑποστάντα. τοιοῦτος οὖν τὴν ἀρετὴν ὑπ- / ~ A ἄρξας μέγιστον αὐτοῦ κλέος καὶ μνημεῖον κατέλιπεν, > / \ ” \ ~ ¢ ‘ / ἐλευθερώσας τὸ ἔθνος καὶ τῆς ὑπὸ Μακεδόσιν > / egal , \ 22 Ὁ 7 ἐξαρπάσας αὐτὸ δουλείας. τὴν δ᾽" ἀρχιερωσύνην Μ ἔτος τρίτον κατασχὼν ἀπέθανεν. 1 μεγαλότολμον coni. Niese. 2 δ᾽ P: om. rell. 226 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII. 433-434 end of Judas, who had been a valiant man and a great warrior,® and mindful of the injunctions of his father Mattathias, had had the fortitude to do and suffer all things for the liberty of his fellow-citizens. And such was the prowess of this man that he left behind him the greatest and most glorious of memorials—to have freed his nation and rescued them from slavery to the Macedonians. And he had held the high priesthood for three years when he died.? 4 Conjectured variant “‘ greatly daring.” > Cf. § 414 note a. The final section, §§ 433-434, is an addition to 1 Mace. 227 ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ IP (i. 1) Tia μὲν οὖν τρόπον τὸ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔθνος ᾿καταδουλωσαμένων αὐτὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀνεκτήσατο τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ δι’ ὅσων καὶ πὴ λίκων ἀγώνων ὁ στρατηγὸς αὐτῶν ἐλθὼν ᾿Ιούδας ἀπέθανεν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν μαχόμενος, ἐ ἐν τῇ πρὸ ταύτης 2 βίβλῳ δεδηλώκαμεν. μετὰ δὲ τὴν τελευτὴν τὴν ᾿Ιούδου πάλιν" ὅσον “ἦν ἔτι τῶν ἀσεβῶν καὶ παρα- βεβηκότων τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν ἐπεφύη τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις καὶ πανταχόθεν αὐτοὺς ἀκμάζον ἐκάκου. συνελάμβανε δὲ τῇ τούτων πονηρίᾳ καὶ λιμὸς τὴν χώραν καταλαβών, ὡς πολλοὺς διὰ τὴν σπάνιν τῶν ἀναγκαίων καὶ τὸ" μὴ δύνασθαι τοῖς παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἀπό τε τοῦ λιμοῦ καὶ τῶν ἐχθρῶν δεινοῖς ἀντέχειν αὐτομολῆσαι πρὸς τοὺς Μακε- δόνας. Βακχίδης δὲ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων τοὺς ἀπο- στάντας τῆς πατρίου συνηθείας καὶ τὸν κοινὸν βίον προῃρημένους συναθροίσας, τούτοις ἐνεχείρισε τὴν τῆς χώρας ἐπιμέλειαν, οἱ καὶ συλλαμβάνοντες τοὺς ᾿Ιούδου φίλους καὶ τὰ ἐκείνου φρονοῦντας τῷ Βακχίδῃ. παρέδοσαν"" ὁ δὲ βασανίζων πρῶτον av- τοὺς Kal πρὸς ἡδονὴν αἰκιζόμενος ἔπειθ᾽ οὕτως δ διέφθειρεν. ταύτης δὲ τῆς συμφορᾶς τοῖς ᾿Ιου- δαίοις τηλικαύτης γενομένης ἡλίκης οὐκ ἦσαν 1 AMW Lat.: παρ᾽ V: πᾶν rell. 2 τῷ Niese. 8 τε οἵη AMW: γε. 4 παρεδίδοσαν AMWE, 228 BOOK XIII (i. 1) Iv what manner the Jewish nation regained Bacchides its liberty after the Macedonians had subjugated it, {RP τον, and how many and how severe were the struggles after through which their commander Judas went before plore he died fighting on their behalf, we have related in eras the preceding book. Now after the death of Judas? ~~ all those who remained of the godless, and the trans- gressors against their country’s manner of life once more rose up among the Jews, and flourishing on all sides, did them injury. And their wickedness was accompanied by a famine which seized upon the country, so that through the lack of necessities and their inability to hold out against the afflictions caused both by the famine and by their foes, many deserted to the Macedonians. Then Bacchides gathered together those of the Jews who had given up the customs of their country and had chosen the kind of life common to other nations, and entrusted to them the government of the country ; and these men seized the friends of Judas and those who sym- pathized with him, and delivered them to Bacchides, whereupon he first tortured and maltreated them at his pleasure, and then made an end of them in this way. After this calamity had befallen the Jews, which was greater than any they had experienced α In 161 B.c. 229 JOSEPHUS / \ \ > ~ > / ε πεπειραμένοι μετὰ τὴν ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος ἐπάνοδον, οἱ / ~ ¢ / a > / / περιλειφθέντες τῶν ἑταίρων τοῦ ᾿Ιούδου βλέποντες > , > Foy AC ay , > ἀπολλύμενον οἰκτρῶς" τὸ ἔθνος, προσελθόντες ad- τοῦ τῷ ἀδελφῷ ᾿Ιωνάθῃ μιμεῖσθαι τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἐκείνου περὶ τῶν ὁμοφύλων πρό- νοιαν ἠξίουν ἀποθανόντος ὑπὲρ τῆς ἁπάντων" ἐλευ- θερίας, καὶ μὴ περιορᾶν ἀπροστάτητον τὸ ἔθνος 6 μηδ᾽ ἐν οἷς κακοῖς" φθείρεται. ὁ δ᾽ ᾿Ιωνάθης φήσας ἑτοίμως ἔχειν ἀποθνήσκειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν καὶ νομι- \ \ \ s / > A \ σθεὶς κατὰ μηδὲν εἶναι χείρων τἀδελφοῦ, στρατηγὸς ἀποδείκνυται τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων. 7 (2) Ὁ δὲ Βακχίδης ἀκούσας τοῦτο" καὶ φοβηθεὶς μὴ παράσχῃ πράγματα τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τοῖς Μακε- δόσιν 6 ᾿Ιωνάθης, ὡς καὶ πρότερον ᾿Ιούδας, ἀπο- 8 κτεῖναι δόλῳ τοῦτον ἐζήτει. ταύτην δὲ ἔχων τὴν / ΕῚ 7 \ > / γῶν \ προαίρεσιν οὐκ ἔλαθε τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην οὐδὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Σίμωνα, ἀλλὰ γὰρ μαθόντες οὗτοι καὶ παραλαβόντες τοὺς ἑταίρους ἅπαντας εἰς τὴν ἐρημίαν τὴν ἔγγιστα τῆς πόλεως τὸ τάχος ἔφυγον, καὶ παραγενόμενοι ἐπὶ τὸ ὕδωρ τὸ καλούμενον ο λάκκον ᾿Ασφὰρ αὐτόθι διῆγον. ὁ δὲ Βακχίδης αἰσθόμενος αὐτοὺς ἀπηρκότας καὶ ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ σ τόπῳ τυγχάνοντας, ὥρμησεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς μετὰ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως, καὶ πέραν τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου A 10 στρατοπεδευσάμενος ἀνελάμβανε THY δύναμιν. *lw- 1 πικρῶς PF LV: miserabiliter Lat. 2 ἁπάντων AMVWE: ἐκείνων PL: ἁπάντων ἐκείνων Fy 3 κακῶς LA: κακῷ W: om. PFMYV. 4 τρῦτο om. PF, 230 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 5-10 since their return from Babylon,’ those of Judas’ com- panions who survived, seeing their nation perish so ἡ miserably, went to his brother Jonathan and begged him to imitate his brother, who in his concern for his countrymen had died on behalf of the liberty of them all, and not suffer the nation to be without a defender or be destroyed by its present afflictions. Thereupon Jonathan said that he was ready to die for them, and so, being considered in no way inferior to his brother, he was appointed commander of the Jews.? (2) But Bacchides heard of this, and fearing that Jonathan Jonathan might cause trouble to the king and the 4-°4P°s from Macedonians, as Judas had done before him, he Bacchides, sought to kill him by treachery.° That this was his in ω intention, however, was not unknown to Jonathan and his brother Simon, and when they learned of it, they took all their companions and fled in haste to the wilderness which was nearest to the city,“ and on coming to the body of water called the Pool of Asphar,? remained there. But when Bacchides became aware that they had removed and were now in that place, he set out against them with his entire force and encamped across the Jordan and there rested his 2 The return from Babylon is substituted by Josephus for “the time that a prophet was not seen among them,” cf. 1 Mace. ix. 27, referring to Malachi probably. > 1 Mace. ix. 31 says simply, ‘‘ and Jonathan at that time took the leadership upon him.” ° Bacchides’ fear and treachery are not mentioned in 1 Mace. 4 Of Tekoah, c. 6 miles S. of Bethlehem; ef. Ant. ix. 12. On this wilderness cf. Abel, ΟΡ i. 436-437. * Identified by Abel in RB with mod. Bir ez-Za‘feran, 6. 3 miles 8. of Tekoah. 231 1 12 13 JOSEPHUS - νάθης δὲ γνοὺς τὸν Βακχίδην ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἥκοντα, πέμπει τὸν ἀδελφὸν ᾿Ιωάννην τὸν καὶ Taddu* / \ \ / ” σ > λεγόμενον πρὸς τοὺς Ναβαταίους "ApaBas iva παρ αὐτοῖς ἀποθῆται τὴν ἀποσκευὴν ἕως ἄν" πολεμή- σωσι πρὸς Βακχίδην: ἦσαν γὰρ φίλοι. τὸν δὲ 3 / > / εἶ \ / > / Ἰωάννην ἀπιόντα πρὸς τοὺς Ναβαταίους ἐνεδρεύ- σαντες ἐκ Μηδάβας πόλεως οἱ ᾿Αμαραίου παῖδες > / / \ \ \ > ~ ‘ αὐτόν τε συλλαμβάνουσι καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ, Kal διαρπάσαντες ὅσα ἐπεκομίζετο κτείνουσι τὸν" ᾿Ιωάννην καὶ τοὺς ἑταίρους αὐτοῦ πάντας. δίκην / / e / A > A > ~ \ μέντοι ye τούτων ὑπέσχον Tots ἀδελφοῖς αὐτοῦ τὴν 3 / Δ 3 > Ad ὃ λ / ἀξίαν, ἣν pet οὐ πολὺ δηλώσομεν. (3) Ὃ δὲ Βακχίδης γνοὺς τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην ἐν τοῖς ἕλεσι τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου κατεστρατοπεδευμένον, παρα- , \ A , Εἰ ὧν + hake) ite | a φυλάξας τὴν τῶν σαββάτων ἡμέραν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἧκεν ὡς οὐ μαχούμενον ἐν ἐκείνῃ διὰ τὸν νόμον. ὁ δὲ παρορμήσας τοὺς ἑταίρους καὶ περὶ τῶν ψυχῶν αὐτοῖς εἶναι τὸν κίνδυνον εἰπών, μέσοις ἀπειλημ- 1 Kaddew P: Γαδδὲ ΑἸ: Ταδδὴν 1,2, 2 οὗ PFVE. ; 3 πολεμήσουσι E. 4 καὶ τὸν FLV: αὐτόν τε τὸν AMW. « That Bacchides ‘‘ rested his force ᾽ is a detail apparently based on 1 Mace. ix. 34 (ef. ὃ 12}, καὶ ἔγνω Βακχίδης τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν σαββάτων, “and Bacchides knew (of it) on the Sabbath day.’ Josephus’ text must have read, like Luc., τὴν ἡμέραν, which Josephus took to mean that Bacchides observed the Sabbath. Incidentally the verse is out of place, as Bacchides had no reason to cross the Jordan until he learned that the Jews were there; cf. below. 232 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 10-13 force. Thereupon Jonathan, learning that Bacchides had come against him, sent his brother John, also called Gaddis,” to the Nabataean Arabs ὁ to leave his equipment with them until they should fight against Bacchides, for they were friends of the Jews. But as John was on his way to the Nabataeans, the sons of Amaraios@ lay in ambush for him outside the city of Medaba,’ and seized both him and his men, and after plundering all that they were carrying, killed John and all his companions. Nevertheless they suffered fitting punishment for this at the hands of his brothers, as we shall presently relate.’ (3) Now when Bacchides learned that Jonathan had encamped in the marshes of the Jordan,’ he waited for the day of the Sabbath and then came against him, thinking that he would not fight on that day because of the Law. But Jonathan exhorted his companions, telling them that their lives were in danger, since they were hemmed in between the > Cf. Ant. xii. 266 note ὁ. ¢ Cf. Ant. xii. 335 note c. 4 Bibl. Jambri (Ἰάμβρι, v.1. ᾿Αμβρί); prob., as Clermont- Ganneau suggested long ago, from the name Ya‘amri, found on a Nabataean inscription near Medeba. Some of the older scholars held that the original Heb. of 1 Mace. had Amorite (¢mdri), as Josephus’ Greek implies, because Medeba is mentioned as an Amorite city in Num. xxi. 29-31. However Medeba was generally known as a Moabite city. ¢ Bibl. Medeba, mod. Mddaba, c. 12 miles S.E. of the N. end of the Dead Sea. 4 In §§ 18-21. In 1 Mace. the story of Jonathan’s and Simon’s revenge comes directly after the story of John’s murder. 9 The battle must have taken place on the East of Jordan, though this is not clear from 1 Macc., and apparently not clear to Josephus, who has Jonathan escaping across the river to ‘Transjordan, ef. below, § 14. 233 Bacchides attacks the Jews on the Sabbath. 1 Mace. ix: 43. 14 10 17 JOSEPHUS μένοις τοῦ Te ποταμοῦ καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ὡς φυγεῖν' οὐκ ἔχουσιν (οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἔμπροσθεν ἐ ἐπήεσαν ὁ ποταμὸς αι ἣν κατόπιν αὐτῶν), εὐξάμενος δὲ καὶ τῷ θεῷ νίκην αὐτοῖς παρασχεῖν, συνάπτει τοῖς , ce \ / > ‘ πολεμίοις. ὧν πολλοὺς καταβαλών, ἐπεὶ τολ- μηρῶς εἶδεν ἐπερχόμενον αὐτῷ τὸν “Βακχίδην, ἐξ- ἔτεινε τὴν δεξιὰν ὡς πλήξων αὐτόν. τοῦ δὲ προϊδομένου" καὶ τὴν πληγὴν ἐκκλίναντος ἀπο- πηδήσας μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν διενήξατο, καὶ τοῦτον διασώζονται' τὸν τρόπον εἰς τὸ πέραν τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου, τῶν πολεμίων οὐκέτι τὸν \ > , Ke \ Nob) Ὁ , 29% ποταμὸν ἐπιδιαβάντων" ἀλλ᾽" ὑποστρέψαντος εὐθὺς τοῦ Βακχίδου εἰς τὴν ἐν “Ἱεροσολύμοις ἄκραν. ἀπέβαλε δὲ τῆς στρατιᾶς ὡς περὶ δισχιλίους. Ν \ ~ > / / / « πολλὰς δὲ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας καταλαβόμενος πόλεις ὃ Βακχίδης ὠχύρωσε καὶ τὴν Ἱεριχοῦντα καὶ ᾿Αμ- μαοῦν" καὶ Βαιθωρὼν" καὶ Βήθηλα" καὶ Θαμναθὰ \ \ \ ΕΙΣ οὐ \ / \ ΄ καὶ Φαραθὼ καὶ Toxydav καὶ Γάζαρα, καὶ πύργους ἐν ἑκάστῃ τῶν πόλεων οἰκοδομήσας, καὶ τείχη περιβαλὼν αὐταῖς καρτερὰ καὶ τῷ μεγέθει δια- φέροντα, δύναμιν εἰς αὐτὰς κατέστησεν, ὅπως κακοῦν ἐκεῖθεν ὁρμώμενοι τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ἔχωσιν. μάλιστα δὲ τὴν ἐν ἱΙεροσολύμοις ὠχύρωσεν ἄκραν. λαβὼν δὲ καὶ τοὺς τῶν πρώτων τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας 1 φυγὴν PLA: φεύγειν F. 2 καὶ οὐ. LAMW. 3 Bekker: Rpoctbor tion codd. FE. 4 διασώζεται ΑΜ Lat. 5 ἀντιδιαβάντων P. 8 ἀλλ᾽ om. PE. 7 ’"Eppaodu 1": ᾿Αμμαθοῦν L: ᾿Αμαθοῦν AMW: Ἐμμαοῦν V: Amathuntem Lat. Βαιθαροῦν P: Βεθωρὸν V: Βαίθαρον W: Betharon Lat. 9 Βεθιλλᾶ P: Βαιθήλλα F: Βέθηλλα L: Βεθήλλαν V: Bethelam Lat. 10 Θοκόαν W: Toconam Lat. (vid.). i) * See note g on p. 233. 234 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 13-17 river and the enemy and so were unable to escape —for the enemy was attacking them in front, and the river was behind them—," and after praying to God to grant them the victory, he joined battle with the enemy. He had felled many of them when he saw Bacchides boldly advancing on him, and so he stretched out his right hand to strike him. But Bac- chides saw the blow coming and evaded it, whereupon Jonathan leaped into the river with his companions and swam across, and in this manner they escaped to the other side of the Jordan, for the enemy no longer followed them across the river; and _ Bacchides straightway returned to the citadel in Jerusalem, having lost about two thousand? of his army. Bac- chides then occupied many cities of Judaea and forti- fied them, such as Jericho, Emmaus,’ Beth-horon,? Bethel, Thamnatha,’ Pharatho, Tochoa’ and Ga- zara”; in each of these cities he built towers, and surrounded them with strong walls of exceeding height, and stationed forces in them in order that they might be able to issue from them and harass the Jews. Above all he fortified the citadel in Jerusa- lem.* He also took the sons of the chief men of > Only 1000 in most mss. of 1 Mace. (v./. 3000). ¢ Variant Amathiis. Emmaus is mod. ‘Amwas, c. 20 miles N.W. of Jerusalem. 4 Cf. Ant. xii. 289 note d. ¢ Prob. bibl. Timnath-Serah, and mod. Khirbet Tibna, according to Abel, GP, ii. 482, c. 12 miles N.E. of Emmaus. 7 Identified by some with bibl. Pirathon and mod. Far‘ata, c. 6 miles S.W. of Shechem (mod. Nablis); this identifiea- tion is questioned by Albright in BASOR, 49 (Feb. 1933), 26. 9 1 Mace. has Tephon or Tepho, identified by Abel and others with bibl. Tappuah and mod. Seikh Abi Zarad, ec. 25 miles due N. of Jerusalem. » Cf. Ant. xii. 308 note a. ‘ Josephus omits Bethsur, mentioned in 1 Mace. ix. 52. 235 18 20 21 JOSEPHUS al « / > \ Μ , ‘ BJ / παῖδας ὁμήρους, εἰς τὴν ἄκραν αὐτοὺς ἐνέκλεισε καὶ τοῦτον ἐφύλαττε τὸν τρόπον. (4) “Yao τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ καιρὸν παραγενόμενός τις Ni > / \ \ > \ > ~ C17 πρὸς ᾿Ιωνάθην καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Σίμωνα, τοὺς ᾿Αμαραίου παῖδας ἀπήγγειλεν αὐτοῖς γάμον > A ale) x / »" ots Δι ἐπιτελοῦντας καὶ τὴν νύμφην ἄγοντας ἀπὸ Ναβαθὰ πόλεως θυγατέρα τινὸς οὖσαν τῶν ἐπιφανῶν παρὰ A ” / \ / A ~ τοῖς “Apayuv, μέλλειν δὲ γίνεσθαι παραπομπὴν τῆς κόρης λαμπρὰν καὶ πολυτελῆ. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἰωνάθην καὶ Σίμωνα καιρὸν ἐπιτηδειότατον εἰς τὴν ἐκδικίαν τἀδελφοῦ νομίσαντες αὑτοῖς παραφανῆναι, \ / \ ¢€ \ > ’, / > > ~ καὶ λήψεσθαι τὴν ὑπὲρ ᾿Ιωάννου δίκην παρ᾽ αὐτῶν Ἂ \ ~ > / ς / > / > ἐπὶ πολλῆς ἐξουσίας ὑπολαβόντες, ἐξώρμησαν εἰς Wen pve \ \ > \ > moat A τὰ Μήδαβα καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἐν τῷ ὄρει λοχῶντες ἔμενον. ὡς δὲ εἶδον αὐτοὺς ἄγοντας τὴν παρθένον καὶ τὸν νυμφίον καὶ φίλων σὺν αὐτοῖς οἷον εἰκὸς ἐν γάμοις ὄχλον, ἀναπηδήσαντες ἐκ τῆς ἐνέδρας ἀπ- ἔκτειναν ἅπαντας, καὶ τὸν κόσμον καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ὅση τότε εἵπετο λεία τοῖς ἀνθρώποις λαβόντες ὑπέστρεψαν. καὶ τιμωρίαν μὲν ὑπὲρ ᾿Ιωάννου 3 ~ \ ~ ta 3 fa A > τἀδελφοῦ παρὰ τῶν υἱῶν ᾿Αμαραίου τοιαύτην ἀπ- ἔλαβον: αὐτοί τε γὰρ οὗτοι καὶ οἱ συνεπόμενοι τούτοις φίλοι καὶ γυναῖκες αὐτῶν καὶ τέκνα δι- εφθάρησαν, ὄντες ὡς" τετρακόσιοι. ~ / \ Ss τον / > \ a ~ (5) Σίμων μὲν οὖν καὶ ᾿Ιωνάθης εἰς τὰ ἕλη τοῦ ποταμοῦ ὑποστρέψαντες αὐτόθι κατέμενον. Βακ- / δὲ \ >| ὃ , Ψ A > λ χίδης δὲ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἅπασαν φρουραῖς ἀσφαλι- 1 Ταβαθᾶ Ν at fort. W. 2 ὡς om. PVL. @ Cf. above 8 11 note f. > 1 Macc. has “ of Canaan.” © So some ΙΙΧΧ mss.; the majority have Nadabath, v./l, 236 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 17-22 Judaea as hostages and shut them up in the citadel and in this manner kept them under guard. (4) About this time* someone came to Jonathan Jonathan and his brother Simon with the report that the sons of ate Amaraios were celebrating a wedding and bringing murder ot the bride, who was the daughter of one of the dis- ἘΝΩ͂ tinguished men among the Ar abs,” from the city of ΕΣ Nabatha,’ and that the procession accompanying the ix. 37. girl would be a splendid and costly one. Thereupon Jonathan and Simon, thinking that a most favourable opportunity had arisen for avenging their brother, and believing that they could exact satisfaction from them with the greatest ease for the killing of John, set out for Medaba and lay in wait for their foes in the mountains. And when they saw them conduct- ing the maid and her bridegroom and a great com- pany of friends, as is usual τ a wedding, they sprang out from their A obesh and killed them all, and after taking as spoil the ornaments and the rest of the possessions that were then being taken along by these people, turned back. Such, then, was the punish- ment which they inflicted on the sons of Amaraios for killing their brother John, for these men them- selves and the friends who accompanied them, and their wives and children, perished to the number of about four hundred. (5) And so Simon and Jonathan returned to the gacchides marshes of the river and remained there, while aie to Bacchides, after securing all Judaea with garrisons, 1 Mace. Nabadath, Gabadan. Abel, GP, carte viii, locates it 2 miles - S.W. of Medeba. Klein, HY 66, corrects the name to N arbatta, near Caesarea on the coast ; with this the reading “ of Canaan ” seems to him to agree better than with a site in Transjordan. 4 No number is given in 1 Mace. 237 JOSEPHUS σάμενος ὑπέστρεψε πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα. καὶ τότε μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἔτη δύο τὰ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἠρέμησε πράγματα. 93 οἱ δὲ φυγάδες καὶ ἀσεβεῖς ὁρῶντες τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ μετὰ πολλῆς ἀδείας ἐνδιατρί- βοντας τῇ χώρᾳ διὰ τὴν εἰρήνην, πέμπουσι πρὸς Δημήτριον τὸν βασιλέα, παρακαλοῦντες ἀποστεῖλαι Βακχίδην ἐ ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ιωνάθου σύλληψιν" ἐδήλουν γὰρ αὐτὴν ἀπόνως ἐσομένην, καὶ νυκτὶ μιᾷ μὴ προσ- δοκῶσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπιπεσόντας ἀποκτενεῖν ἅπαντας. 24 τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ἐκπέμψαντος τὸν Βακχίδην, yevo- μενος οὗτος ἐν τῇ ᾿Ιουδαίᾳ πᾶσιν ἔγραψε τοῖς φίλοις καὶ ᾿Ιουδαίοις καὶ συμμάχοις συλλαβεῖν αὐτῷ τὸν 25 Ἰωνάθην. σπουδαζόντων δὲ πάντων καὶ μὴ δυνα- μένων κρατῆσαι τοῦ ᾿Ιωνάθου (ἐφυλάττετο γὰρ σφόδρα τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἠσθημένος"), ὁ Βακχίδης ὀργισθεὶς τοῖς φυγάσιν ὡς ψευσαμένοις αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸν βασιλέα πεντήκοντα αὐτῶν τοὺς ἡγου- 26 μένους συλλαβὼν ἀπέκτεινεν. ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιωνάθης σὺν τἀδελφῷ καὶ τοῖς ἑταίροις εἰς Βηθαλαγὰν" ἀνα- χωρεῖ κώμην οὖσαν ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ, φοβηθεὶς τὸν Βακχίδην, καὶ οἰκοδομήσας πύργους καὶ τείχη περιβαλόμενος αὑτὸν ἔσχεν ἀσφαλῶς πεφρουρη- 27 μένον. Βακχίδης δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας τήν τε μεθ᾽ 1 αἰσθόμενος L27-AMW. 2 Vithalagam Lat. * At this point (ix. 54) 1 Mace. relates the death of the high priest Alcimus in the 153rd_yr. Sel. -ε 60.659 5.6. ; this has already been mentioned by Josephus in Ant. xii. 413. > According to 1 Macc. the two-years peace came after the death of Alcimus. ¢ Cf. Ant. xii. 252 note 6. 4 The guarding of himself i is a detail not found in 1 Mace. 41 Mace. ix. 61 reads, ‘‘ and they seized of the men of the country, the leaders of the wickedness, about fifty men, 238 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 22-37 returned to the king. And thereafter the affairs of the Jews were peaceful for two years.” But the renegades° and godless men, seeing that Jonathan and his followers were living in the country in the greatest security because of the peace, sent to King Demetrius and urged him to send Bacchides to seize Jonathan, for this, they informed him, could be done without difficulty, and if his men fell upon them unexpectedly in one night they could kill them all. The king therefore sent Bacchides, and when he came to Judaea, he wrote to his friends, both Jews and allies, to seize Jonathan for him. And they all made an effort to do so, but were not able to get hold of Jonathan—for he had become aware of the plot and guarded himself closely—¢, whereupon Bacchides, being enraged at the renegades for having, as he thought, deceived him and the king, seized fifty of their leaders and killed them.* But Jonathan, in fear of Bacchides, withdrew with his brother and his com- panions to Bethalaga,’ a village in the wilderness, and building towers and surrounding it with walls, kept himself safely protected. When Bacchides heard of this, he led out the army that was with him, and killed them.’’ Most commentators take this to mean that Jonathan killed fifty of the Jews who called Bacchides to Judaea. Perhaps Josephus takes Bacchides to be the subject here because of ys. 69 (see below, § 31), which says that Bacchides, angry at the siege he was forced to undergo by Jonathan and Simon, killed many of the Jews who had invited him to attack the Hasmonaean forces. 7 Bethbasi in 1 Mace. Oe6esterley, CAP, suggested a connexion with the Wady el-Bassah, E. of Tekoah, and recently Pére Abel has identified it more exactly with [hirbet Beit-Bassa, c. 3 miles N. by E. of Tekoah. Klein, 2 Y, p. 56, suggests that the original name was Beth Nibshan, found in Josh. xv. 62. But the form Bethalaga in Josephus still remains a puzzle, 239 Bacchides besieges Jonathan, 1 Mace, ix. 63, 30 91 32 JOSEPHUS ἑαυτοῦ στρατιὰν ἄγων καὶ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων τοὺς / ‘ > ‘ \ > / 4 \ συμμάχους παραλαβὼν ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην ἧκε, Kat προσβαλὼν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ὀχυρώμασιν ἐπὶ πολλὰς αὐτὸν ἡμέρας ἐπολιόρκει. ὁ δὲ πρὸς τὴν σπουδὴν τῆς πολιορκίας οὐκ ἐνδίδωσιν, ἀλλὰ καρτερῶς ἀντι- \ , Na \ > \ > A ΄, στὰς Σίμωνα μὲν' τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐν τῇ πόλει κατα- Ἃ , 3 ~ B ὃ λε ν Ρ > (0 δ᾽ ᾿] \ εἰπει τῷ Βακχίδῃ πολεμήσοντα, λάθρα δ᾽ αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν χώραν ἐξελθὼν καὶ συναγαγὼν χεῖρα πολλὴν παρὰ τῶν τὰ αὐτοῦ φρονούντων, νυκτὸς ἐπιπίπτει τῷ τοῦ Βακχίδου στρατοπέδῳ, καὶ συχνοὺς αὐτῶν διαφθείρας φανερὸς καὶ τἀδελφῷ Σίμωνι γίνεται τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἐπιπεσών. καὶ γὰρ οὗτος αἰσθόμενος ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κτεινομένους τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπέξεισιν αὐτοῖς, καὶ τά τε μηχανήματα τὰ πρὸς τὴν πολιορ- κίαν ἐνέπρησε τῶν Μακεδόνων καὶ φόνον αὐτῶν ἱκανὸν εἰργάσατο. θεασάμενος δ᾽ αὑτὸν 6 Βακ- χίδης ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀπειλημμένον καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἔμπροσθεν αὐτῷ" τοὺς δ᾽ ὄπισθεν προσκειμένους, εἰς ἀθυμίαν ἅμα καὶ ταραχὴν τῆς διανοίας ἐνέπεσε, τῷ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας ἀποβάντι τῆς πολιορκίας" συγχυ- θείς. τὸν μέντοι γε ὑπὲρ τούτων θυμὸν εἰς τοὺς φυγάδας, οἱ μετεπέμψαντο παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως > / > / « > / ? / \ αὐτόν, ἀπέσκηψεν ws ἐξηπατηκότας" ἐβούλετο δὲ \ > ~ τελευτήσας τὴν πολιορκίαν, εἰ δυνατόν, εὐπρεπῶς εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ὑποστρέψαι. (6) Μαθὼν δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν διάνοιαν ᾿Ιωνάθης πρε- σβεύεται πρὸς αὐτὸν περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας, 1 μὲν εἴασε AMWE, 2 καταλείπει οἴη. AMWE, 3 αὐτῶν P. 4 περὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν LAMW, 240 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 27-32 and taking along his Jewish allies, came against Jonathan and assaulted his fortifications and besieged him for many days. Jonathan, however, did not yield before the severity of the siege, but after hold- ing out stoutly, left his brother Simon in the city to carry on the fight with Bacchides, and himself secretly went out into the country; then having gathered together a large force from among those who sympathized with him,” he fell upon Bacchides’ camp by night and slew a good many of them, thus making known to his brother Simon that he had fallen upon the foe. When Simon became aware that the enemy were being killed by him, he too sallied out against them and burned the engines which the Macedonians had used in the siege, and caused the slaughter of a considerable number of their men. But Bacchides, seeing himself hemmed in by his foes, some of them pressing him in front and others from behind, fell into a despondent and disturbed state of mind, for he was confounded at the unexpected outcome of the siege. However he vented his anger at these reverses on the renegades who had sent for him to the king, for he believed they had deceived him.’ And he wished to end the siege and, if possible, return home without dishonour.¢ (6) But Jonathan, learning what was in his mind, sent envoys to him to propose a friendly alliance and 41 Mace. ix. 66 reads, ‘* And he (Jonathan) smote Odoares and his brothers and the sons of Phasiron in their tents.” Possibly Josephus read ἐπέταξεν instead of ἐπάταξεν ‘ he smote,’’ and took the verse to mean that Jonathan enlisted the help of these tribes, not that he attacked them. > Cf. above, § 25 note e. ° Or “to end the siege without dishonour, if possible, and return home.”’ 241 Jonathan and Bacchides make peace, 1 Macc. ix. 70: JOSEPHUS ὅπως ἀποδῶσιν ἀλλήλοις ods εἰλήφασιν αἰχμαλώ- / 33 Tous ἑκάτεροι. νομίσας δὲ ταύτην εὐπρεπεστάτην" ὁ Βακχίδης τὴν ἀναχώρησιν, σπένδεται πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην φιλίαν, καὶ ὥμοσαν μὴ στρατεύσειν ἔτι 323 9 , \ , > , > \ κατ᾽" ἀλλήλων, καὶ τούς τε αἰχμαλώτους ἀποδοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἰδίους" κομισάμενος ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς ᾿Αν- τιόχειαν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ μετὰ ταύτην τὴν 5 ͵ὔ > / > \ > ,ὔ > / ¢ 34 ἀναχώρησιν οὐκέτι εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἐνέβαλεν. ὁ \ > 7 , ~ > / / ‘\ δὲ ᾿Ιωνάθης ταύτης τῆς ἀδείας λαβόμενος καὶ ποιούμενος ev Νίαχμᾷ πόλει τὴν δίαιταν, αὐτόθι τοῖς ὄχλοις διεῖπε τὰ πράγματα, καὶ τοὺς πονηροὺς καὶ ἀσεβεῖς κολάζων ἐκάθηρεν οὕτως ἀπὸ τούτων τὸ ἔθνος. 86 (ii. 1) Γἕτει δ᾽ ἑξηκοστῷ καὶ ἑκατοστῷ τὸν ᾿Αν- ~ ~ « τιόχου τοῦ ᾿᾿ὑπιφανοῦς υἱὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον' ἀναβάντα εἰς Συρίαν συνέβη καταλαβέσθαι [Πτολεμαΐδα ἐκ προδοσίας τῶν ἔνδον᾽ στρατιωτῶν: ἀπεχθῶς γὰρ εἶχον πρὸς τὸν Δημήτριον διὰ τὴν ὑπερηφανίαν 86 αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ δυσέντευκτον. ἀποκλείσας γὰρ αὑτὸν εἰς τετραπύργιόν τι βασίλειον, ὃ κατεσκεύασεν αὐτὸς οὐκ ἄπωθεν τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας, οὐδένα προσ- εὐπρεπεστέραν FLV Lat. ἐπὶ τὴν AM: ἔτι τὴν ΝΥ. 3 οἰκείους P. ᾿Αλέξανδρον om. PF VE Lat. τῶν ἔνδον Niese: τῶν ἔνδοθεν AMWE: ἔνδοθεν FLV: ἔνδον P. - ι΄ μ᾿ σι α Josephus takes 1 Mace. ix. 70 to refer to an exchange of prisoners, although the context, esp. vs. 72, shows that the return of the Jewish prisoners only is meant. > 1 Mace. “ to his own land.” © Bibl. Michmash, mod. Mukhmas, c. 8 miles N.W. of 242 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 32-36 that each side might return to the other the prisoners they had taken.?. Thereupon Bacchides, considering this the most dignified way of withdrawing, made a compact of friendship with Jonathan, and they swore not to make war against each other again ; and after returning the prisoners and getting back his own men, he returned to Antioch to the king,’ and after this withdrawal never again invaded Judaea. On obtaining this freedom of action, Jonathan made his residence in the city of Machma,’ and there administered the affairs of the people and punished the wicked and godless, and so purged the nation of them. (ii. 1) Now in the hundred and sixtieth year,’ Alexander,’ the son of Antiochus Epiphanes,f went up to Syria and succeeded in occupying Ptolemais ’ through the treason of the soldiers within, for they were hostile to Demetrius because of his arrogance and unapproachableness. For he had shut himself in a palace with four towers which he had built not far from Antioch, and admitted no one, but was lazy Jerusalem; cf. Ant. vi. 98 note e. Jonathan must have ruled in comparative peace for about seven years, from 160 to 153 B.c. 4 153/2 s.c. Alexander arrived in Palestine in the summer of 152 B.c. * Variant omits the name. 7 So he is called in 1 Macc. The ancient Greek his- torians say that Alexander was an impostor put forward in their own interests by Attalus II of Pergamum and Ptolemy VI Philometor of Egypt, who persuaded the Roman Senate to recognize his claim to the Seleucid throne. On Alex- ander’s surname Balas see § 119 notea. The following narra- tive, to § 37, is based on a Greek source, probably Polybius or Nicolas of Damascus. See the Appendix in vol. ix. of this translation. 9 Mod. ‘“Akkd, cf. Ant. xii. 331 note c. 243 Alexander Balas in- vades Syria. Demetrius bids for Jonathan's support. 1 Mace. x. 1. JOSEPHUS iero, aAda* περὶ τὰ πράγματα ῥάθυμος ἦν Kal ὀλίγωρος, ὅθεν αὐτῷ καὶ μᾶλλον τὸ παρὰ τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων μῖσος ἐξήφθη, καθὼς ἤδη καὶ ἐν 47 ἄλλοις δεδηλώκαμεν. γενόμενον οὖν ἐν Πτολε- μαΐδι τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀκούσας ὁ Δημήτριος ἦγεν ἅπασαν ἀναλαβὼν ἐ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν τὴν δύναμιν. ἔπεμψε δὲ καὶ πρὸς ᾿Ιωνάθην πρέσβεις περὶ συμμαχίας καὶ εὐνοίας" φθάσαι γὰρ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον διέγνω, μὴ προδιαλεχθεὶς ἐκεῖνος αὐτῷ σχῇ τὴν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ 38 βοήθειαν. τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐποίει φοβηθεὶς μὴ μνησικακή- σας ὁ ᾿Ιωνάθης αὐτῷ τῆς ἔχθρας συνεπιθῆται. προσέταξεν οὖν αὐτῷ συναθροίζειν δύναμιν καὶ κατασκευάζειν ὅπλα καὶ τοὺς ὁμήρους, οὗς τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἐνέκλεισε Βακχίδης ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ τῶν 39 ἹἹεροσολύμων, ἀπολαβεῖν." τοιούτων οὖν αὐτῷ τῶν παρὰ Δημητρίου προσπεσόντων ὁ ᾿Ιωνάθης παρα- γενόμενος εἰς τὰ ἹἹεροσόλυμα τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἀνέγνω τοῦ βασιλέως, ἀκουόντων τοῦ τε λαοῦ καὶ 40 τῶν φρουρούντων τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. ἀναγνωσθέντων δὲ τούτων οἱ ἀσεβεῖς καὶ φυγάδες οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἀκρο- πόλεως λίαν ἔδεισαν, ἐπιτετροφότος ᾿Ιωνάθῃ τοῦ βασιλέως στρατιὰν συλλέγειν καὶ τοὺς ὁμήρους ἀπολαβεῖν. ὁ δὲ τοῖς γονεῦσιν ἑκάστῳ τὸν ἴδιον 41] ἀπέδωκεν. καὶ οὕτως μὲν ᾿Ιωνάθης ἐν ἹἹεροσολύ- μοις τὴν μονὴν ἐποιεῖτο, καινίζων τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν καὶ πρὸς τὴν αὑτοῦ βούλησιν κατασκευάζων ἕκαστον." ἐκέλευσε γὰρ οἰκοδομηθῆναι καὶ τὰ τείχη τῆς πόλεως ἐκ λίθων τετραγώνων, ὡς ἂν ἢ 42 καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους" ἀσφαλέστερα." ταῦτα δ᾽ 1 ἀλλὰ καὶ FLAMVW Lat. 2 προκατασκευάζειν PFLV, 3 ἀπολαμβάνειν AMWE., * ἕκαστα Cobet. 5 πολέμους PF V. ὁ ἀσφαλέστερον AMWE, 24:4. JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 36-42 and careless about public affairs, for which reason the hatred of his subjects was still more inflamed against him, as we have already related elsewhere.” But when Demetrius heard that Alexander had come to Ptolemais, he took his entire army and led it against him. He also sent envoys to Jonathan to propose a friendly alliance, for he had determined to anticipate Alexander lest he should be before him in treating with Jonathan and obtaining assistance from him. This he did from fear that Jonathan might bear him a grudge for his former enmity, and therefore join in the attack on him. Accordingly he instructed him to collect a force and provide arms, and to recover the Jewish hostages whom Bacchides had shut up in the citadel of Jerusalem. On receiv- ing this message from Demetrius, Jonathan came to Jerusalem and read the king’s letter in the hearing of the people and of those who guarded the citadel. And when these instructions were read, the godless men and the renegades of the citadel were in great fear, now that the king had permitted Jonathan to raise an army and recover the hostages. But he restored every one of them to his parents. So Jonathan took up his residence ὃ in Jerusalem, making various repairs in the city and arranging everything according to his own liking. Thus he ordered the walls of the city’ also to be built of square stones in order that they might be more secure against the 2 As there is no such passage in Josephus, we may assume that this phrase is taken over from his source. > τὴν μονὴν ἐποιεῖτο is a ‘Thucydidean phrase (Thue. i. 131), also found in Ant. viii. 350. 51 Mace. x. 11, ‘* the walls and the mount of Sion,” that is, the temple hill, the walls of which had been destroyed by Antiochus Eupator ; ¢f. Ant. xii. 382 ff. (=1 Mace. vi. 60 if.). 245 43 44 45 JOSEPHUS Spa i τῶν φ ‘ Dv ev τῇ ᾿Ιουδαίᾳ ὁρῶντες οἱ τῶν φρουρίων τῶ τῇ 1 / > / > \ 4 a > > φύλακες, ἐκλιπόντες αὐτὰ πάντες ἔφυγον εἰς ᾿Αν- / / ~ > / / \ ~ > τιόχειαν πάρεξ τῶν ev Βεθσούρᾳ πόλει Kai τῶν ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ τῶν “Ἱεροσολύμων: οὗτοι γὰρ ἡ πλείων μοῖρα τῶν ἀσεβῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ πεφευγότων ἦσαν, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὰς φρουρὰς οὐκ ἐγκατέλιπον. (2) Γνοὺς δὲ 6 ᾿Αλέξανδρος τάς τε ὑποσχέσεις “ > / / \ > / ‘\ > ‘\ ἃς ἐποιήσατο Δημήτριος πρὸς ᾿Ιωνάθην, καὶ εἰδὼς καὶ; τὴν ἀνδρείαν αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁπόσα διέθηκε πολεμῶν \ / A / e \ 5 \ τοὺς Μακεδόνας, καὶ πάλιν οἷα πεπονθὼς αὐτὸς ΕΣ ε 4 / \ B ὃ ~ A , εἴη ὑπὸ Δημητρίου καὶ Βακχίδου τοῦ Δημητρίου στρατηγοῦ, σύμμαχον οὐκ ἂν εὑρεῖν ᾿Ιωνάθου ἀμείνω πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ἔλεγεν ἐν τῷ παρόντι καιρῷ, ὃς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολέμους" ἐστὶν ἀνδρεῖος, καὶ μῖσος οἰκεῖον ἔχει πρὸς Δημήτριον, πολλὰ πεπονθὼς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κακὰ καὶ πεποιηκώς. “ εἰ ~ A / ~ , ‘ \ τοιγαροῦν δοκεῖ φίλον ποιεῖσθαι αὐτὸν κατὰ Δημη- τρίου, νῦν ἐστιν οὐκ ἄλλο τι χρησιμώτερον ἢ" παρακαλεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν. δόξαν οὖν αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις πέμπειν πρὸς τὸν *lw- / / / > ᾽ὔ ce A νάθην, γράφει τοιαύτην ἐπιστολήν: “᾿ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αλέξανδρος ᾿Ιωνάθῃ τῷ ἀδελφῷ χαίρειν. τὴν μὲν ἀνδρείαν σου καὶ πίστιν ἀκηκόαμεν πάλαι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πεπόμφαμεν πρὸς σὲ περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμ- 1 καὶ εἰδὼς καὶ AMW: καὶ εἰδὼς L: καὶ rell. 2 πολεμίους V Lat. 3 ἄλλο τι Dindorf: ἄλλοτε codd. 4 ἢ add. Dindorf. 5 δὲ LAMW. 5 φιλίας καὶ om. AMWE., 246 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 42-45 enemy.” When the defenders of the garrisons in Judaea observed this, they all left their posts and fled to Antioch, with the exception of those in the city of Bethsur and those in the citadel of Jerusalem,? for these consisted of the greater part of the godless and renegade Jews, and for that reason they did not abandon the garrisons. (2) But when Alexander learned of the promises which Demetrius had made to Jonathan, knowing of his courage and what great things he had accom- plished in the war with the Macedonians, and, on the other hand, how greatly he had suffered at the hands of Demetrius and Demetrius’ general Bacchides, he told his Friends ° that at the present juncture he could find no better ally than Jonathan, who was cour- ageous in battle? and also had his own grounds for hating Demetrius, having suffered many injuries at his hands as well as having inflicted them on him. “Tf, then, we decide to make him our friend against Demetrius, nothing would be of more advantage just now than to invite him to make an alliance with us.” Accordingly when it was decided by himself and his Friends to send to Jonathan, he wrote the following letter. “ King Alexander to his brother Jonathan, greeting. We have long heard of your courage and loyalty, and for this reason have sent to you to pro- @ Variant. war.” » Jerusalem is not specifically mentioned at this point in 1 Mace. For a brief summary of the recently discovered archaeological material bearing on the occupation of Bethsur see Albright in BASOR, 43 (Oct. 1931), pp. 2-12 or Wat- zinger ii. 24 f. and Tafel 3. © Cf. Ant. xii. 134 note. 4 Variant “ against the enemy.” “ On the authenticity of this letter and that of Demetrius below cf. literature cited in Appendix J. 947 Alexander Balas tries to win over Jonathan by gifts and promises. 1 Mace. x. 15. 46 47 48 49 JOSEPHUS μαχίας. χειροτονοῦμεν δέ σε σήμερον ἀρχιερέα τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ φίλον ἐμὸν καλεῖσθαι. ἀπ- ἔσταλκά σοι καὶ δωρεὰς στολὴν πορφυρᾶν καὶ στέφανον χρύσεον, καὶ παρακαλῶ τιμηθέντα ὑφ᾽ ὕει ὅμοιον γίνεσθαι περὶ ἡμᾶς. Δεξά ενος δὲ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ὁ ᾿Ιωνάθης μ ὴ ἢ cidiera μὲν τὴν ἀρχιερατικὴν' στολήν, τῆς σκηνο- πηγίας ἐνστάσης, μετὰ ἔτη τέσσαρα ἢ τὸν » ~ > ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ ᾿Ιούδαν ἀποθανεῖν (καὶ yap οὐδὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἀρχιερεύς τις ἐγεγόνει)" \ / \ \ load a συνάγει δὲ δύναμιν πολλὴν καὶ πλῆθος ὅπλων ἐχάλκευεν. Δημήτριον δὲ ταῦτα σφόδρ᾽ ἐλύπησε μαθόντα, καὶ τῆς βραδυτῆτος ἑαυτὸν ἐποίησεν αἰτιᾶσθαι, ὅτι μὴ προλαβὼν ᾿Αλέξανδρον αὐτὸς , 2 \ > 7, >\)\> 5. Wes φιλανθρωπεύσαιτο᾽ τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνῳ καταλίποι καιρὸν εἰς τοῦτο. γράφει τοίνυν καὶ > \ > \ ~ > / \ “ / αὐτὸς ἐπιστολὴν τῷ ᾿Ιωνάθη καὶ τῷ δήμῳ δη- λοῦσαν τάδε: “ βασιλεὺς Δημήτριος ᾿Ιωνάθῃ καὶ τῷ ἔθνει τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων χαίρειν. ἐπειδὴ διετηρή- σατε τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς φιλίαν καὶ πειράσασιν ὑμᾶς τοῖς ἐμοῖς ἐχθροῖς οὐ προσέθεσθε, καὶ ταύτην μὲν ὑμῶν ἐπαινῶ τὴν πίστιν καὶ παρακαλῶ δὲ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐμμένειν," ἀποληψομένους ἀμοιβὰς παρ᾽ ἡμῶν καὶ χάριτας. τοὺς γὰρ πλείστους ὑμῶν ἀνήσω τῶν φόρων καὶ τῶν συντάξεων ἃς ἐτελεῖτε τοῖς πρὸ ἐμοῦ βασιλεῦσιν καὶ ἐμοί, νῦν τε ὑμῖν 1 ἱερατικὴν P: sacerdotali Lat. 2 KE: ἐφιλανθρωπεύσατο codd. 3 E: ἐπιμένειν codd. « The variant omits “ friendly.” > 1 Mace. x. 21, ‘‘ in the seventh month of the hundred and sixtieth year,” 1.6. in the autumn of 152 B.c. (here reckon- ing the spring of 311 B.c. as the beginning of the Seleucid 248 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 45-49 pose a friendly? alliance. We therefore elect you this day high priest of the Jews with the title of my Friend. I have also sent you as gifts a robe of purple and a gold crown ; and I request you, who have been honoured by us, to act toward us in like manner.”’ (3) On receiving this letter, Jonathan, at the time of the festival of Tabernacles, put on the high- priestly robe, this being four years after the death of his brother Judas—for there had been no high priest during this time—,” and gathered together a large force and forged a great number of arms. But Demetrius was greatly grieved on learning these things, and they caused him to blame himself for his dilatoriness in not anticipating Alexander by him- self extending privileges ° to Jonathan instead of leav- ing the other this opportunity. Accordingly he also wrote a letter to Jonathan and the people, which read as follows. “ King Demetrius to Jonathan? and the Jewish nation, greeting. Since you have pre- served your friendship for us, and in spite of their tempting offers have not joined yourselves to my foes, I commend you for this loyalty on your part, and exhort you to continue in the same course, for which you shall receive a recompense from us and our favour. For I shall release the greater part of you from the tribute and imposts which you have paid to my royal predecessors and to me, and for the era, cf. Ant. xii. 240 note a). Judas died in 159 B.c.; unus Jonathan’s accession to the high priesthood took place seven years after Judas’ death, cf. Ant. xx. 237; for a similar contradiction cf. Ant. xii. 414 and note. © This meaning of φιλανθρωπεύειν might have been in- cluded in the vocabulary given by Welles, Royal Corr., p. 373. 4 1 Macc. omits Jonathan’s name. VOL. VII Ι 249 Demetrius makes counter proposals ta Jonathan, 1 Mace, x. 91. 50 51 52 JOSEPHUS > / \ / a“ em! / . , ἀφίημι τοὺς φόρους οὗς ἀεὶ παρείχετε. πρὸς τού- τοις καὶ τὴν τιμὴν ὑμῖν χαρίζομαι. τῶν ἁλῶν καὶ τῶν στεφάνων, οὗς “προσεφέρετε ἡ ἡμῖν, καὶ ἀντὶ τῶν τρίτων τοῦ καρποῦ καὶ τοῦ ἡμίσους τοῦ ξυλίνου “ \ - καρποῦ τὸ γινόμενον ἐμοὶ μέρος ὑμῖν ἀφίημι ἀπὸ τῆς σήμερον ἡμέρας. καὶ ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς ἑκάστης ὃ ἔδει μοι δίδοσθαι τῶν ἐν τῇ ᾿Ιουδαίᾳ κατοικούν- των καὶ τῶν τριῶν τοπαρχιῶν τῶν τῇ ᾿Ιουδαίᾳ / / \ / \ προσκειμένων Σαμαρείας καὶ Vadratas καὶ Ile- ραίας, τούτου' παραχωρῶ ὑμῖν ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν εἰς τὸν A ~ ἅπαντα χρόνον. Kat τὴν ‘lepoooAvpitav πόλιν Ἐν A \ ΝΜ > / \ 2 / “ ἱερὰν καὶ ἄσυλον εἶναι βούλομαι καὶ ἐλευθέραν ἕως ~ ~ ~ / : ~ ~ τῶν ὅρων αὐτῆς ἀπὸ τῆς δεκάτης καὶ τῶν τελῶν. τὴν δὲ ἄκραν ἐπιτρέπω τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ ὑμῶν ᾿Ιωνάθῃ, οὗς δ᾽ ἂν αὐτὸς δοκιμάσῃ. πιστοὺς καὶ φίλους, τού- τους ἐν αὐτῇ φρουροὺς" καταστήσαι," ἵνα φυλάσ- σωσιν ἡμῖν αὐτήν. καὶ ᾿Ιουδαίων δὲ τοὺς αἰχμαλωτισθέντας καὶ δουλεύοντας ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ 3 / >? / 4 \ \ > / ἀφίημι ἐλευθέρους. κελεύω δὲ μηδὲ ἀγγαρεύεσθαι τὰ ᾿Ιουδαίων ὑποζύγια: τὰ δὲ σάββατα καὶ ἑορτὴν ἅπασαν" καὶ τρεῖς" πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἡμέρας" ἔστωσαν 1 E: τούτους codd. 2 φρουροὺς om. AMW. 3 Niese : καταστῆσαι PR AMV WE: καταστήσω L. 4 ἑορτὴ ἅπασα EF. 5 τρεῖς καὶ P: τρεῖς αἱ LAMW. 5 ἡμέραι LAMW, @ On these and the following taxes see Bikerman, Jnst. Sél. pp. 111-114. δ On “ toparchy ” (for which 1 Mace. has “ nome ’’) as a subdivision of the nome see Schalit, pp. 21, 29 ff. ¢ 1 Mace. x. 30 reads, “‘ And now I release you and exempt all the Jews from the tributes (φόρων) and from the payment of the salt-tax and the crown-taxes ; and a third of the seed and a half of the fruit of trees, which it is my due to receive, I give up my right to receive from to-day and henceforth 250 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 49-52 present I remit to you the tribute which you have always given. In addition I excuse you from pay- ment of the salt-tax and crown-tax,? which you have made to us, and in place of the third part of the grain and the half of the fruits of trees I remit to you my share thereof from this day on. And as for the poll-tax which was to be paid to me by the inhabitants of Judaea and the three toparchies ὃ ad- joining it, Samaria, Galilee and Peraea, I exempt you from this now and for all time.° And it is my wish that the city of Jerusalem shall be sacred and inviol- able and be free to its borders from the tithe and tolls. And the citadel I place in the hands of your high priest Jonathan, and such men as he shall judge to be faithful and friendly to him, he may place in it as a garrison to guard it for us. And [ also set free those Jews who have been taken captive and are in slavery in our realm.¢ And I command that the Jews’ beasts of burden shall not be requisitioned ὁ for our army, and that on the Sabbaths and all festivals and the three days preceding a festival’ the Jews from the land of Judah and from the three nomes added to it, from Samaritis and Galilee.’ Several scholars delete “Galilee and understand the text to mean three districts of Samaria, namely Aphairema, Lydda and Ramathaim, mentioned by name in 1 Mace. xi. 34, and alluded to in 1 Mace. x. 38; cf. § 125 note a. Josephus seems to have interpreted the passage in the light of the divisions of Jewish territory in the Ist century a.p. Cf. further Dr. Thackeray’s note on Ap. ii. 43 and Biichler’s remarks quoted in Appendix C of νοὶ. vi. of this translation. 4 Cf. the similar act of Ptolemy II Philadelphus narrated in Aristeas § 12 f. (Ant. xii. 17 ff.). ¢ On this meaning of ἀγγαρεύεσθαι cf. Hatch, Essays in Biblical Greek, p. 37. 71 Mace. adds “ and three days after.” 251 JOSEPHUS a \ \ > ~ > “a 53 ἀτελεῖς. τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον καὶ TOUS ἐν TH ἐμῇ ~ / \ > κατοικοῦντας ᾿Ιουδαίους ἐλευθέρους καὶ ἀνεπὴρε- a > >? ~ dotous ἀφίημι, Kal Tots στρατεύεσθαι μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ / »ς "7 βουλομένοις ἐπιτρέπω καὶ μέχρι τρισμυρίων ἐξέστω ~ ~ ~ 7 / τοῦτο: τῶν δ᾽ αὐτῶν, ὅποι av ἀπίωσι, τεύξονται ὧν καὶ τὸ ἐμὸν στράτευμα μεταλαμβάνει. κατα- ~ \ στήσω δ᾽ αὐτῶν ods μὲν εἰς τὰ φρούρια, Twas δὲ' ~ «ς / περὶ τὴν φυλακὴν τοὐμοῦ σώματος, Kal ἡγεμόνας “- \ \ 54 δὲ ποιήσω τῶν περὶ τὴν ἐμὴν αὐλήν. ἐπιτρέπω δὲ A ~ \ / καὶ τοῖς πατρίοις" χρῆσθαι νόμοις καὶ τούτους ‘ a / φυλάσσειν, Kal τοὺς ev τρισὶν τοῖς προσκειμένοις" mS / “δ «ς / θ 6 / \ τῇ ᾿Ιουδαίᾳ νομοῖς" ὑποτάσσεσθαι" βούλομαι, Kat Ais Pa ae) \ 3 “ te Tis τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ dé" ἐπιμελὲς εἶναι, ἵνα μηδὲ εἷς *lov- Aa ¢ A A daios ἄλλο ἔχῃ ἱερὸν προσκυνεῖν ἢ μόνον TO ἐν «ς / / > > ~ > ~ \ ᾽ \ 55 ᾿Ιεροσολύμοις. δίδωμι δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν καὶ εἰς τὴν δαπάνην τῶν θυσιῶν κατ᾽ ἔτος μυριάδας πεντε- καίδεκα, τὰ δὲ περισσεύοντα τῶν χρημάτων ὑμέτερα εἷναι βούλομαι: τὰς δὲ μυρίας δραχμὰς Δ > / > -ε ~ ¢€ A Lon > / ἃς ἐλάμβανον ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ οἱ βασιλεῖς, ὑμῖν ἀφίημι διὰ τὸ προσήκειν αὐτὰς τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν τοῖς λειτουρ- 1 δὲ καὶ FLV. * Niese: πατρῴοις codd. 8 τοὺς ἐν coni.: τοῖς codd. 4 ex Mace. Bekker: προκειμένοις codd.; propositis Lat. 5 τῇ ᾿Ιουδαίᾳ νομοῖς ex Mace. Grotius: ἐν τῇ ᾿Ιουδαίᾳ νόμοις codd. ὃ ἐπιτάσσεσθαι Grotius. 17. δὲ P: om. rell. α For a similar exemption (ἀτέλεια τῶν λειτουργιῶν) cf. Welles, Royal Corr., p. 16. > 1 Maee. x. 37, ‘‘And some shall be placed over the affairs of the kingdom which are matters of trust.” © Conj.: mss. ‘‘ ancestral.” 4 Cf. above, § 50 note ο. ¢ Text slightly uncertain. 252 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 53-55 shall be exempt from labour.*_ In the same manner do I set free the Jewish inhabitants of my realm and assure them of not being molested; and to those who wish to serve in my army I give leave to do so, and this shall be permitted to as many as thirty thousand, and wherever they go they shall receive the same pay as my own army. Some of them I shall place in garrisons, and others in my body- guard, and I shall make them officers at my court.? I also permit them to live in accordance with their country’s ° laws and to observe them, and it is my will that those living in the three districts added to Judaea?” shall be subject to these laws,’ and that it shall be the concern of the high priest that not a single Jew shall have any temple for worship other than that at Jerusalem.’ And I give out of my own revenue one hundred and fifty thousand drachmas 9 yearly for the expenses of the sacrifices, and it is my wish that whatever is left over from this sum shall be yours.” As for the ten thousand drachmas # which the kings used to receive from the temple, these I remit to you because they belong to the ΠῚ Mace. x. 38 merely says that the inhabitants of the three newly acquired districts “* shall not obey any authority other than that of the high priest.” Josephus paraphrases freely. He also omits the donation of Ptolemais in ys. 39. 9 1 Macc. x. 40, “‘ fifteen thousand shekels of silver ᾽ἢ which would make only 30,000 drachmas or at most 60,000 (Attic) according to Josephus’ reckoning in Ant. iii. 194. ἈΠ Mace. x. 41, “ And all the overplus which the finance officials (of ἀπὸ τῶν χρειῶν) did not give as in former times, from now on they shall give for the work of the temple,” which seems to mean the additional grants to the temple formerly made by the Seleucid (and Ptolemaic) kings and recently withheld by Seleucid officials. * 1 Macc. *‘ 5000 shekels ”’ ; ef. note g above. 253 56 57 58 59 60 JOSEPHUS γοῦσιν' τῷ ἱερῷ. καὶ ὅσοι δ᾽ av φύγωσιν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν ἹἹεροσολύμοις καὶ εἰς τὰ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ χρηματίζοντα, ἢ βασιλικὰ ὀφείλοντες. χρήματα ἢ ι ἄλλην αἰτίαν, ἀπολελύσθωσαν οὗτοι καὶ τὰ ὑπάρχοντα αὐτοῖς σῶα ἔστω. ἐπιτρέπω δὲ καὶ ἀνακαινίζειν τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ οἰκοδομεῖν τῆς εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνης. ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν γινομένης, καὶ τὰ τείχη δὲ συγχωρῶ τὰ τῆς πόλεως οἰκοδομεῖν καὶ πύργους ὑψηλοὺς ἐγείρειν καὶ ταῦτα ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν ἀνιστᾶν πάντα. εἰ δέ τι καὶ φρούριόν ἐστιν ὃ συμφέρει τῇ χώρᾳ τῇ ᾿Ιουδαίων ὀχυρὸν εἶναι, καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν κατασκευασθήτω.᾽᾽ (4) Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑπισχνούμενος καὶ χαριζό- μενος τοῖς Ιουδαίοις ἔγραψε Δημήτριος. ᾿Αλέξ- ανδρος δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς δύναμιν μεγάλην συναγαγὼν μισθοφόρων καὶ τῶν ᾿προσθεμένων ἐκ τῆς Συρίας αὐτῷ στρατιωτῶν ἐπὶ τὸν Δημήτριον ἐστράτευσεν. καὶ μάχης γενομένης τὸ μὲν εὐώνυμον κέρας τοῦ Δημητρίου τρέπεται τοὺς ἐναντίους εἰς φυγὴν καὶ ἐδίωξεν ἄχρι πολλοῦ, κτείνει τε συχνοὺς αὐτῶν καὶ διαρπάζει τὸ στρατόπεδον, τὸ δὲ δεξιόν, οὗ συν- έβαινεν εἶναι τὸν Δημήτριον, ἡττᾶται. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες ἔφυγον, Δημήτριος δὲ γενναίως μαχό- μενος οὐκ ὀλίγους μὲν ἀναιρεῖ τῶν πολεμίων, διώκων δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους εἰσελαύνει" τὸν ἵππον εἰς τέλμα βαθὺ καὶ δυσεκπόρευτον, ἔνθα συνέβη πε- σόντος αὐτῷ τοῦ ἵππου μὴ δυνάμενον διωῤυγεῖν 1 καὶ τοῖς λειτουργοῖς LAMWE. 2 τῶν ἱερῶν LAMWE. 3 ἐλαύνει P. «1 Mace. x. 46 f. states that Jonathan and the people distrusted the promises made by Demetrius, and remained loyal to Alexander Balas, 254 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 56-60 priests who minister in the temple. And all those who take refuge in the temple at Jerusalem or in any place to which its name is attached, whether because they owe money to the king or for any other reason, shall be set free, and their possessions shall be left untouched. I also permit you to repair and rebuild the temple, the expense of which shall come out of my revenue; and I give you leave to build the walls of your city and to erect high towers and to restore all these at my expense. Moreover, if there is any garrison which is to the advantage of the country of the Jews to have strengthened, this too shall be done at my expense.” (4) These, then, were the promises and favours 4 which Demetrius offered when he wrote to the Jews. Meanwhile King Alexander gathered together a large force of mercenaries and soldiers from Syria who joined him, and marched against Demetrius.’ And in the battle which took place the left wing of Demetrius put their adversaries to flight, and pur- suing them for a great distance, killed a great many of them and plundered their camp; but the right wing, where Demetrius happened to be, was defeated. And though all the others fled, Demetrius fought valiantly and slew not a few of the enemy, but in pursuing the others, he rode his horse into a deep swamp from which it was difficult to get out, and as his horse fell just there, he was unable to escape, and The following narrative, to § 80, is from a Hellenistic source. The section on the battle between Demetrius and Alexander is paralleled in Justinus xxxv. and Appian, Syria 67. Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 211, thinks all these accounts are based on Polybius, but T, Reinach and Kolbe point to the chronological discrepancy, see next note. 255 Demetrius is slain in battle with Alexander Balas. 1 Mace. x. 48. 61 62 63 64 JOSEPHUS ἀναιρεθῆναι. τὸ yap συμβεβηκὸς περὶ αὐτὸν ἰδόντες οἱ πολέμιοι ἀνέστρεψαν, καὶ κυκλωσάμενοι τὸν Δημήτριον πάντες ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἠκόντιζον. ὁ δὲ πεζὸς ὧν γενναίως ἀπεμάχετο, καὶ τελευταῖον © 4, ‘ \ ‘ ἡ τῃς᾿ 3 / / τραύματα λαβὼν πολλὰ καὶ μηκέτ᾽ ἀντέχειν δυνά- μενος κατέπεσεν. καὶ τέλος μὲν τοιοῦτον τὸν ΄ὔ ΄ » 4 Ὁ Δημήτριον κατέλαβεν, ἔτη βασιλεύσαντα ἕνδεκα, ε ἡ 5) ἐν 1 , ὡς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις" δεδηλώκαμεν. see « \ > / ~ > / ει ες (iii. 1) Ὃ δὲ ᾿Ονώυ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱὸς ὁμ- / \ Ἃ ~ / Δ > > / \ ὦνυμος δὲ ὧν τῷ πατρί, ds ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ φυγὼν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα Πτολεμαῖον τὸν ἐπικαλούμενον Φιλομήτορα διῆγεν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἰρήκαμεν, ἰδὼν τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν κακουμένην ὑπὸ τῶν Μακε- δόνων καὶ τῶν βασιλέων αὐτῶν, βουλόμενος αὑτῷ μνήμην καὶ δόξαν αἰώνιον κατασκευάσαι, διέγνω πέμψας πρὸς [᾿τολεμαῖον τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὴν βασίλισσαν Ἀλεοπάτραν αἰτήσασθαι παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐξουσίαν, ὅπως οἰκοδομήσειε ναὸν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ παραπλήσιον τῷ ἐν ἱἱεροσολύμοις, καὶ Λευίτας καὶ ἱερεῖς ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου γένους καταστήσῃ. 5 τχοῦτο δ᾽ ἐβούλετο θαρρῶν μάλιστα τῷ προφήτῃ ‘Hoaig, ὃ ὃς ἔμπροσθεν ἔτεσιν ἑξακοσίοις πλέον" γεγονὼς προ- εἴπεν, ὡς δεῖ πάντως ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ οἰκοδομηθῆναι ναὸν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ᾿Ιουδαίου. διὰ 1 ἄλλοις συντάγμασιν ἡμῶν Ῥ. 2 καταστήσειε Naber. δ 4 eres Ud : , LAE ENT J) 3 ἑξακοσίων πλείοσι AMWE. * Polybius and Eusebius give him a reign of 12 years. He began to rule in 162 5.6. (cf. Ant. xii. 389 note 6), and his death probably occurred in 150 5.6.. ef. Kolbe, p. 56. As both Demetrius and Alexander were usurpers, it is difficult to determine just how long their reigns should be considered to have lasted. Usurpers often issued coins before they were generally recognized as kings. > Variant “in other works of ours.” There is no such 256 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 61-64 was slain. For the enemy, seeing what had happened to him, turned round, and encircling Demetrius, all threw their javelins at him. But though he was on foot, he valiantly fought them off, until finally, after receiving many wounds and no longer being able to hold out, he fell. Such was the fate that overtook Demetrius after a reign of eleven years,” as we have related elsewhere.? (iii. 1) © Now the son of the high priest Onias, who had the same name as his father, having fled to King Ptolemy surnamed Philometor, was living in Alexandria, as we have said before’; and seeing that Judaea was being ravaged by the Macedonians and their kings, and desiring to acquire for himself eternal fame and glory, he determined to send to King Ptolemy and Queen Cleopatra and request of them authority to build a temple in Egypt similar to that at Jerusalem, and to appoint Levites and priests of his own race. In this desire he was encouraged chiefly by the words of the prophet Isaiah, who had lived more than six hundred years before and had foretold that a temple to the Most High God was surely to be built in Egypt by a Jew.’ Being, there- passage in Josephus: probably the formula is taken over from his source, cf. Ant. xii. 390 note g. © On this story of Onias IV and the parallel account in B.J. vii. 423-432, cf. literature cited in Appendices E and G. 4 In Ant. xii. 386 ff. ¢ Cf. Is. xix. 19, “‘ In that day shall there be an altar to the Lord in the midst of the land of Egypt, and a pillar at the border thereof to the Lord.’”” Many commentators suspect vss. 18-25 of this chapter of having been interpolated by a writer of the Hasmonaean period; in vs. 18 some scholars emend ‘ir ha-heres ‘‘ city of destruction” to ‘ir ha-heres *‘ city of the sun,’’ supposing this to be an allusion to the name Heliopolis ‘‘ city of the sun.” VOL, VII 12 257 The high priest Onias seeks a site for a temple in Egypt. 65 66 67 68 JOSEPHUS ταῦτα οὖν ἐπηρμένος ᾿Ονίας γράφει Πτολεμαίῳ καὶ Κλεοπάτρᾳ τοιαύτην ἐπιστολήν" ᾿Ἤ ᾿ πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας ὑμῖν χρείας τετελεκὼς ἐν τοῖς κατὰ πό- λεμον ἔργοις μετὰ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ βοηθείας, καὶ γενόμενος ἔν τε τῇ κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ καὶ Φοινίκῃ, καὶ εἰς Λεόντων δὲ πόλιν τοῦ ᾿Ἡλιοπολίτου σὺν τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις καὶ εἰς ἄλλους τόπους ἀφικόμενος τοῦ ἔθνους, καὶ πλείστους εὑρὼν παρὰ τὸ καθῆκον ἔχοντας ἱερὰ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δύσνους ἀλλήλοις, ὃ καὶ Αἰγυπτίοις συμβέβηκε διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἱερῶν καὶ τὸ περὶ τὰς θρησκείας οὐχ ὁμοδοξεῖν,᾽ ἐπιτηδειότατον εὑρὼν τόπον ἐν τῷ προσαγορευο- μένῳ τῆς ἀγρίας Βουβάστεως ὀχυρώματι, βρύοντα ποικίλης, ὕλης καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ζῴων μεστόν, δέομαι συγχωρῆσαί μοι, τὸ ἀδέσποτον ἀνακαθάραντι ὗ ἱερὸν καὶ συμπεπτωκός, οἰκοδομῆσαι ναὸν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ καθ᾽ ὁμοίωσιν τοῦ ἐν ἱἱεροσολύμοις τοῖς αὐτοῖς μέτροις ὑπὲρ σοῦ καὶ τῆς σῆς γυναικὸς καὶ τῶν τέκνων, iv ἔχωσιν ot τὴν Αἴγυπτον κατοικοῦντες ᾿Ιουδαῖοι, εἰς αὐτὸ συνιόντες κατὰ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλή- λους ὁμόνοιαν, ταῖς σαῖς ἐξυπηρετεῖν χρείαις" καὶ γὰρ Ἡσαΐας 6 προφήτης τοῦτο προεῖπεν" ἔσται 1 ὁμόδοξον FV, 2 Probably not the war between Antiochus Epiphanes and Ptolemy Philometor, but the war between Philometor and his rival Ptolemy VII Euergetes, in which case Onias is to be identified with the Jewish general Onias mentioned in Ap. ii. 49. Biichler conjectures (Tobiaden, pp. 246 ff.) that Onias’ contemporary Dositheus, a Samaritan, sought to establish a rival temple in Egypt. > Most scholars, following Naville and Flinders Petrie, locate the site at the mod. Tell el-Yehidiyeh, c. 30 miles N.E. of Memphis. In B.J. vii. 426 Josephus locates it at a 258 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 64-68 fore, excited by these words, Onias wrote the follow- ing letter to Ptolemy and Cleopatra. “ Many and great are the services which I have rendered you in the course of the war,? with the help of God, when I was in Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, and when I came with the Jews to Leontopolis in the nome of Heliopolis ὃ and to other places where our nation is settled ; and I found that most of them have temples, contrary to what is proper, and that for this reason they are ill-disposed toward one another, as is also the case with the Egyptians because of the multitude of their temples and their varying opinions about the forms of worship ; and I have found a most suitable place in the fortress called after Bubastis-of- the-Fields, which abounds in various kinds of trees and is full of sacred animals, wherefore I beg you to permit me to cleanse this temple, which belongs to no one and is in ruins, and to build a temple ° to the Most High God in the likeness of that at Jeru- salem and with the same dimensions,’ on behalf of you and your wife and children, in order that the Jewish inhabitants of Egypt may be able to come together there in mutual harmony and serve your interests. For this indeed is what the prophet Isaiah foretold, ‘ There shall be an altar in Egypt to the distance of 180 stades (c. 20 miles) from Memphis. For the literature on the topography see Schiirer iii. 97 n. 25 and Petrie, Hyksos and Israelite Cities, 1906. ‘The temple was probably near the Ἰουδαίων στρατόπεδον “ Jews’ camp,” mentioned in Ant. xiv. 133. ¢ Tscherikower, pp. 286 ff., makes the interesting sugges- tion that the building of the temple was only incidental to the settling of a military colony of Jews by Onias. 4 In B.J. vii. 427 Josephus states merely that the altar of the Onias temple resembled that at Jerusalem. 259 69 70 71 72 JOSEPHUS / > > 4 , ΄“΄ θ σὰ " λλὰ θυσιαστήριον ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ κυρίῳ τῷ θεῷ: καὶ πολλὰ ~ / ᾽ δὲ προεφήτευσεν ἄλλα τοιαῦτα διὰ τὸν τόπον.᾽᾿ (2) Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὁ ᾿Ονίας τῷ βασιλεῖ |το- ~ \ λεμαίῳ γράφει. κατανοήσειε δ᾽ av τις αὐτοῦ τὴν > / | / ΄- > ~ > ~ ‘ εὐσέβειαν καὶ Κλεοπάτρας τῆς ἀδελφῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ γυναικὸς ἐξ ἧς ἀντέγραψαν" ἐπιστολῆς" τὴν γὰρ ἁμαρτίαν καὶ τὴν τοῦ νόμου παράβασιν εἰς \ > / ‘\ > / \ τὴν “Oviov κεφαλὴν ἀνέθεσαν: ἀντέγραψαν" yap “ {{ \ a \ / ovtws: “᾿ βασιλεὺς [Πτολεμαῖος καὶ βασίλισσα Κλεοπάτρα ᾿Ονίᾳ χαίρειν. ἀνέγνωμέν σου τὴν παράκλησιν" ἀξιοῦντος ἐπιτραπῆναί σοι τὸ ἐν Λεόντων᾽ πόλει τοῦ ᾿Ἡλιοπολίτου ἱερὸν συμπε- πτωκὸς ἀνακαθᾶραι, προσαγορευόμενον δὲ τῆς > , / A \ / >” ἀγρίας Βουβάστεως. διὸ καὶ θαυμάζομεν εἰ ἔσται τῷ θεῷ κεχαρισμένον τὸ καθιδρυθησόμενον ἱερὸν ἐν ἀσελγεῖ τόπῳ καὶ πλήρει ζῴων ἱερῶν. ἐπεὶ δὲ \ \ € oh \ / > ~ ’ὔ σὺ φὴς Ἡσαΐαν τὸν προφήτην ἐκ πολλοῦ χρόνου τοῦτο προειρηκέναι, συγχωροῦμέν σοι, εἰ μέλλει" τοῦτο ἔσεσθαι κατὰ τὸν νόμον: ὥστε μηδὲν ἡμᾶς δοκεῖν εἰς τὸν θεὸν ἐξημαρτηκέναι.᾽᾽ Σ \ > \ , a) , , (3) Λαβὼν οὖν τὸν τόπον 6 ᾿Ονίας κατεσκεύασεν ἱερὸν καὶ βωμὸν τῷ θεῷ ὅμοιον τῷ ἐν “lepocodAv- μοις, μικρότερον δὲ καὶ πενιχρότερον. τὰ δὲ μέτρα αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰ σκεύη νῦν οὐκ ἔδοξέ μοι δηλοῦν" ἐν γὰρ τῇ ἑβδόμῃ μου βίβλῳ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαϊκῶν πολέμων 1 ex Lat. Hudson: ἀντέγραψεν codd. 2 E: ἀντεγράψεν (-ψε FLMV) codd. 3 ἐπιστολὴν PFLV: petitionem Lat. 4K Lat.: λεοντῶ πόλει P: Λεοντοπόλει rell. 5 ἀνιέρων AMWE:: ἱερείων (del. ζῴων) coni. Schlatter. δ. μέλλοι PLAMW. ? πολέμων om. PFV: Ludaicae antiquitatis Lat. 260 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 68-72 Lord God,’ and many other such things did he prophesy concerning this place.” (2) This, then, is what Onias wrote to King Ptolemy. And one may get a notion of the king’s piety and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra from the letter which they wrote in reply, for they placed the blame for the sin and transgression against the Law on the head of Onias,? writing the following reply. “King Ptolemy and Queen Cleopatra to Onias, greeting. We have read your petition ask- ing that it be permitted you to cleanse the ruined temple in Leontopolis in the nome of Heliopolis, called Bubastis-of-the-Fields. We wonder, there- fore, whether it will be pleasing to God that a temple be built in a place so wild” and full of sacred ὁ animals. But since you say that the prophet Isaiah foretold this long ago, we grant your request if this is to be in accordance with the Law, so that we may not seem to have sinned against God in any way.” (3) And so Onias took over the place and built a temple and an altar to God similar to that at Jeru- salem, but smaller and poorer. But it has not seemed to me necessary to write about its dimensions and its vessels now, for they have already been described α From what follows it would seem that the only possible sin consisted in choosing a pagan site for the temple. The problem of the validity of a sacrificial site outside Jerusalem, which most scholars believe to have been implicitly forbidden by the legislation of Deuteronomy, is not raised here. The rabbis, however, seem to have accorded the Onias temple some degree of sanctity, cf. Mishnah, Menahoth, xiii. 10, and the works cited in Appendix K. > Lit. “ wanton’; ἀσέλγεια “ὁ wantonness ἢ with idolatry in Wisdom of Solomon, xiv. 26. ¢ Variant *‘ unholy ”’; if ‘* sacred ’’ is the correct reading, it means “ sacred to the Egyptians.” 3 is connected 261 Ptolemy Philometor allows Onias to build a temple at Leonto- polis. The temple of Onias. JOSEPHUS Ae , e 13 , 1? , \ 73 ἀναγέγραπται. εὗρε δὲ ’Ovias καὶ ᾿Ιουδαίους twas ὁμοίους αὑτῷ καὶ ἱερεῖς καὶ Λευίτας τοὺς ἐκεῖ θρησκεύσοντας. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τοῦ ἱεροῦ τούτου ἀρκούντως ἡμῖν δεδήλωται. 74 (4 Τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ ᾿Ιουδαίους καὶ Σαμαρεῖς, of τὸ ἐν Γαριζεὶν ὄρει προσεκύνουν « A > NAG \ ‘ > / / ἱερὸν οἰκοδομηθὲν" κατὰ τοὺς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου χρόνους, συνέβη στασιάσαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, καὶ περὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ Τ]τολεμαίου διεκρίνοντο, τῶν μὲν ᾿Ιουδαίων λεγόντων κατὰ τοὺς Μωυσέος νόμους > A 4 Ye aH ΄ = \ ὠκοδομῆσθαι' τὸ ἐν “Ἱεροσολύμοις, τῶν δὲ Σαμα- 75 ρέων τὸ ἐν αριζείν. παρεκάλεσάν τεῦ σὺν τοῖς φίλοις καθίσαντα τὸν βασιλέα τοὺς περὶ τούτων ἀκοῦσαι λόγους καὶ τοὺς ἡττηθέντας θανάτῳ ζη- μιῶσαι. τὸν μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ τῶν Σαμαρέων λόγον ν᾿ A > ΄ \ Sd \ 6 > ἘΣ Σαββαῖος ἐποιήσατο καὶ Θεοδόσιος, τοὺς ὑπὲρ ~ «ς - \ > ΄ 3 / « τῶν “Ἱεροσολυμιτῶν καὶ ᾿Ιουδαίων ᾿Ανδρόνικος 6 , 2 ” \ ‘ \ A \ 76 Μεσσαλάμου. ὥὦμοσαν δὲ τὸν θεὸν Kai τὸν Ba- σιλέα ἢ μὴν ποιήσεσθαι" τὰς ἀποδείξεις κατὰ τὸν νόμον, παρεκάλεσάν τε τὸν Πτολεμαῖον, ὅπως ὃν « ἂν λάβῃ παραβαίνοντα τοὺς ὅρκους ἀποκτείνῃ. ὁ μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς πολλοὺς τῶν φίλων εἰς συμβου- λίαν παραλαβὼν ἐκάθισεν ἀκουσόμενος τῶν λεγόν- ς > > a > / / > 77 των. ot δ᾽ ev τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ τυγχάνοντες ᾿Ιου- 1 Niese: θρησκεύοντας codd, Lat. 2 ὄρει om. PFV. 3 οἰκοδομηθὲν om. PFV. ὁ οἰκοδομεῖσθαι FLV : οἰκοδομηθῆναι A MW. γοῦν AMW: οὖν E. 5 τὸν AMW fort. recte. Μεσσαλάμου P: Μεσσαλόμου AM: cf. Μοσόλλαμος c. Ap. i. 201. 8 Dindorf: ποιήσασθαι codd. a0 @ Variant “ Judaica.’’ The reference is to B.J. vii. 426 ff. > Conjectured : mss. ὁ ministering “ἢ (present tense). ¢ Cf. Ant. xi. 324. 262 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 73-77 in the seventh book of my Jenish αν. And Onias found some Jews of his own kind, and priests and Levites to minister? there. Concerning this temple, however, we have already said enough. (4) Now there arose a quarrel between the Jews in Alexandria and the Samaritans who worshipped at the temple on Mount Gerizim, which had been built in the time of Alexander,’ and they disputed about their respective temples in the presence of Ptolemy himself, the Jews asserting that it was the temple at Jerusalem which had been built in accord- ance with the laws of Moses, and the Samaritans that it was the temple on Gerizim.¢ And they re- quested the king to sit in council with his Friends and hear their arguments on these matters, and to punish with death those who were defeated. Accord- ingly, Sabbaeus and Theodosius made speeches on behalf of the Samaritans, while Andronicus, the son of Messalamus,’ spoke for the inhabitants of Jerusalem and Judaea. And they swore by God and the king that they would give their proofs in accordance with the Law, and requested Ptolemy to put to death anyone whom he might find violating these oaths. And so the king brought many of his Friends into his council and sat to hear the speakers. And the Jews who were then in Alexandria were in great 4 For a similar, earlier controversy see Ant. xii. 10. Biichler (see note above) believes that the quarrel was not over the rival claims of the temples of Jerusalem and Gerizim but of the Jewish and Samaritan temples in Egypt. It may be noted here that it is extremely difficult to determine how much of this account is historical, and whether it is based on a Palestinian or Hellenistic Egyptian source. ¢ The same name (a Greek form of Heb. M°*sullam) is written Mosollamos in Ap. i. 901. 263 Ptolemy Philometor favours the Alexandrian Jews in their dispute with the Samaritans, 78 79 80 81 JOSEPHUS δαῖοι σφόδρα ἠγωνίων περὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν οἷς ἀγα- νακτεῖν ὑπὲρ' τοῦ ἐν ἹἹεροσολύμοις συνέβαινεν ἱεροῦ" χαλεπῶς γὰρ ἔφερον εἰ τοῦτό τινες κατα- λύσουσιν, οὕτως “ἀρχαῖον καὶ διασημότατον τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ὑπάρχον. τοῦ δὲ Σαββαίου καὶ Θεοδοσίου συγχωρησάντων τῷ ᾿Ανδρονίκῳ πρώτῳ ποιήσασθαι τοὺς λόγους, ἤρξατο τῶν ἀπο- δείξεων ἐκ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τῶν διαδοχῶν τῶν ἀρχιερέων, ὡς ἕκαστος παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς τὴν τιμὴν ἐκδεξάμενος ἦρξε τοῦ ναοῦ, καὶ ὅτι πάντες οἱ τῆς ᾿Ασίας βασιλεῖς τὸ ἱερὸν ἐτίμησαν ἀναθήμασιν καὶ λαμπροτάταις δωρεαῖς, τοῦ δ᾽ ἐν" Dapilew ὡς οὐδὲ ὄντος οὐδεὶς λόγον οὐδ᾽ ἐπιστροφὴν “ἐποιήσατο. ταῦτα λέγων ᾿Ανδρόνικος καὶ πολλὰ τούτοις ὅμοια, πείθει τὸν βασιλέα κρῖναι μὲν κατὰ τοὺς Μωυσέος νόμους οἰκοδομηθῆναι τὸ ἐν “Ἱεροσολύμοις ἱερόν, ἀποκτεῖναι δὲ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Σαββαῖον καὶ Θεοδό- σιον. καὶ τὰ μὲν γενόμενα τοῖς ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ ᾿Ιουδαίοις κατὰ [Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Φιλομήτορα ταῦτα ἦν. (iv. 1) Δημητρίου δ᾽ ἀποθανόντος ἐν τῇ “μάχῃ, καθὼς. ἐπάνω δεδηλώκαμεν, ᾿Αλέξανδρος τὴν τῆς Συρίας παραλαβὼν βασιλείαν γράφει τῷ Φιλομή- τορι Πτολεμαίῳ μνηστευόμενος αὐτοῦ πρὸς γάμον τὴν θυγατέρα, δίκαιον εἶναι λέγων τῷ τὴν πατρῴαν ἀρχὴν κομισαμένῳ καὶ διὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν εἰς, αὐτὴν προαχθέντι καὶ “κρατήσαντι Δημητρίου καὶ μηδὲ τἄλλα ἐσομένῳ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν οἰκειότη- τος ἀναξίῳ᾽ συνάψαι συγγένειαν. TroAcpatos δὲ προσδεξάμενος ἡδέως τὴν μνηστείαν ἀντιγράφει, 1 περὶ PFLV. 2 amo re AM: om. W. 3 δ᾽ ἐν FLV: δὲ rell. 264 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 77-81 anxiety about the men whose task it was to express indignation on behalf? of the temple at Jerusalem, for they were resentful that any should seek to destroy this temple which was so ancient and the most celebrated of all those in the world. But as Sabbaeus and Theodosius permitted Andronicus to make the first speech, he began with proofs from the Law and the succession of the high priests, showing how each had become head of the temple by receiving that office from his father, and that all the kings of Asia had honoured the temple with dedicatory-offer- ings and most splendid gifts, while none had shown any respect or regard for that on Gerizim, as though it were not in existence. By these and many similar arguments Andronicus persuaded the king to decide that the temple at Jerusalem had been built in accordance with the laws of Moses, and to put to death Sabbaeus and Theodosius and their party. These, then, were the things that befell the Jews in Alexandria in the reign of Ptolemy Philometor. (iv. 1)" Now after Demetrius had died in battle, as we have related above,’ Alexander? took over the royal power in Syria, and wrote to Ptolemy Philo- metor to ask for the hand of his daughter in marriage ; for, he said, it was right that Ptolemy should form a connexion with one who had recovered his father’s throne and had been restored to it by the providence of God, and had conquered Demetrius, and on other grounds as well would be not unworthy of such an alliance with him. And Ptolemy, who gladly ac- cepted his suit, wrote a reply, saying that he rejoiced * Variant “ concerning.” > Here Josephus resumes his paraphrase of 1 Maccabees. ς Τῃ 86]. 4 Surnamed Balas, cf. § 119. 265 Alexander Balas marries the daughter of Ptolemy Philometor. 1 Mace. x. 51. JOSEPHUS χαίρειν τε λέγων ἐπὶ τῷ τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ πατρῴαν οὖσαν ἀπειληφέναι, καὶ τὴν θυγατέρα δώσειν ὑπ- ισχνεῖται, συναντᾶν, δ᾽ αὐτὸν εἰς Πτολεμαΐδα τὴν θυγατέρα μέλλοντι ἄγειν ἐκέλευσεν: αὐτὸς γὰρ αὐτὴν μέχρι ταύτης παραπέμψειν ἀπ᾿ Αἰγύπτου, 82 κἀκεῖ συνοικίσειν αὐτῷ τὴν παῖδα. καὶ [{|τολε- μαῖος μὲν ταῦτα γράψας παραγίνεται μετὰ σπου- ~ > oh / ΝΜ \ δῆς ets Πτολεμαΐδα, Κλεοπάτραν ἄγων τὴν θυ- / ε ἣν > > A \ > oy ὃ ‘ yatépa. εὑρὼν δ᾽ ἐκεῖ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον καθὼς ἐπέστειλε προαπηντηκότα, δίδωσιν αὐτῷ τὴν παῖδα καὶ φερνὴν ἄργυρόν τε καὶ χρυσὸν ὅσον εἰκὸς ἦν δοῦναι βασιλέα. 83 (0) Τῶν δὲ γάμων ἐπιτελουμένων ᾿Αλέξανδρος ᾿Ιωνάθῃ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ γράψας ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν ἥκειν εἰς Π]τολεμαΐδα. παραγενόμενος δὲ πρὸς τοὺς βασιλέας καὶ δωρησάμενος αὐτοὺς λαμπρῶς," τῆς 3 3 3 / ~ > / 84 παρ᾿ ἀμφοτέρων ἀπέλαυσε τιμῆς. ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ αὐτὸν ἠνάγκασεν ἀποδυσάμενον᾽ τὴν οἰκείαν" > ~ - Z, \ ~ , ἐσθῆτα λαβεῖν πορφύραν, καὶ συγκαθεσθῆναι ποιή- σας αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος, προσέταξε τοὺς ἡγεμό- vas εἰς μέσην μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ προελθόντας τὴν πόλιν ~ \ > > ~ / > A \ κηρῦξαι μηδενὶ κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ λέγειν ἐφεῖσθαι μηδὲ 8ῦ παρέχειν αὐτῷ πράγματα. τοῦτο δὲ ποιησάντων τῶν ἡγεμόνων, ὁρῶντες τὴν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως κεκηρυγμένην ‘Lavan τιμὴν οἱ κατηγορεῖν παρ- εσκευασμένοι καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπεχθῶς ἔχοντες ἀπέδρασαν, μὴ καὶ προσλάβωσί τι κακὸν δεδιότες. / \ ~ \ \ > / c \ τοσαύτῃ δὲ σπουδῇ περὶ τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην ὁ βασιλεὺς 1 ἀπαντᾶν ΡΕΝ. 2 λαμπρᾶς Ἐς _ od eallpr) ῬΈΨ, 4 ἰδίαν PELV, 266 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 81-85 at Alexander’s recovery of his father’s throne ; and he promised to give him his daughter, and told him to meet him at Ptolemais where he would bring his daughter, for, he said, he would himself escort her from Egypt as far as that city, and there he would give him his child in marriage. And so, having written this, Ptolemy came in haste to Ptolemais, bringing his daughter Cleopatra.* And finding Alex- ander waiting to meet him there, as he had instructed him, he gave him his daughter, and, for her dowry, as much silver and gold as a king was expected to ive.” (2) While the wedding ceremonies were being cele- brated, Alexander wrote to the high priest Jonathan, asking him to come to Ptolemais. Thereupon he came to the kings, and having made them splendid gifts,“ was rewarded with honours from both of them.? And Alexander compelled him to take off his own garment and put on one of purple, and making him sit with him on the dais, ordered his officers to go with him into the midst of the city and proclaim that no one was permitted to speak against him or to cause him any trouble. When the officers had done this, those men who had been prepared to accuse Jonathan and were hostile to him, seeing the honour that was done him by the king’s proclamation, ran away for fear that they might receive some further harm. And so great was the friendly interest 4 This was, according to 1 Macc. x. 57, in Sel. yr. 162 =151/0 B.c. » 1 Macc. says merely that the marriage was celebrated in great splendour. It was Jonathan (see below) who gave gold and silver to the two kings. © Cf. previous note. 4 1 Mace. x. 60, ‘‘ he found favour with them.” 267 Jonathan is honoured by Alexander Balas and Ptolemy Philometor, 1 Mace. x. 59. JOSEPHUS "AX? > “-“ σ >) ‘ J - ἔξανδρος ἐχρῆτο, ὥστε αὐτὸν καὶ πρῶτον ἀναγράψαι τῶν φίλων. 80 (8) "Eres δὲ πέμπτῳ καὶ ἑξηκοστῷ πρὸς τοῖς ἑκατὸν Δημήτριος ὁ Δημητρίου μετὰ πολλῶν μισ- θοφόρων, οὗς παρέσχεν αὐτῷ Λασθένης ὃ Κρής, ἄρας ἀπὸ τῆς Κρήτης κατέπλευσεν εἰς Κιλικίαν." 87 τοῦτο δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀκούσαντα εἰς ἀγωνίαν καὶ ταραχὴν ἐνέβαλε, καὶ παραχρῆμα ἐκ τῆς Φοινίκης εἰς ᾿Αντιόχειαν ἔσπευσεν, ἵνα τὰ ἐκεῖ πρὶν ἢ Δημή- 88 τριον ἐλθεῖν ἀσφαλῶς θῆται. κατέλιπε δὲ τῆς κοίλης Συρίας ᾿Απολλώνιον τὸν Taov* ἡγεμόνα, ὃς \ ~ / > > ͵ὔ > \ Μ μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως εἰς Ἰάμνειαν ἐλθὼν ἔπεμψε πρὸς ᾿Ιωνάθην τὸν ἀρχιερέα, "λέγων ἄδικον εἶναι μόνον αὐτὸν ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας ζῆν καὶ μετὰ ἐξουσίας, οὐχ ὑποτασσόμενον τῷ βασιλεῖ: τοῦτο δ᾽ αὐτῷ παρὰ πάντων ὄνειδος φέρειν," ὅτι μὴ ὑποτάξειεν αὑτὸν' 89 τῷ βασιλεῖ. “ μὴ τοίνυν σαυτὸν ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν καθήμενος ἐξαπάτα, νομίζων ἰσχὺν ἔχειν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰ θαρρεῖς τῇ σαυτοῦ δυνάμει, καταβὰς εἰς τὸ πεδίον 1 Σελεύκειαν coni. Bevan. 2 PV Lat.: Adov LAMWE: ὄντα F cum Mace. 3 φέρει PFLVW. 4 Naber: αὐτὸν codd. 41 Mace. x. 65, ‘‘ inscribed him as one of his First Friends, and made him general and meridarch *—that is, military and civil governor of Judaea, although the Syrian garrison remained in the citadel of Jerusalem, cf. below § 121. > The 165th yr. Sel. extended from Oct. 148 to Oct. 147 B.c., or, by Jewish reckoning, from April 147 to April 146 B.C. © Bevan, 17]. Sel. ii. 301, suggests emending “ Cilicia ’’ to ** Seleucia ’’ (in Pieria, not far from Antioch). 1 Mace. x. 67 has, ‘‘ to the land of his fathers,’’ presumably meaning Syria. According to Justinus xxxy. 2-1 Demetrius II had been living 268 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 85-89 in Jonathan shown by King Alexander that he even inscribed him as his First Friend.¢ (3) But in the hundred and sixty-fifth year’ De- metrius, the son of Demetrius, embarked from Crete with many mercenaries, with whom Lasthenes the Cretan had furnished him, and sailed to Cilicia.¢ When Alexander heard of this, he was thrown into a state of anxiety and confusion, and at once hastened from Phoenicia to Antioch in order to make his position there secure before Demetrius should arrive. He also left as governor of Coele-Syria Apollonius @ Taos,? who came to Jamneia with a great force and sent to the high priest Jonathan, saying it was unjust that he alone should live in security and with freedom to do as he liked, not being subject to the king; it was, he said, bringing on him the reproach of all men that he did not make himself subject to the king.’ “Do not, therefore, deceive yourself,’ he added, “ sitting in the mountains and thinking that you are strong ; but if you have confidence in your force, come down to the plain and measure your force at Cnidus (in Caria), in relation to which Cilicia, on the border of Syria, might be considered part of the “* land of his fathers,” and so interpreted by Josephus, even if he had no Hellenistic source. Moreover Demetrius fell back on Cilicia later, as Josephus tells us in § 145; it may therefore be assumed that he had originally set out from there as from his base of operations. 41 Mace. correctly states that Apollonius was appointed by Demetrius, not by Alexander; it was on the latter’s behalf that Jonathan fought against Apollonius. 4 Variant *“* Daos”’; 1 Macc. x. 69, “ Apollonius, who was over (τὸν ὄντα) Coele-Syria.”” Some scholars take Josephus’ τάον to be a transposition of the two syllables ὄντα in 1 Macc., others take ὄντα to be a corruption of τάον. The point remains unsettled. 7 These references to the king are added by Josephus. 269 Demetrius II opposes Alexander Balas. 1 Mace. oie 90 941 93 JOSEPHUS TH ἡμετέρᾳ στρατιᾷ συγκρίθητι, Kal τὸ τέλος τῆς νίκης ἐπιδείξει τὸν ἀνδρειότατον. ἴσθι μέντοι γε τοὺς ἀρίστους ἐξ ἑκάστης πόλεως ἐμοὶ συστρα- τεύεσθαι: καὶ γὰρ δὴ τοὺς σοὺς προγόνους οἱ ἀεὶ νικῶντές εἰσιν οὗτοι. ποιήσει' δὲ τὸν πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀγῶνα ἐν τοιαύτῃ γῇ, ἐν ἧ λίθοις οὐκ ἔστιν ἁ ὅπλοις ἀμύνασθαι" οὐδὲ τόπος εἰς ὃν ἡττώμενος φεύξῃ. (4) Παροξυνθεὶς δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ ᾿Ιωνάθης μυρίους ἐπιλεξάμενος στρατιώτας ὥρμησεν ἐξ “Ἱεροσολύμων μετὰ καὶ Σίμωνος τἀδελφοῦ, καὶ γενόμενος ἐν ᾿Ιόππῃ στρατοπεδεύεται τῆς πόλεως ἔξω, τῶν ᾿Ιοππηνῶν ἀποκλεισάντων αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας" φρουρὰν γὰρ ἔνδον εἶχον ὑπὸ ᾿Απολλωνίου κατασταθεῖσαν. τοῦ δὲ ᾿Ιωνάθου πρὸς πολιορκίαν αὐτῶν παρασκευαζομένου, φοβηθέντες μὴ τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν ἐξέλῃ κατὰ κράτος, ἀνοίγουσιν αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας. ὁ δὲ ᾿Απολλώνιος ἀκούσας τὴν Ἰόππην κατειλημμένην ὑπὸ τοῦ ᾿Ιωνάθου, τρισχιλίους ἱπ- πεῖς παραλαβὼν καὶ πεζοὺς ὀκτακισχιλίους" εἰς "Alwrov ἦλθε, κἀκεῖθεν ἄρας ἠρέμα καὶ βάδην > A A / > \ > > 7 > / ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν: ἐλθὼν δ᾽ εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιόππην ὡς ἀναχωρῶν' ἕλκει τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην εἰς τὸ πεδίον, τῇ ἵππῳ καταφρονῶν" καὶ τὰς «τῆς νίκης ἐλπίδας ἔχων ἐν αὐτῇ. προελθὼν" δὲ ὁ ᾿Ιωνάθης ἐδίωκεν εἰς "Αζωτον τὸν ᾿Απολλώνιον. ὁ δέ, ὡς ἐν τῷ , , , \ , 1 ε , πεδίῳ συνέβη γενέσθαι τὸν πολέμιον, ὑποστρέψας 1 Naber: ποιήσῃ codd. 2 ἀγωνίσασθαι AMWE. 3 τετρακισχιλίους E. 4 ὡς ἀναχωρῶν Naber: ἀναχωρῶν PF V: ὡς ὑπαναχωρῶν LAMWE: tamquam recedens Lat. 5 μέγα φρονῶν AM. 5 προσελθὼν LAMW. 7 πόλεμον LAMW. 270 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 89-93 against my army, and the final victory will show which is the braver of the two. You should know, however, that the best men of each city are in my army, and these are the very men who have always been victorious over your ancestors. And you shall have a contest with us on ground where one cannot fight with stones, but with arms, and where there is no place to which you can flee when defeated.” (4) Greatly angered by these words, Jonathan col- lected ten thousand picked soldiers and set out from Jerusalem with his brother Simon, and coming to Joppa, encamped outside the city, for the inhabitants 3 closed their gates against him, having had a garrison stationed within ihe city by Apollonius. \EuE as Jonathan was preparing to besiege them,* they were afraid that he might take their | city by storm, and so they opened the gates to him. And when Apol- lonius heard that Joppa had been occupied by Jonathan, he took three thousand horsemen and eight thousand foot-soldiers ® and came to Azotus,° and departing from there, made an easy and slow march until he came to Joppa ;, here he retired and drew Jonathan into the plain, for he had sublime confidence ὁ in his horsemen, and placed his hopes of victory inthem. Thereupon Jonathan advanced and pursued Apollonius to Azotus, and the latter, when once the enemy was in the plain, turned back and 2 1 Mace. x. 76 states that Jonathan had actually begun the siege when the city opened its gates. > The latter number is not given in 1 Mace. at this point, but is based on vs. 85 (see below, § 100), which gives 8000 as the number of tbe slain in Apollonius’ force in the battle of Azotus. ¢ Bibl. Ashdod. 4 On this meaning of καταφρονεῖν cf. Ant. vii. 61 note ὁ. 271 Jonathan defeats Apollonius the general of Alex- ander Balas, 1 Mace, . 74. 94 95 96 97 98 JOSEPHUS els μάχην αὐτῷ συνέβαλεν. τοῦ δ᾽ ᾿Απολλωνίου χιλίους ἑ ἱππεῖς καθίσαντος εἰς ἐνέδραν ἔ ἔν τινι χει- μάρρῳ, ὡς ἂν κατόπιν ἐπιφανεῖεν τοῖς πολεμίοις, > / 93; / > / / \ \ αἰσθόμενος ὁ ᾿Ιωνάθης οὐ κατεπλάγη" τάξας δὲ τὴν στρατιὰν ἐν πλινθίῳ κατ᾽ ἀμφότερα τοὺς πολεμίους ἀμύνασθαι παρεσκευάσατο, καὶ κατὰ πρόσωπον καὶ τοῖς ὄπισθεν" ἐπελευσομένοις αὑτὸν᾽ ἀντιτάξας. τῆς δὲ μάχης ἕως ἑσπέρας προβαινούσης, δοὺς Σίμωνι τἀδελφῷ μέρος τῆς δυνάμεως τοῦτον μὲν > / - “ 7 ~ > ~ ᾽ \ ἐκέλευσε συμβαλεῖν τῇ φάλαγγι τῶν ἐχθρῶν, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ προσέταξε φραξαμένους τοῖς “ ς , ae , \ \ ms ae , ὅπλοις ὑποδέχεσθαι τὰ βέλη τὰ παρὰ τῶν ἱππέων. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐποίησαν τὸ κελευσθέν, οἱ δὲ τῶν πο- / ¢ A ΟΝ.) > A > / \ / / λεμίων ἱππεῖς ἐπ᾿ αὐτοὺς ἀφέντες τὰ βέλη μέχρι \ > / > \ ᾽ \ ” > \ καὶ ἐξεκενώθησαν, οὐδὲν αὐτοὺς ἔβλαπτον: οὐ yap διικνεῖτο τῶν σωμάτων τὰ βαλλόμενα, συμπε- φραγμέναις" δὲ ταῖς ἀσπίσι" καὶ συνηνωμέναις ὑπὸ πυκνότητος ἐπαφιέμενα ῥᾳδίως ἐκρατεῖτο καὶ ἄπρακτα ἐφέρετο. ὡς δὲ παρείθησαν ἀπὸ πρωὶ μέχρι δείλης ὀψίας ἀκοντίζοντες εἰς αὐτοὺς οἱ πολέμιοι, νοήσας Σίμων κεκμηκότας αὐτοὺς συμ- βάλλει τῇ φάλαγγι, καὶ προθυμίᾳ χρησαμένων πολλῇ τῶν στρατιωτῶν αὐτοῦ τρέπει τοὺς ἐχθροὺς εἰς φυγήν. θεασάμενοι δὲ τοὺς πεζοὺς φεύγοντας οἱ ἱππεῖς οὐδ᾽ αὐτοὶ μένουσιν, ἀλλὰ πάρετοι μὲν » > \ \ \ / / / ~ A ὄντες αὐτοὶ διὰ TO μέχρι δείλης μάχεσθαι, τῆς δὲ παρὰ τῶν πεζῶν ἐλπίδος αὐτοῖς ἀπολωλυίας, ἀκόσ- 1 παρεκελεύσατο FLAMVW: hortatus est Lat. 2 τοῖς ὄπισθεν AMWE: κατόπισθεν rell. 3 ἀντίον PF V: αὐτὸν L: ἐν αὐτὸν W: ἑαυτὸν E: ἐναντίον Naber. 4 Herwerden: ἀποδέχεσθαι aut ἀποδέξασθαι codd. E. 5 συμπεφραγμένοις P, δ. καὶ ὁὐὰ P, 272 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 94-98 engaged him in battle. Now Apollonius had placed a thousand horsemen in ambush in a valley “% to sur- prise the enemy in the rear, but Jonathan became aware of this and was not dismayed; he drew up his army in a square? and prepared® to fight the enemy on either line by opposing them whether they attacked his front or his rear. And as the battle continued until the evening, he gave his brother Simon part of his foree and commanded them to engage the main body of the foe, while he ordered his own men to make a fence of their shields, and so receive the javelins thrown by the horsemen. Ac- cordingly, they did as they were commanded, while the enemy’s horsemen hurled javelins at them until they had no more left, without injuring them at all, for the missiles did not reach their bodies, but glanced off the shields that were joined in a fence and compactly united, and so they were easily turned aside and fell back harmless.4 And as the enemy were fatigued from throwing javelins at them from early morning until late evening, Simon, who per- ceived that they were weary, engaged their main body, and through the great ardour which his soldiers showed put the foe to flight. And when their horse- men saw the foot- soldiers fleeing, they no longer stayed, but being fatigued from fighting until even- ing, and having lost hope of aid from the foot-soldiers, « This valley is not mentioned in 1 Macc. » This is a detail not found in 1 Mace. ¢ Variant ‘* exhorted (his men).”’ 4 The preceding i is an amplification of the brief statement in 1 Macc. x. 80, “and they surrounded the camp (of Jonathan) and shot darts at his people.” 273 99 100 101 102 JOSEPHUS \ / μως Kal συγκεχυμένως ἔφευγον, ws διασχισθέν- > ἂ \ ~ ~ τας αὐτοὺς διὰ παντὸς σκορπισθῆναι τοῦ πεδίου. ὃ ΄ ὃ᾽ > \ ia | 10 ,ὔ ΄- yy , ‘ ιώκων δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ᾿Ιωνάθης μέχρι τῆς ᾿Αζώτου Kat ‘ > ~ > ~ πολλοὺς ἀναιρῶν, ἀπογνόντας τῆς σωτηρίας ἠνάγ- > ‘ n' ~ ~ ~ κασεν ἐπὶ τὸν τοῦ Δαγῶνος ναὸν καταφυγεῖν, ὃς IO ists , \ A ἦν ev ᾿Αζώτῳ. λαβὼν δ᾽ ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς ᾿Ιωνάθης \ / τὴν πόλιν αὐτήν τε ἐνέπρησε Kal Tas περὶ αὐτὴν / > / > ~ ~ ~ κώμας. ἀπέσχετο δ᾽ οὐδὲ τοῦ Aaydvos ἱεροῦ, 3 \ \ - ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐνέπρησε καὶ τοὺς εἰς αὐτὸ συμ- / / \ A ~ ~ ~ J ~ φυγόντας διέφθειρεν. τὸ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθος τῶν ἐν TH / / ΄σ ~ μάχῃ πεσόντων καὶ καταφλεγέντων ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῶν πολεμίων ἦσαν ὀκτακισχίλιοι. κρατήσας οὖν / ~ τοσαύτης δυνάμεως, ἄρας ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Αζώτου εἰς > ΄ὔ Ασκάλωνα παραγίνεται, καὶ καταστρατοπεδεύ- σαντος ἔξω τῆς πόλεως αὐτοῦ προῆλθον' εἰς ἀπάν- - ec a τησιν αὐτοῦ ot ᾿Ασκαλωνῖται, ξένια προσφέροντες ~ \ ~ lol αὐτῷ καὶ τιμῶντες. ὁ δὲ ἀποδεξάμενος αὐτοὺς τῆς προαιρέσεως ἀνέστρεψεν ἐκεῖθεν εἰς ‘lepoodAvpa, \ ? / / a ” / \ πολλὴν ἐπαγόμενος λείαν ἣν ἔλαβεν νικήσας τοὺς / > / A > / « / πολεμίους. ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ ἀκούσας ἡττημένον τὸν αὑτοῦ στρατηγὸν ᾿Απολλώνιον προσεποιεῖτο χαίρειν, ὅτι παρὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ γνώμην ᾿Ιωνάθῃ / / + \ / \ / συνέβαλε φίλῳ ὄντι καὶ συμμάχῳ, καὶ πέμπει \ ~ > ~ πρὸς ᾿Ιωνάθην μαρτυρῶν αὐτῷ καὶ γέρα Kat τιμὰς 1 Hudson: προσῆλθον codd. E: exierunt Lat. @ The old West-Semitic grain-god, adopted by the Philis- tines, cf. Ant. vi. 1 ff. Hill, Cat. Greek Coins Pal. Ῥ. lxiv, doubts the attribution to Azotus of the 4th century stater representing a bearded fish-like sea-god, who might be meant for Dagon because popular belief associated him with fish (Heb. dag =“‘ fish ’’), 274 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 98-102 they too fled in disorder and confusion, with the result that their lines were broken and they were scattered all over the plain. And Jonathan pursued them as far as Azotus, slaying many of them, and forced those who despaired of being saved to take refuge in the temple of Dagon? which was in Azotus. But Jonathan took the city by a sudden attack, and burnt it and the surrounding villages as well. Nor did he spare the temple of Dagon, but burnt this too and slew those who had taken refuge in it. And the total number of the enemy who fell in battle and were burnt to death in the temple was eight thousand. Then, having conquered so great a force, he marched off from Azotus and came to Ascalon ; and as he was encamped outside the city, the inhabi- tants of Ascalon came out to meet him, bringing him presents to show he was welcome, and honouring him. He therefore expressed approval of their friendly intention,” and returned from there to Jeru- salem, taking along much booty which he had seized in the victory over his enemies. Now when Alex- ander heard that his general Apollonius had been defeated, he pretended to be pleased, as if it had been against his will that Apollonius® fought with Jonathan who was his friend and ally, and he wrote to Jonathan, testifying to his worth by giving him > Jonathan’s approval is not mentioned in 1 Macc. © As was remarked above, ὃ 88 note d, Apollonius was fighting for Demetrius II, not for Alexander Balas. The following section is therefore a distortion of 1 Mace. x. 88-89, which tells how Alexander honoured Jonathan for his victory over Apollonius. Josephus’ phrase προσεποιεῖτο χαίρειν “* pre- tended to be pleased ”’ is in direct contradiction to the phrase in 1 Macce., προσέθετο ἔτι δοξάζειν τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην “ he continued still further to honour Jonathan.” 275 JOSEPHUS διδοὺς πόρπην χρυσέαν, ὥς" ἐστιν ἔθος δίδοσθαι τοῖς τῶν βασιλέων συγγενέσιν, καὶ τὴν ᾿Ακκάρωνα καὶ τὴν τοπαρχίαν αὐτῆς εἰς κληρουχίαν ἐπιτρέπει. 1083. (6) “Ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς a « / > \ Ἁ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Φιλομήτωρ ἐπικληθεὶς ναυτικὴν ἄγων δύναμιν καὶ πεζὴν εἰς Συρίαν ἧκε, συμμαχή- 104 σων ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ" γαμβρὸς γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῦ. καὶ πᾶσαι προθύμως αὐτὸν αἱ πόλεις ᾿Αλεξάνδρου κελεύσαντος ἐκδεχόμεναι παρέπεμπον ἕως ᾿Αζώτου πόλεως, ἔνθα πάντες κατεβόων αὐτοῦ περὶ τοῦ ἐμπεπρησμένου ἱεροῦ αὐτῶν Δαγῶνος, κατηγο- ροῦντες ᾿Ιωνάθου τοῦτο ἀφανίσαντος καὶ τὴν χώραν πυρπολήσαντος καὶ πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀποκτείναντος. 105 καὶ Τ]τολεμαῖος μὲν ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ἡσύχασεν' 3 / \ > > / 3 / , Ιωνάθης δὲ εἰς ᾿Ιόππην ἀπαντήσας [Πτολεμαίῳ ξενίων τε λαμπρῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τυγχάνει καὶ τιμῆς ἁπάσης, ἔπειτα προπέμψας αὐτὸν ἕως τοῦ ᾿Βλευ- θέρου καλουμένου ποταμοῦ πάλιν ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς “Ἱεροσόλυμα. 106 (6) Γενόμενος δ᾽ ἐν ΠΙτολεμαΐδι, παρὰ πᾶσαν / “ / A > EROS OI μικροῦ διεφθάρη ἸΤ]τολεμαῖος, ἐπι- pd ale χρυσέαν secl. Niese. * ds Niese. a F or similar gifts given to Jonathan by Antiochus VI see § 146. > “ Kinsmen ”’ is, of course, an honorary title, cf. Ant. xii. 295 note a. ¢ Bibl. Ekron (cf. Ant. v. 87), mod. ‘Aqgir, the northern- most of the Philistine cities, a little IE. of Jamneia. 4 Jn contrast to Josephus and Diodorus xxxii. 9, 1 Macc. xi. 1 says that Ptolemy came to Syria with treachery toward Alexander. Whatever his original intentions may haye 276 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 102-106 rewards and honours, including a gold brooch,’ such as are customarily given to kinsmen of kings,’ and he turned over to him Akkaron® and its district as land for settlement. (5) It was also at about this time that King Ptolemy, surnamed Philometor, came to Syria with a force of ships and foot-soldiers to fight as an ally of Alexander, who was his son-in-law.’ And all the cities, at Alexander’s command, gladly welcomed him, and escorted him as far as the city of Azotus, where all the inhabitants clamorously demanded satisfaction from him for the burning of their temple of Dagon, and accused Jonathan of destroying it and wasting their territory with fire and killing many of their men. And while Ptolemy heard these com- plaints in silence, Jonathan went to meet him at Joppa, and received from him splendid gifts and all kinds of honours; he then escorted him as far as the river called Eleutherus,’ and again returned to Jerusalem. (6) But when he came to Ptolemais,’ Ptolemy, con- trary to all expectation, came near being slain when been, his friendly behaviour toward Jonathan, the ally of Alexander, seems to show that he did not at first manifest hostility toward Alexander, but did so only when he realized the weakness of Alexander’s position or, as Diodorus says, καταγνοὺς δὲ αὐτοῦ τῆς ψυχῆς παντελῆ ἀδυναμίαν. 4 The mod. Nahr el-Kebir, N. of Orthosia, on the border between Phoenicia and Seleucid Syria. Reinach thinks it doubtful that Jonathan accompanied Ptolemy further than Ptolemais. 7 The following section, to § 109, is based on a Hellenistic source, probably Nicolas of Damascus, to judge from the use of προσκεκρουκώς in § 108; ef. also below, p. 279 note ὃ. 4 Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 219, suggests that Ptolemais was the seat of the court of Alexander. 277 Ptolemy Philometor comes to the aid of Alexander Balas. 1 Mace. τὶ ἢ Ptolemy Philometor discovers Alexander Balas’ plot against him JOSEPHUS βουλευθεὶς ὑπὸ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου δι’ ᾿Αμμωνίου, ὃς 107 ἐτύγχανεν αὐτῷ φίλος ὦν. φανερᾶς ve τῆς ἐπι- βουλῆς γενομένης Πτολεμαῖος γράφει τῷ ᾿Αλεξ- ἄνδρῳ πρὸς κόλασιν ἐξαιτῶν τὸν ᾿Αμμώνιον, ἐπιβουλευθῆναι λέγων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, καὶ δίκην διὰ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸν ὑποσχεῖν ἀξιῶν. οὐκ ἐκδιδόντος" δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, συνεὶς αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον εἶναι τὸν 108 ar La cane χαλεπῶς πρὸς αὐτόν διετέθη. τοῖς δ᾽ ᾿Αντιοχεῦσι καὶ πρότερον ἦν προσκεκρουκὼς ᾿Αλέξανδρος διὰ τὸν ᾿Αμμώνιον" πολλὰ γὰρ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πεπόνθεισαν κακά. τιμωρίαν μέντοι τῶν τετολμημένων ᾿Αμμώνιος ὑπέσχε, κατασφαγεὶς αἰσχρῶς ὡς γυνή, κρύπτειν ἑαυτὸν σπουδάσας στολῇ γυναικείᾳ, καθὼς ἐν ἄλλοις δεδηλώκαμεν. 109 (7) Πτολεμαῖος δὲ μεμψάμενος αὑτὸν τοῦ τε συνοικίσαι τὴν θυγατέρα. ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ τῆς τε συμ- μαχίας τῆς κατὰ Δημητρίου, διαλύεται τὴν πρὸς 110 αὐτὸν συγγένειαν" ἀποσπάσας γὰρ τὴν θυγατέρα πέμπει πρὸς Δημήτριον εὐθὺς περὶ συμμαχίας καὶ φιλίας συντιθέμενος, τήν τε θυγατέρα δώσειν αὐτῷ ὑπισχνούμενος γυναῖκα," καὶ καταστήσειν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν πατρῴαν ἀρχήν. ὁ δὲ Δημήτριος ἡσθεὶς τοῖς 1 ἐνδιδόντος PF V: concedente Lat. 2 εἰς γυναῖκα PFV. « This incident appears to be referred to in 1 Mace. xi. 10, in which Ptolemy says, “I regret having given him (Alexander) my daughter, for he has sought to kill me.” Ammonius is not mentioned in Diodorus xxxii. 9 ¢. > There is no such passage in Josephus; he has taken over the formula from his source. The story of Ammonius being disguised as a woman has a curious parallel in Dio- dorus’s account, xxxii. 10, of Herais, the daughter of Diophantus, who lived in Arabia, whither Alexander fled 278 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 106-110 a plot was formed against him by Alexander through Ammonius, who happened to be his friend. And when the plot was discovered, Ptolemy wrote to Alexander and demanded that Ammonius be given up to him for punishment, saying that a plot had been formed against him by Ammonius, for which he expected him to pay the penalty.* But when Alexander refused to give him up, he understood that it was Alexander who had plotted against him, and so he felt very bitter toward him. Now Alex- ander had earlier offended the Antiochians because of Ammonius, for they had suffered many evils at his hands. Nevertheless Ammonius met with punish- ment for his reckless crimes, being cut down shame- fully as a woman, for he had made an effort to con- ceal himself in a woman’s dress, as we have related elsewhere.? (7) ° Ptolemy, however, who blamed himself for having given his daughter in marriage to Alexander, and for making an alliance with him against De- metrius, dissolved the connexion with him ; and hay- ing taken his daughter from him, he promptly sent to Demetrius, proposing a friendly alliance, and promising to give him his daughter to wife, and to restore to him his father’s throne. Thereupon De- (see below § 117). Herais, having suffered a mysterious change of sex, adopted male attire, and as a mounted soldier, accompanied Alexander on his flight. © The following section, to § 121, is based chiefly on a Hellenistic source, though there are some verbal parallels to 1 Mace. xi. 10-20. Here again Nicolas of Damascus appears to be the immediate source, partly because of such words and phrases as ἀγώνισμα in ὃ 111 and ἥδιστον ἄκουσμα Kai θέαμα in § 118 (cf. Ant. v. 125, going back to Xenophon, Mem. ii. i. 31). 279 Ptolemy Philometor deserts Alexander Balas for Demetrius Teer 1 Macc. xi, 10. JOSEPHUS πεπρεσβευμένοις δέχεται τὴν συμμαχίαν Kal τὸν 111 γάμον. ἕν δὲ ἔτι Πτολεμαίῳ τὸ λοιπὸν ἀγώνισμα ε / - \ > -“ / ὑπελείπετο, πεῖσαι τοὺς ᾿Αντιοχεῖς δέξασθαι Δη- μήτριον, ἀπεχθῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν διακειμένους ὑπὲρ ὧν ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ Δημήτριος εἰς αὐτοὺς παρηνό- 112 μησεν. κατεπράξατο δὲ" καὶ τοῦτο: μισοῦντες γὰρ \ 3 / .ς» A ‘ A 3 7 τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον οἱ Ἀντιοχεῖς διὰ τὸν ᾿Αμμώνιον, ὡς δεδηλώκαμεν, ῥᾳδίως αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐξέβαλον. καὶ ὃ μὲν ἐκπεσὼν τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας 113 ἧκεν" εἰς Κιλικίαν. ἐλθὼν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αντιοχεῖς Πτολεμαῖος βασιλεὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν στρατευ- μάτων ἀναδείκνυται, καὶ ἀναγκασθεὶς δύο περι- / / a A A ~ > / a A τίθεται διαδήματα, ἕν μὲν τὸ τῆς ᾿Ασίας, ἕτερον δὲ 114 τὸ τῆς Αἰγύπτου. χρηστὸς δὲ ὧν φύσει καὶ δίκαιος καὶ τῶν λαμπρῶν" οὐκ ἐφιέμενος πρὸς δὲ τούτοις \ \ , , 4 , , καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα λογίσασθαι" συνετός, φείσασθαι a \ , 5 « , ΓΝ » \ τοῦ μὴ δόξαι εἶναι Ρωμαίοις ἐπίφθονος ἔκρινε, καὶ συναγαγὼν τοὺς ᾿Αντιοχεῖς εἰς ἐκκλησίαν πείθει / \ / ’ / /, > x 115 δέξασθαι τὸν Δημήτριον αὐτούς, λέγων οὐδενὸς μνησικακήσειν αὐτοῖς περὶ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτὸν εὐ- a A \ εργετηθέντα, διδάσκαλός τε ἀγαθῶν αὐτῷ Kat Ἢ Aah θ ὃ λ , \ a > ἡγεμὼν" ἔσεσθαι διωμολογήσατο Kai φαύλοις ἐγ- χειροῦντις πράγμασιν οὐκ ἐπιτρέψειν ὑπέσχετο. ¢ ~ > ” > - a | ~ > , αὑτῷ δ᾽ ἔφασκεν ἀρκεῖν τὴν τῆς Αἰγύπτου βασι- / ~ > > \ / \ > - / λείαν. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν πείθει τοὺς ᾿Αντιοχεῖς δέξασθαι τὸν Δημήτριον. 116 (8) Τοῦ δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου σὺν στρατεύματι πολλῷ δὴ LAW: om. E. 2 ἦλθεν P. ἀλλοτρίων LAMWE Lat. συλλογίσασθαι AMW. διδάσκαλός... ἡγεμὼν] διδάσκαλόν τε ἀγαθὸν αὐτῷ (αὐτὸν V: post ἔσεσθαι tr. P) καὶ ἡγεμόνα PFLV. 280 ao ὁ ὦ μὶ JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 110-116 metrius, being pleased with the offer made through his envoys, accepted the alliance and the marriage. But one difficult task still remained for Ptolemy, which was to persuade the Antiochians to accept Demetrius, toward whom they felt hostility because of the lawless acts committed against them by his father Demetrius. But he accomplished this also, for the Antiochians hated Alexander on account of Ammonius, as we haye related,? and were ready to drive him out of Antioch. And so, being expelled from Antioch, he came to Cilicia. And Ptolemy, on coming to the Antiochians, was proclaimed king by them and their armies, and was compelled to put on two diadems, one being that of Asia, and the other that of Egypt. However, being a good and upright person by nature, and not being ambitious of dazzling fortune,” and, in addition, being skilled in reading the future, he determined to refrain from appearing to give the Romans any reason for dis- liking him; and bringing together the Antiochians in assembly, he sought to persuade them to accept Demetrius, saying that if Demetrius were well received by them, he would not bear them any grudge on account of his father, and he agreed to be a counseller of good and a guide to Demetrius, and promised that if Demetrius attempted any un- worthy acts, he would not permit him to carry them out. For himself, he asserted, the throne of Egypt was enough. And with these words he persuaded the Antiochians to accept Demetrius. (8) Meanwhile Alexander, who had set out from “ In § 108. > Variant ‘‘ of the possessions of others.” 8 ἐγχειροῦντα PF LVE Lat. (vid.). VOL. VII K 281 Death of Ptolemy Philometor and Alexander Balas. JOSEPHUS ‘ / a e / > -“ , καὶ μεγάλῃ παρασκευῇ ὁρμήσαντος ἐκ τῆς Κιλικίας > \ ,ὔ " \ ~ > / ~ > εἰς τὴν Συρίαν καὶ τὴν τῶν ᾿Αντιοχέων γῆν ἐμ- / \ / ¢ a Μ΄. | πρήσαντος καὶ διαρπάσαντος, ὁ IlroAeuatos ἐπ Ε \ > / ‘A ~ ~ / αὐτὸν ἐξεστράτευσε μετὰ τοῦ γαμβροῦ Δημητρίου » A J ~ \ / >? / 8 “ (75n γὰρ αὐτῷ πρὸς γάμον ἐδεδώκει τὴν θυγατέρα), καὶ νικήσαντες εἰς φυγὴν ἐτρέψαντο τὸν ᾿Αλέξ- 117 ανδρον. οὗτος μὲν οὖν εἰς ᾿Αραβίαν φεύγει. / \ > ~ / οἷ σ \ Δ. συνέβη δὲ ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τὸν ἵππον τὸν [Πτολεμαίου ~ > 4 > ,ὔ ~ ‘ A φωνῆς ἀκούσαντα ἐλέφαντος ταραχθῆναι καὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἀποσεισάμενον καταβαλεῖν, τοὺς δὲ / 3 / Br} > \ « ~ \ /, πολεμίους ἰδόντας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁρμῆσαι Kal τραύματα πολλὰ δόντας αὐτῷ κατὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς εἰς κίνδυνον τὸν περὶ θανάτου καταστῆσαι: τῶν γὰρ σωματοφυ- λάκων αὐτὸν ἐξαρπασάντων, χαλεπῶς οὕτως εἶχεν δ x.y? « / vA / - / ζ΄ ὡς ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας τέσσαρας μήτε συνεῖναί τι μήτε 118 φθέγξασθαι δυνηθῆναι. τοῦ δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τὴν κεφαλὴν 6 τῶν ᾿Αράβων δυνάστης ἀποτεμὼν Ζάβειλος' ἀπέστειλε []τολεμαίῳ, ὃς τῇ πέμπτῃ τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀνενεγκὼν" ἐκ τῶν τραυμάτων καὶ φρονήσας ἥδιστον ἄκουσμα καὶ θέαμα, τὴν ᾿Αλεξ- ᾽ὔ \ σ \ \ / > / 7 dvdpov τελευτὴν ἅμα καὶ τὴν κεφαλήν, ἀκούει καὶ 119 θεᾶται. καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ πλησθεὶς τῆς ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αλεξ- , / ~ \ > \ vA ‘ ἄνδρῳ τεθνηκότι χαρᾶς καὶ αὐτὸς κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον. ἐβασίλευσε δὲ τῆς ᾿Ασίας ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ 282 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 116-119 Cilicia for Syria with a large army“? and a great supply of arms, burned and plundered the territory of the Antiochians, whereupon Ptolemy marched against him with his son-in-law Demetrius—for he had already given him his daughter in marriage—and they defeated Alexander and put him to flight.2 And so he fled to Arabia. Now it happened that in the battle Ptolemy’s horse was alarmed on hearing the trumpeting of an elephant, and unseating Ptolemy, threw him to the ground ; and when the enemy saw this, they rushed upon him and inflicted many wounds on him about the head, so as to bring him to the point of death ; and when his bodyguards snatched him from their hands, he was in so serious a condition that for four days he was unable either to understand anything or to utter a word. Meanwhile the Arab chieftain Zabeilus® cut off Alexander’s head and sent it to Ptolemy, who recovered from his wounds on the fifth day and coming to his senses, at the same time heard the news of Alexander’s death and saw his head—most pleasant things to hear and to see. But soon afterwards having his fill of joy at Alexander’s death, he himself passed away. Now Alexander, 2 In 145 B.c.; cf. below, § 119 note 6 and Bevan, Ptol. p- 305 n. 1. δ At the river Oenoparas in the plain of Antioch; cf. Strabo xvi. 751. © He is called Zabdiel in 1 Mace. xi. 17. According to Diodorus, xxxii. 9, Alexander was murdered by two of his officers, named Heliades and Casius. Moreover Diodorus calls the Arab chief Diocles. 1 Ζάβιλος F A corr. M: Ζάβηλος LA1VW: Ζάβελος E: Za- bilus Lat. 2 avaveveuxws PFLV: elevatus Lat. 283 120 122 123 JOSEPHUS / > / ” / \ ‘ > Βάλας ἐπιλεγόμενος ἔτη πέντε, καθὼς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδηλώκαμεν." (9) Παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν Δημήτριος ὁ Νικάτωρ" ἐπιλεγόμενος, ὑπὸ πονηρίας ἤρξατο δια- φθείρειν τὸν τοῦ Πτολεμαίου στρατιωτικόν, τῆς τε πρὸς αὐτὸν συμμαχίας ἐκλαθόμενος καὶ ὅτι πεν- θερὸς ἦν αὐτοῦ καὶ διὰ τὸν τῆς Κλεοπάτρας γάμον συγγενής. οἱ μὲν οὖν στρατιῶται φεύγουσιν αὐτοῦ τὴν πεῖραν" εἰς ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, τῶν δ᾽ ἐλεφάντων Δημήτριος ἐγκρατὴς γίνεται. ᾿Ιωνάθης δὲ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας στρατιὰν συναγαγών, προσβαλὼν ἐπολιόρκει τὴν ἐν τοῖς Ἵ λ Μ Μ \ A εροσολύμοις ἄκραν ἔχουσαν Μακεδονικὴν φρουρὰν καὶ τῶν ἀσεβῶν τινας καὶ πεφευγότων τὴν πάτριον συνήθειαν. οὗτοι δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον κατεφρόνουν ὧν ᾿Ιωνάθης ἐμηχανᾶτο περὶ τὴν αἵρεσιν, πεπι- στευκότες τῇ ὀχυρότητι τοῦ χωρίου, νυκτὸς δέ τινες τῶν ἐν αὐτῷ πονηρῶν ἐξελθόντες ἧκον πρὸς Δημήτριον καὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν αὐτῷ τῆς ἄκρας ἐμήνυσαν. ὁ δὲ τοῖς ἠγγελμένοις παροξυνθείς, > \ \ ΄ a > mrs , > \ ἀναλαβὼν τὴν δύναμιν ἧκεν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐπὶ \ > / / \ > sh / τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην. γενόμενος δὲ ἐν Πτολεμαΐδι γράφει 1 δεδήλωται LAM W fort. recte. 2 Hudson: Νικάνωρ codd. E Lat. Syncellus. 8 πονηρίαν LAMW. 4 P: ἐμήνυον rell. α Grimm, on 1 Mace. x. 1, and Schiirer, i. 227 n. 11, point out that Strabo, xvi. 251, calls him Balas Alexander; ef. Justinus xxxy. 1. 6. Evidently Balas was his given name ; it is probably from Aram. Ba‘al, a hypocoristic theophorous name. > Officially from 150 to 145 B.c., as his coinage indicates, 284 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 119-123 surnamed Balas,? was king of Asia for five years,” as we have related elsewhere.° (9) But after assuming the royal power, De- metrius, surnamed Nicator,? wickedly began to de- stroy the troops of Ptolemy, quite forgetting the alliance with him and that Ptolemy was his father- in-law and related to him through his marriage with Cleopatra. Accordingly the soldiers fled from his attack ὁ to Alexandria, but Demetrius secured pos- session of the elephants. Meanwhile‘ the high priest Jonathan gathered together an army from all Judaea, and assaulted and besieged the citadel in Jerusalem which held a Macedonian garrison and some of the godless Jews who had abandoned their native customs. ‘These men at first made light of Jonathan’s devices for capturing the citadel, for they had con- fidence in the strength of the place, but some of the worthless fellows in it went out by night and came to Demetrius to inform him of the siege of the citadel. Being, therefore, greatly angered by this report, he took his foree and came against Jonathan from Antioch. And when he reached Ptolemais, he wrote He appeared as a claimant to the throne in 152 B.c., cf. § 35 note f. 1 Mace. dates the accession of Demetrius II in the 167th year Sel., which extended from Oct. 146 to Oct. 145 B.c. ¢ Variant ‘‘has been related elsewhere,’ which would have to mean in the works of other historians, since there is no such cross-reference in Josephus. If we accept the reading given in the translation, we must assume that Josephus has taken over the phrase from his Hellenistic source. 4 Conjectured: mss. Nicanor. His full name was Deme- trios Theos Nikator Philadelphos, cf. Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 223. * Variant (corrupt) ‘ villainy.” 7 Here Josephus resumes his paraphrase of 1 Macc. (xi. 20). 285 Accession of De- metrius II Nicator. Cf. 1 Mace. xi. 19. 124 126 127 JOSEPHUS κελεύων αὐτὸν σπεῦσαι πρὸς αὐτὸν eis IIroAe- to ες δὲ \ \ r / » ” A μαΐδα. ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν πολιορκίαν οὐκ ἔπαυσε, TOUS δὲ / ~ A ~ r ‘ ‘ \ € πρεσβυτέρους τοῦ λαοῦ παραλαβὼν Kai τοὺς « A ~ ἱερεῖς, Kal χρυσὸν Kal ἄργυρον καὶ ἐσθῆτα καὶ πλῆθος ξενίων κομίζων, ἧκε πρὸς τὸν Δημήτριον, \ καὶ τούτοις δωρησάμενος αὐτὸν θεραπεύει τὴν x A ~ /, \ ‘ ε > ᾽ A ὀργὴν τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ τιμηθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ Aap- / , 1 ¥ \ > , ‘\ ‘ βάνει βεβαίαν' ἔχειν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην, καθὼς Kat παρὰ" τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλέων ἐκέκτητο. κατ- Vs \ > ~ ~ / « Ξ ᾽ ηγορούντων δὲ αὐτοῦ τῶν φυγάδων ὁ Δημήτριος οὐκ ah > \ \ , 3 > ee ἐπίστευσεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρακαλέσαντος" αὐτὸν ὅπως ~ > / 7 ~ ὑπὲρ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας ἁπάσης καὶ τῶν τριῶν τοπαρ- χιῶν Σαμαρείας καὶ ᾿Ιόππης" καὶ Γαλιλαίας τρια- , A , , \5 \ , > κόσια τελῇ τάλαντα, δίδωσι καὶ περὶ πάντων ἐπι- / a - ~ \ / “e \ στολάς, at περιεῖχον τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον" “᾿ βασιλεὺς Δημήτριος ᾿Ιωνάθῃ τῷ ἀδελφῷ καὶ τῷ ἔθνει τῶν 3 , / ‘ > , ~ > ~ Ἰουδαίων χαίρειν. τὸ ἀντίγραφον τῆς ἐπιστολῆς Τὰ ” A bé A a” CY ὟΣ > οἱ ἧς ἔγραψα Λασθένει τῷ συγγενεῖ ἡμῶν ἀπεστάλ- ΘΖ ee ἰδῇ Ἂ \ / καμεν ὑμῖν, ἵν’ εἰδῆτε. βασιλεὺς Δημήτριος Λασθένει τῷ πατρὶ χαίρειν. τῷ ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔθνει ὄντι φίλῳ καὶ τὰ δίκαια τὰ πρὸς ἡμᾶς φυλάττοντι τῆς εὐνοίας ἔκρινα χάριν παρασχεῖν καὶ τοὺς τρεῖς 1 βεβαίως AMWE. 2 ἐπὶ LAMW. 3 παρακαλοῦντος LAMWE. 4 Tlepaias Naber, ef. § 50. δ᾽ xaiom. AM Lat. (vid.). 286 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 123-127 and commanded Jonathan to hasten to him there. Thereupon Jonathan, although he did not stop the siege, took with him the elders of the people and the priests, and came to Demetrius, bringing gold and silver and garments and a multitude of presents ; and when he presented him with these, he softened the anger of the king ; and being honoured by him, he received confirmation of his tenure of the high- priesthood, just as he had obtained it from the kings before him. Nor did Demetrius give credence to the renegades who brought accusations against Jonathan, but when Jonathan requested him to let him pay three hundred talents for all Judaea and the three toparchies of Samaria and Joppa and Galilee,” he did so, and gave him a letter concerning all these matters, of which the contents were as follows. “ King Demetrius to his brother Jonathan and to the Jewish nation, greeting. We have sent you a copy of the letter which I have written to our Kinsman Lasthenes,’ in order that you may know what is in it. ‘King Demetrius to his father ° Lasthenes, greet- ing. Inasmuch as the Jewish nation is friendly to us and justly observes its obligations toward us, I have decided to present to it, in return for its good- 41 Mace. xi. 28 reads, “πα Jonathan requested the king to make Judaea free of tribute and the three toparchies and Samaritis, and promised him three hundred talents.” We should read, as Josephus did, *‘ the three toparchies of Sama- ritis (Samaria),”” namely, Aphairema, Lydda and Rama- thaim, mentioned in § 127 (1 Mace. xi. 34); ef. § 50 note ¢. Joppa (in § 50 Peraea) and Galilee are added by Josephus. ὁ Lasthenes the Cretan (ef. above, § 86) was probably governor of Coele-Syria. ¢ For an earlier instance of this honorary title see Ant. xii. 148. 287 The letter of Demetrius II to Jonathan. 1 Mace. xi. 30. JOSEPHUS νομοὺς ᾿Αφαίρεμα' καὶ Λύδδα καὶ ‘Papabaiy,® of τῇ ᾿Ιουδαίᾳ προσετέθησαν ἀπὸ τῆς Σαμαρείτιδος, 128 καὶ τὰ προσκυροῦντα τούτοις" ἔτι τε ὅσα παρὰ τῶν θυόντων ἐν ἱἱεροσολύμοις ἐλάμβανον οἱ πρὸ ἐμοῦ βασιλεῖς, καὶ ὅσα ἀπὸ τῶν καρπῶν τῆς γῆς καὶ τῶν φυτῶν, καὶ τἄλλα τὰ προσήκοντα ἡμῖν, καὶ τὰς λίμνας τῶν ἁλῶν καὶ τοὺς κομιζομένους ἡμῖν στεφάνους ἀφίημι αὐτοῖς, καὶ οὐδὲν παρα- βιβασθήσεται' τούτων ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν οὐδὲ εἰς τὸν ἅπαντα" χρόνον. φρόντισον οὖν ἵνα τούτων ἀντί- γραφον γένηται καὶ δοθῇ ᾿Ιωνάθῃ καὶ ἐν ἐπισήμῳ 129 τόπῳ τοῦ ἁγίου ἱεροῦ τεθῇ. τὰ μὲν δὴ γραφέντα ταῦτα ἦν. ὁρῶν δὲ 6 Δημήτριος εἰρήνην οὖσαν καὶ μηδένα κίνδυνον μηδὲ πολέμου φόβον ὑπάρ- χοντα, διέλυσε τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ τὸν μισθὸν αὐτῶν ἐμείωσε, καὶ μόνοις τοῦτον ἐχορήγει τοῖς ἕενο- λογηθεῖσιν, ot συνανέβησαν ἐκ Kpyrns αὐτῷ καὶ 130 ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων νήσων. ἔχθρα τοιγαροῦν αὐτῷ καὶ μῖσος ἐκ τούτου γίνεται παρὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν, οἷς 1 ἀφίημι ῥεμὰ (ῥεμμὰ Μ: ῥειμὰ W) LAMW: ᾽Αφερεμᾶ V. 5. ᾿Αρμαθαίμ F: ῬῬαμαθά LAMW: ἱῬαμαθέμ V: Ramathe Lat. vov AMW Lat. * extorqueatur Lat. : a ies: ed. pr. 5 ἐπιόντα FVW: ἔπειτα LAM: in posterum Lat. * Previously granted to the Jews by Demetrius I, ef. above, § 50. > Probably the mod. et-Taiybeh, c. 4 miles N.E. of Bethel, and the same site as the Ephraim of the New Testament, John xi. 54; ef. Abel, GP ii. 135 and Dalman, p. 217, also Klein, pp. 137-138. The older name of this site was ‘Afra, according to Dalman. ¢ The later Diospolis, mod. Ludd, 6. 10 miles S.E. of 288 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 127-130 will, the three districts,? Aphairema,’? Lydda® and Ramathain,? which have been taken from Samaria and annexed to Judaea, together with what apper- tains to them. And, in addition,’ whatever the kings before me received from those who offered sacrifice at Jerusalem, and whatever they received of the fruits of the earth and trees, and the other things due to us, as well as the salt marshes and the crowns that were brought to us—all these I remit to them,’ and none of these things shall be wrongfully taken from them either now or for all time.’ See to it, therefore, that a copy of these instructions be made and given to Jonathan and set up in a con- spicuous place in the holy temple.’”’ Such were the contents of the letter. And when Demetrius saw that peace obtained and that there was no danger or fear of war, he dismissed his army and reduced their pay,’ and continued to give their pay only to the mercenaries who had come up with him from Crete? and from the other islands. Accordingly, he incurred the enmity and hatred of the soldiers to Jaffa and 6 miles W. of Modin, the birthplace of the Has- monaean rulers. 4 Variants Armathaim, Ramatha. It is the mod. Rentfis, 6. 15 miles N.E. of Lydda, the native place of Joseph of Arimathaea, and perhaps the home of Samuel, cf. Ant. v. 342. ¢ Variant “ now.” ‘ Cf. the similar exemptions promised by Demetrius I, 8 48. In the last clause, “‘ none of these things,’ Josephus by a slight alteration, παραβιβασθήσεται for ἀθετήσεται of 1 Mace. xi. 36, covers up the incompleteness of vss. 34-35, where we miss some mention of the payment expected by Demetrius IT. 9 Variant “‘ or in the future.” The text adopted agrees with 1 Mace. * The reduction of pay is not mentioned in 1 Mace. ‘ Crete is not specifically mentioned in 1 Macc. VOL, VII K 2 289 JOSEPHUS αὐτὸς μὲν οὐδὲν οὐκέτι παρεῖχεν, οἱ δὲ πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλεῖς καὶ ἐπ᾽ εἰρήνης χορηγοῦντες αὐτοῖς “ὁμοίως δικτέλουν, ἵ ἵν᾽ εὐνοοῦντας ἔχωσι καὶ ἐν τοῖς ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀγῶσιν, εἰ δεήσειέν ποτε, προθύμους. 151. (v- 1) ᾿Αμέλει ταύτην νοήσας τὴν δύσνοιαν τῶν στρατιωτῶν πρὸς Δημήτριον ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τις στρατηγός, ᾿Απαμεὺς τὸ γένος, Διόδοτος ὁ καὶ Τρύφων ἐπικληθείς, παραγίνεται πρὸς Μάλχον τὸν ἤΑραβα, ὃς ἔτρεφε τὸν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν ᾿Αντίοχον, καὶ δηλώσας αὐτῷ τὴν δυσμένειαν τὴν τῶν στρα- τευμάτων πρὸς Δημήτριον ἔπειθεν αὐτῷ δοῦναι τὸν ᾿Αντίοχον᾽ “βασιλέα γὰρ αὐτὸν ποιήσειν καὶ τὴν 132 ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς ἀποκαταστήσειν. ὁ δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀντεῖχεν ὑπ᾽ ἀπιστίας, ὕστερον δὲ πολλῷ χρόνῳ προσλιπαρήσαντος τοῦ Γρύφωνος ἐκνικᾶται τὴν προαίρεσιν εἰς ἃ Τρύφων παρεκάλει. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τούτου τἀνδρὸς ἐ ἐν τούτοις ὑπῆρχεν. 1331. 15), ),γὃ᾽ ἀρχιερεὺς ᾿Ιωνάθης ἐξελθεῖν" βουλό- μενος τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ τῶν “Ἱεροσολύμων καὶ τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίων φυγάδας καὶ ἀσεβεῖς καὶ τοὺς ἐν ἁπάσῃ τῇ “χώρᾳ φρουρούς," πέμψας πρὸς Δημήτριον δῶρα καὶ πρεσβευτὰς παρεκάλει τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὀχυρώμασι 134 τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας ἐκβαλεῖν. ὁ δὲ οὐ ταῦτα μόνον αὐτῷ 1 ἐξελεῖν LAMW cod. Bus. E corr.: ἐπεξελθεῖν V?: capere Lat.: ὑπεξελεῖν Hudson. 2 ἁπάσῃ... φρουρούς] ἅπασι τοῖς (τοὺς P) ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ φρου- ρίοις PFV. 2 The preceding sentence is an amplification of 1 Mace. xi. 38, ‘‘ and all the forces of his fathers became hostile to him.” > That his given name was Diodotus and his native place Apamea (more exactly Casiana, near Apamea) are facts taken by Josephus from a Hellenistic source ; ef. Diodorus xxxiil. 4 and Strabo xvi. 752. 290 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 130-134 whom he no longer gave any money, whereas the kings before him had continued to give them the same pay even in time of peace, in order to keep them loyal and make them zealous to fight for them if there should ever be need. (v. 1) It was natural, therefore, that when this disaffection of the soldiers toward Demetrius was perceived by one of Alexander’s generals Diodotus, surnamed Tryphon,? who was a native of Apamea, he went to Malchus*¢ the Arab, who was bringing up Alexander’s son Antiochus,’ and after revealing to him the army’s dissatisfaction with Demetrius, per- suaded him to give Antiochus over to him, saying that he would make him king and would restore to him his father’s throne. Now Malchus at first opposed this because of distrust, but finally, after Tryphon had pleaded with him a long while, he was won over to the plan which Tryphon was urging him to accept.° Such, then, was the state of this man’s affairs. (2) Meanwhile the high priest Jonathan, who wished the men in the citadel of Jerusalem to leave, as well as the Jewish renegades and godless men and the garrisons in the entire country, sent envoys with gifts to Demetrius,? and requested him to expel those who were in the fortresses of Judaea. There- © In 1 Mace. his name is Imalkue. Diodorus has lam- blichus (Ἰάμβλιχος), which is the usual Greek transcription of Arabic or Nabataean ymlkw. Perhaps, as Grimm sug- gests, he was the successor of Zabeilus (variants: Zabdiel, Diocles ; ef. § 118), who killed Alexander Balas. 4 Tryphon gave him the official name Antiochos Theos Epiphanes Dionysos. ¢ In mentioning Malchus’ mistrust of Tryphon, Josephus amplifies 1 Mace. xi. 40. 7 Variant ‘‘ wished to expel the men, ete.” 9 The envoys and gifts are not mentioned in 1 Mace. 291 Tryphon sets up Antiochus Vlasa rival to Demetrius 1. 1 Mace. xi. 39. Jonathan aids Demetrius Il. 1 Mace, xi. 41. 136 137 138 JOSEPHUS / > ‘\ ‘ , /, i - ‘ παρέξειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μείζω τούτων ὑπισχνεῖται μετὰ τὸν ἐν χερσὶ πόλεμον: τούτῳ γὰρ νῦν ἀσχολεῖν." 5 , > > ‘ \ / / ὃ λῶ > ἠξίου δ᾽ αὐτὸν Kat συμμαχίαν πέμψαι, δηλῶν ἀπο- στῆναι τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ. καὶ ᾿Ιωνάθης μὲν τρισχιλίους ἐπιλεξάμενος. στρατιώτας ἔπεμψεν. (5) ᾿Αντιοχεῖς δὲ μισοῦντες τὸν Δημήτριον ὑπὲρ ὧν πεπόνθεισαν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κακῶς, ἀπεχθανόμενοι δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ διὰ τὸν πατέρα Δημήτριον πολλὰ εἰς αὐτοὺς ἐξαμαρτόντα, καιρὸν ἐπετήρουν λαβεῖν Kal” ὃν ἐπίθοιντο αὐτῷ. νοήσαντες δὲ συμμαχίαν παροῦσαν παρὰ ᾿Ιωνάθου τῷ Δημητρίῳ καὶ συμ- φρονήσαντες ὅτι πολλὴν ἀθροίσει δύναμιν, εἰ μὴ φθάσαντες προκαταλάβοιεν αὐτόν, ἁρπάσαντες τὰ ὅπλα καὶ περιστάντες τοῖς βασιλείοις αὐτοῦ τρόπῳ Uf ‘\ A > U , » , 3 πολιορκίας Kal τὰς ἐξόδους διαλαβόντες ἐζήτουν χειρώσασθαι τὸν βασιλέα. ὁ δὲ τὸν δῆμον ὁρῶν τὸν τῶν ᾿Αντιοχέων ἐκπεπολεμωμένον πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ ἐν ὅπλοις ὄντα, παραλαβὼν τοὺς μισθοφόρους \ ‘ ΄ «ς \ a 2 / > ,ὔ καὶ τοὺς πεμφθέντας ὑπὸ τοῦ ᾿Ιωνάθου ᾿Ιουδαίους ‘ - 3 ~ \ ‘ «ε > συμβάλλει τοῖς ᾿Αντιοχεῦσιν καὶ βιασθεὶς ὑπ , ~ \ \ ἜΝ Ψ « -“ ΄ αὐτῶν (πολλαὶ γὰρ ἦσαν μυριάδες) ἡττᾶται. βλέ- ποντες δὲ τοὺς ᾿Αντιοχεῖς κρατοῦντας οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι, ἐπὶ τὰς στέγας τῶν βασιλείων ἀναβάντες ἐκεῖθεν ἔβαλλον τοὺς ᾿Αντιοχεῖς, καὶ τοῦ μὲν αὐτοί τι > - πάσχειν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὄντες πορρωτάτω διὰ τὸ ὕψος, ~ 3 σ΄ ποιοῦντες δ᾽ αὐτοὺς κακῶς διὰ τὸ ἄνωθεν μάχε- 1V: εὐσχολεῖν rell. EF. 2 This refers to the revolt of the Antiochenes and Larissans and others, caused by Tryphon. > The following section, to § 144, is based chiefly on a Hellenistic source. 292 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 134-138 upon Demetrius promised not only to grant this request, but also to do more for him at the end of the war which he had on his hands; for, he said, all his time was just now taken up with this.* And he asked Jonathan to send him assistance, informing him that his force had revolted. And so Jonathan sent him three thousand picked soldiers. (3) » But the Antiochians, who hated Demetrius because of the ill-treatment they had received at his The Jews help Demetrius hands, and also were hostile to him on account of Il subdue the many crimes which his father Demetrius had committed against them, were waiting for an oppor- tunity which they might seize to fall upon him. And so, becoming aware that assistance had come to Demetrius from Jonathan, and reflecting that unless they acted quickly to anticipate him, he would collect a great force, they hastily seized their arms, and surrounding his palace as if in a siege, blocked the exits and sought to get the king into their hands. But when he saw that the populace of Antioch was ready to make war on him and was under arms, he took his mercenaries and the Jews sent by Jonathan, and engaged the Antiochians; but he was over- powered by them—for many tens of thousands ° were there—and was beaten. Now when the Jews saw the Antiochians getting the upper hand, they went up to the roofs of the palace buildings, and from there hurled missiles at the Antiochians”; and while they themselves, being high above their opponents, were too far away to be hurt by them, they could inflict much damage on them by fighting from above; © 120,000, according to 1 Mace. xi. 45. 4 The fighting from the roofs and other details are not mentioned in 1 Mace. 293 Antioch. Cf. 1 Mace. xi. 45. JOSEPHUS ~ - ‘ 139 σθαι, τῶν σύνεγγυς αὐτοὺς οἰκιῶν ἀπώσαντο" καὶ / \ Ἰθὺ ~ , A ¢€ δὲ λὸ yf) δλ ταύταις μὲν εὐθὺς πῦρ ἐνῆκαν, ἡ δὲ φλὸξ ἐφ᾽ ὅλην διατείνουσα τὴν πόλιν, πυκνῶν τῶν οἰκιῶν οὐσῶν A A ~ καὶ Ta πλεῖστα ἐκ ξύλων φκοδομημένων, πᾶσαν ? \ ait ΨἹ 140 αὐτὴν ἐνέμετο. of δ᾽ ᾿Αντιοχεῖς μὴ δυνάμενοι βοη- θῆσαι μηδὲ κρατῆσαι τοῦ πυρός, εἰς φυγὴν ἐτράπησαν. τῶν δὲ ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀπὸ δώματος ἐπὶ δῶμα διαπηδώντων καὶ τοῦτον αὐτοὺς διωκόντων \ / / / / \ / τὸν τρόπον, παράδοξον συνέβη γενέσθαι τὴν δίωξιν. 141 ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ὁρῶν τοὺς ᾿Αντιοχεῖς σῶσαι τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἐσπουδακότας καὶ διὰ τοῦτο / / > ΝΜ > “- > / μηκέτι μαχομένους, δι᾽ ἄλλων αὐτοῖς ἐπιτίθεται στενωπῶν, καὶ συμβαλὼν πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπ- ΄σ - \ έκτεινεν, Ws ἀναγκασθῆναι ῥῖψαι τὰς πανοπλίας καὶ 142 παραδοῦναι αὑτοὺς τῷ Δημητρίῳ. συγγνοὺς δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τῶν τετολμημένων καταπαύει τὴν στάσιν. δωρησάμενος δὲ τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ταῖς ἐκ τῶν σκύ- λων ὠφελείαις, καὶ ὡς αἰτιωτάτοις τῆς νίκης αὐτῷ γεγενημένοις εὐχαριστήσας, ἀπέπεμψεν εἰς ‘lepo- σόλυμα πρὸς ᾿Ιωνάθην, μαρτυρῶν αὐτῷ τῆς συμ- 148 μαχίας. ὕστερον δὲ πονηρὸς εἰς αὐτὸν ἐγένετο καὶ τὰς ὑποσχέσεις διεψεύσατο, καὶ πόλεμον ἠπείλησεν > A ~ “a εἰ μὴ τοὺς φόρους αὐτῷ πάντας ἀποδώσει, οὕς »Μ \ ~ > / £ ” > A ~ j 4 where τὸ τῶν “lovdaiwy ἔθνος ἀπὸ τῶν πρώτων βασιλέων. καὶ ταῦτα ἐποίησεν av, εἰ μὴ Τρύφων αὐτὸν ἐπέσχε καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην αὐτοῦ παρασκευὴν ἀντιμετέσπασεν εἰς τὰς περὶ αὑτοῦ" / « / \ > lal > / >? 144 φροντίδας. ὑποστρέψας yap ex τῆς ᾿Αραβίας εἰς τὴν Συρίαν μετὰ τοῦ παιδὸς ᾿Αντιόχου (μειράκιον 1 τὴν συμμαχίαν coni. Schmidt. 2 αὐτοῦ PFLV. 294 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 139-144 and so they drove them out of the adjoining houses, which they quickly set on fire ; and as the houses were close together and mostly built of wood, the flames spread over the whole city and entirely con- sumed it. Thereupon the Antiochians, being unable to give help or to control the fire, turned to flight. But the Jews, leaping from roof to roof, pursued them in this manner, and a very strange manner of pursuit it was. Now when the king saw that the Antiochians were striving to save their children and wives, and for that reason were no longer fighting, he set upon them from other narrow streets, and on encountering them, killed many of them, so that they were forced to throw down their full armour and surrender to Demetrius. But he forgave them their acts of de- fiance, and so put an end to the uprising. He then presented the Jews with the spoils he had gained, and thanked them for having been chiefly responsible for his victory, after which he sent them back to Jerusalem to Jonathan with an acknowledgment of his assistance. Later on, however, he behaved basely toward him and belied his promises, threatening him with war unless he paid him all the kinds of tribute which the Jewish nation was required to pay from the time of the first kings.* And this threat he would have carried out, if Tryphon had not kept him from doing so and diverted his preparations against Jonathan into concern for his own interests.” For Tryphon had returned to Syria from Arabia with the α The demand of tribute is not mentioned in 1 Macc., which says merely (xi. 53) that “ he belied all that he had said, and became estranged from Jonathan, and did not reward him for the loyalty which he had shown him, and oppressed him severely.” ® Variant “ concern about him (Tryphon).” 295 Demetrius Il’s in- gratitude toward the Jews. 1 Macc. δὶ, 55. 145 JOSEPHUS >> a whit \ ε , , Sth Aon \ δ᾽ ἦν οὗτος ἔτι' τὴν ἡλικίαν) περιτίθησιν αὐτῷ τὸ διάδημα. καὶ προσχωρήσαντος τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ παντός, ὃ κατελελοίπει τὸν Δημήτριον διὰ τὸ μὴ τυγχάνειν μισθῶν, πόλεμον ἐκφέρει πρὸς τὸν Δη- μήτριον, καὶ συμβαλὼν αὐτῷ κρατεῖ τῇ μάχῃ, καὶ τούς τε ἐλέφαντας καὶ τὴν τῶν ᾿Αντιοχέων πόλιν λαμβάνει. ’, \ ἂν « \ > 4 > (4) Δημήτριος μὲν οὖν ἡττηθεὶς ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς , ε \ a > / / \ > Κιλικίαν, ὁ δὲ παῖς ᾿Αντίοχος πέμψας πρὸς *Iw- νάθην πρεσβευτὰς καὶ γράμματα φίλον τε καὶ σύμμαχον αὐτὸν ἐποιεῖτο καὶ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἐβεβαίου καὶ τῶν τεσσάρων παρεχώρει νομῶν ot 146 τῇ χώρᾳ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων προσετέθησαν. ἔτι γε μὴν 147 σκεύη χρυσᾶ καὶ ἐκπώματα καὶ πορφυρᾶν ἐσθῆτα, a / ? / > / \ / χρῆσθαι τούτοις ἐπιτρέπων, ἀπέστειλε, καὶ πόρπῃ δ᾽ αὐτὸν δωρεῖται χρυσέᾳ, καὶ τῶν πρώτων" αὐτοῦ καλεῖσθαι φίλων." τὸν ἀδελφὸν δ᾽ αὐτοῦ Σίμωνα στρατηγὸν τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀπὸ κλίμακος" τῆς Τυρίων > >? A ews Αἰγύπτου καθίστησιν. ᾿Ιωνάθης δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς 1 érvom. PFV. 3 τῶν πρώτων] τὸν πρῶτον P: πρῶτον LAMW. 3 φίλον PFLAMW. 4 ex Macc. Hudson: κλίματος (pr. τοῦ PF V) codd.: regione Lat. «1 Mace. xi. 55 says that the troops turned against Demetrius because he had ‘‘ told them to go to the devil (ἀπεσκοράκισεν).᾽" ὃ The elephants (1 Macc. xi. 56 has ‘‘ beasts’’) were probably those brought by Ptolemy Philometor (¢f. above, § 117) which later came into the possession of Demetrius. ¢ 1 Mace. does not tell where Demetrius fled; Livy, τέ. lii., gives Seleucia (on the coast), which is probably the correct reading, if, as stated by Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 227, Tryphon “‘ had some footing in Cilicia.” 296 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 144-147 young Antiochus—he was still a mere lad—, and placed the diadem on his head. And as the entire body of soldiers who had deserted Demetrius because they had not received their pay “ went over to him, he declared war against Demetrius, and engaging him in battle, overcame him and took possession both of the elephants ὃ and of the city of Antioch. (4) Demetrius, therefore, on being beaten, retired to Cilicia,“ while the young Antiochus sent envoys with letters to Jonathan, proposing to make him his friend and ally, to confirm him as high priest, and to yield to him the four districts which had been added to the territory of the Jews%; moreover, he sent him vessels and cups of gold and purple garments, with permission to use them, and presented him with a gold brooch and the right to be called one of his First Friends.’ He also appointed Jonathan’s brother Simon commander of the army from the Ladder? of Tyre to Egypt. Thereupon’ Jonathan, being pleased 4 The clause “ which had been added to the territory of the Jews’ is not found in 1 Mace. Modern scholars who do not assume that Josephus added it erroneously are divided in opinion concerning the location of the fourth district; some think Ptolemais is meant, some Akkaron (Ekron), given to Jonathan earlier by Alexander Balas (1 Mace. x. 89); Abel, GP ii. 135, suggests Acrabattene. Others, rejecting Josephus’ interpretation, assume that Judaea itself is meant. The first three districts are, of course, those taken from Samaria, namely Aphairema, Lydda and Ramathain (cf. above, § 127). 61 Mace. xi. 57, “‘ one of the Friends of the king.” On the title πρῶτοι φίλοι cf. Bikerman, Inst. Sél. p. 41. 7 “ Tjadder’’ is conjectured; the mss. have “ region.” The Ladder of Tyre was the coastline between Tyre and Ptolemais, including the mod. Rds el-Abyad and Ras en- Naqira. 9 8 147 is an addition to 1 Mace. 297 Antiochus VI honours Jonathan. 1 Mace. X12 Ove 148 149 150 JOSEPHUS παρ᾽ ᾿Αντιόχου γεγενημένοις εἰς αὐτὸν ἡσθείς, πέμψας πρὸς αὐτόν τε καὶ Τρύφωνα πρεσβευτάς, εἶναί τε φίλος ὡμολόγει καὶ σύμμαχος καὶ πολεμή- σειν σὺν αὐτῷ πρὸς Δημήτριον, διδάσκων ὡς οὐδ᾽ αὐτῷ χάριτας ἀποδοίη πολλῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ χρη- στῶν ἐν οἷς ἐδεῖτο τυχών, ἀλλὰ προσαδικήσειεν ἀνθ᾽ ὧν εὖ πάθοι. (5) Συγχωρήσαντος οὖν ᾿Αντιόχου δύναμιν αὐτῷ συναγαγόντι πολλὴν ἔκ τε Συρίας καὶ Φοινίκης τοῖς Δημητρίου πολεμῆσαι στρατηγοῖς, εὐθὺς ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ" τὰς πόλεις. αἱ δὲ λαμπρῶς μὲν αὐτὸν" ἐξεδέ- ἔαντο, στρατιὰν δ᾽ οὐκ ἔδοσαν. παραγενόμενος δ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν πρὸς ᾿Ασκάλωνα πόλιν, καὶ τῶν ᾿Ασκα- λωνιτῶν φιλοτίμως αὐτῷ μετὰ δώρων ἀπαντησάν- των, αὐτούς τε τούτους παρεκάλει καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ πόλεων ἑκάστην. ἀποστᾶσαν Δημητρίου προσθέσθαι μὲν ᾿Αντιόχῳ, σὺν αὐτῷ δὲ πολεμούσας πειρᾶσθαι παρὰ Δημητρίου δίκην λαμβάνειν ὧν ἁμάρτοι ποτὲ εἰς αὐτάς" εἶναι δ᾽ αὐταῖς βουλομέναις ταῦτα φρονεῖν πολλὰς αἰτίας. πείσας δ᾽ ὁμολο- γῆσαι' πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντίοχον συμμαχεῖν τὰς “πόλεις, εἰς, Γάζαν - παρεγένετο, προσαξόμενος καὶ τὴν παρὰ τούτων εὔνοιαν ᾿Αντιόχῳ. πολὺ δ᾽ εὗρε τῆς προσ- δοκίας τοὺς Γαξαίους ἀλλοτριώτερον ἔχοντας" ἀπέκλεισαν γὰρ αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας, καὶ τὸν Δημή- 1 Dindorf: ἀποδώη codd. 2 es PFLV. 3 αὐτὸν om. PEFV. 4 εἰς FLVE. 5 ὁμολογήσειν LAMW. 2 In §§ 148-153 Josephus greatly amplifies (from a now lost Hellenistic source) 1 Macc. xi. 60-62. » Phoenicia is not mentioned in 1 Macc., which says, xi. 60, 298 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 147-150 with the honours conferred upon him by Antiochus, sent envoys both to him and to Tryphon, professing to be his friend and ally, and agreeing to fight with him against Demetrius, for, he explained, Demetrius had shown him no gratitude for the many favours he had received from him in time of need, but had, on the contrary, done him further wrong in return for the kindnesses he had received. (5) “ Accordingly, when Antiochus gave him leave to gather together a large force from Syria and Phoenicia’ and fight against Demetrius’ generals, Jonathan at once set out for the cities thereof. But these, while they received him splendidly, gave him no troops. And so from there he went to the city of Ascalon, where the inhabitants met him with honours and gifts, whereupon he urged them and every one of the cities in Coele- Syria as well to abandon Demetrius and join Antiochus, and to fight together with him in an attempt to exact satisfaction of Demetrius for whatever wrongs he may have done them; for, he said, there were many reasons why they should be willing to take his side.? And when he had persuaded the cities to agree to an alliance with Antiochus, he went to Gaza in order to gain for Antiochus their goodwill also. But he found the people of Gaza much more hostile than he had ex- pected, and they shut their gates against him, and “And Jonathan went out and marched beyond the river (probably through Transjordan, not through Transeuphrates =Syria, as Bévenot supposes) and in the cities, and the whole force of Syria gathered to him as allies.” ° This last sentence contradicts 1 Macc. xi. 60, quoted in the preceding note. 4 § 149, from the words, “‘ whereupon he urged them” is an addition to 1 Mace. 299 Jonathan rouses the Syrian cities against De- metrius II. 1 Mace. xi. 60. JOSEPHUS > , 1 > ” > , τριον ἐγκαταλιπόντες οὐκ ἔγνωσαν ᾿Αντιόχῳ 151 προσχωρῆσαι. τοῦτο παρώξυνεν εἰς πολιορκίαν τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην καὶ τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν" τὴν κάκωσιν: μέρος γὰρ τῆς στρατιᾶς περικαθίσας τῇ Day, τῷ οιπῷ τὴν γῆν αὐτὸς ἐπιὼν διέφθειρε καὶ ἐν- επίμπρα. ταῦτα δὲ πάσχοντας αὑτοὺς ὁρῶντες ot a 3 \ , Somat / , Γαζῦται καὶ μηδεμίαν ἀπὸ Δημητρίου βοήθειαν αὐτοῖς γινομένην, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν λυποῦν ἤδη παρόν, \ > > ~ \ ” \ Μ > τὸ δ᾽ ὠφελῆσον μακρὰν ἔτι καὶ ἄδηλον εἰ παρα- γένοιτο, σῶφρον ἔκριναν εἶναι τοῦτ᾽ ἀφέντες περι- 152 μένειν' ἐκεῖνο" θεραπεύειν. πέμψαντες οὖν πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην φιλίαν τε ὡμολόγουν καὶ συμμα- χίαν: οἵ μὲν γὰρ ἄνθρωποι πρὸ πείρας τῶν δεινῶν οὐ συνιᾶσιν τὸ συμφέρον, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἔν τινι κακῷ γενόμενοι τύχωσιν, τότε γνωσιμαχήσαντες ἃ μηδ᾽ ὅλως βλαβέντας «ἄμεινον ἦν ποιεῖν ταῦτα 153 ὕστερον ζημιωθέντες αἱροῦνται. ὁ δὲ συνθέμενος πρὸς αὐτοὺς φιλίαν καὶ λαβὼν ὁμήρους, τούτους μὲν ἀπέστειλεν εἰς “Ιεροσόλυμα, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν χώραν ἅπασαν ἐπῆλθεν ἄχρι Δαμασκοῦ. na ~ \ / ree ee / 7 154 (6) Τῶν δὲ Δημητρίου στρατηγῶν" ἀκουσθέντων » ~ A. 8 > / 9 \ ~ ~ αὐτῷ προελθεῖν" εἰς Kédacav® σὺν πολλῇ στρατιᾷ (μεταξὺ"" δ᾽ ἐστὶν αὕτη τῆς τε Τυρίων γῆς καὶ τῆς 1 tov . . . ἐγκαταλιπόντες aut post ἔγνωσαν aut post προσ- χωρῆσαι: collocanda esse putat Holw erda. 2 αὐτῶν om. PFV 3 Talets AMW: : Γαζαῖοι VE Lat. 4 Bekker: papules codd. 5 ἐκεῖνον AMW. 5 στρατιωτῶν PFLV. 7 ἀκουσθέντων om. PFLV. 8 προσελθόντων PELV: προσελθεῖν 1". ® + πόλιν PFLV. 10 πλησίον PFLV. 2 The desertion of Demetrius is a detail not found in 1 Mace. 300 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 150-154 though they had deserted Demetrius,’ resolved not to go over to Antiochus. This provoked Jonathan to besiege them and to ravage their territory, and investing Gaza with a part of his army, he himself with the rest of it overran their land, destroying and burning it. When the people of Gaza saw in what a plight they were, and that no help was coming to them from Demetrius, but that, on the contrary, distress was already upon them, while the likelihood of assistance was still remote and it was uncertain whether it would come at all, they decided that it would be wise to give up waiting for assistance, and to remedy their distress.” Accordingly, they sent to Jonathan and proposed a friendly alliance. For before they experience misfortune, human beings do not understand what is good for them; only when they find themselves in some difficulty and after stubbornly resisting what they might better have done when they were quite unharmed, do they finally choose to do this when once they have been afflicted.° And so Jonathan made a friendly agreement with them and accepted their hostages, and sent these off to Jerusalem, while he himself marched through the whole country as far as Damascus. (6) But when news came to him that Demetrius’ generals were advancing? to Kedasa® with a great army—this city lies between the land of Tyre and Ὁ This sentence is an addition to 1 Mace. © Similar moralizing additions to biblical passages may be found in the earlier books of Ant. As in the present instances they often contain Thucydidean echoes. 4 Variant *‘ But when Demetrius’ soldiers were ad- vancing.”’ © txx Kades (v.1. Kydes), Luc. Κέδες : it is the bibl. Kadesh of Naphtali, ΝΟΥ, of Lake Huleh, cf. Ant. v. 63. 301 Jonathan invades Galilee; Simon captures Bethsur, 1 Mace. xi. 63. JOSEPHUS Γαλιλαίας: ἀπάξειν yap αὐτὸν ex τῆς Συρίας « / > ἢ A λ λ , « / 11 A ὑπέλαβον ἐπὶ τὴν Γαλιλαίαν ὡς σύμμαχον" τοὺς \ / » ? A2 > / yap Γαλιλαίους ὄντας αὐτοῦ" οὐ περιόψεσθαι πολεμουμένους), ὑπήντησεν" αὐτοῖς, τὸν ἀδελφὸν 155 Σίμωνα καταλιπὼν ἐν τῇ ᾿Ιουδαίᾳ ὃς καὶ" στρατὸν ἐκ τῆς χώρας συναγαγὼν ὡς ἐνῆν ἱκανώτατον, τὴν Βεθσούραν πολιορκῶν προσεκάθητο, χωρίον τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας ὀχυρώτατον" κατεῖχε, γὰρ αὐτὸ φρουρὰ Δημητρίου. δεδήλωται. δὲ ἡμῖν τοῦτο καὶ πρό- 156 τερον. ὡς δὲ χώματα μὲν ἐγείραντος τοῦ Σίμωνος, μηχανήματα" δ᾽ ἱστάντος" καὶ πολλῇ σπουδῇ χρω- μένου περὶ τὴν τῆς Βεθσούρου πολιορκίαν ἔδεισαν οἱ φρουροὶ μὴ κατὰ κράτος ἐξαιρεθέντος τοῦ χωρίου διαφθαρῶσιν, πέμψαντες πρὸς τὸν Σίμωνα ἠξίουν, ὅρκους λαβόντες ὥστε μηδὲν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ παθεῖν, καταλιπεῖν τὸ χωρίον καὶ πρὸς Δημήτριον 151 ἀπελθεῖν. ὁ δὲ δοὺς ταύτας αὐτοῖς τὰς πίστεις ἐκβάλλει μὲν ἐκείνους ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, αὐτὸς δὲ φρουρὰν καθίστησιν" ἰδίαν. 158 (7) ᾿Ιωνάθης δὲ ἄρας ἐκ τῆς VadtAalas ἀπὸ τῶν ὑδάτων τῶν Levynodpwyv λεγομένων (ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἐτύγχανεν ἐστρατοπεδευκώς) εἰς τὸ καλούμενον 1 Ταλιλαίαν ὡς σύμμαχον] τῶν Γαλιλαίων συμμαχίαν AMW. 2 τοὺς. . . αὐτοῦ] τῆς γὰρ Γαλιλαίας ὄντας αὐτοὺς PFY. 8. οὖν AMWE. 4 τὸν PFV: om. A. 5 Hudson: pr. καὶ AMWE: μηχανήματος PFLYV. ὁ ἐνστάντος PF LV: constituisse Lat. 7 Pr. καὶ PFLAM. 8 ἐγκαθίστησιν Herwerden. α More exactly Kadesh was in the territory of Tyre, north of Galilee ; cf. Carte VIII in Abel, GP, vol. ii. » Variant “ to the assistance of the Galilaeans.” J osephus here paraphrases 1 δος. ΣΙ, ὃ9. βουλόμενοι μεταστῆσαι αὐτὸν τῆς χρείας, which seems to mean, “ἡ wishing to draw him (Jonathan) off from his purpose,” ‘ie. of helping Antiochus 302 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 154-158 Galilee*; for they supposed that they could draw him off from Syria to Galilee as an ally of the latter country,” and that he would not suffer the Galilaeans, who were of his own people, to be attacked by the enemy—,° he went out to meet them, leaving his brother Simon in Judaea; and Simon also gathered together as considerable an army as was possible from this country, and encamped before Bethsur @ to besiege it, this being a very strong fortress in Judaea, which was held by a garrison of Demetrius. But of this we have spoken before.@ And when Simon raised earthworks and set up siege-engines and showed much vigour in besieging Bethsur,’ the garrison were afraid that the place might be taken by storm and they be destroyed; and so they sent to Simon and requested that they might leave the place and go back to Demetrius, on receiving sworn assurances that they should suffer no harm at his hands.’ He therefore gave them these pledges, and putting them out of the city, stationed his own garrison therein. (7) Meanwhile Jonathan set out from Galilee from the waters of Gennesar,” as they are called—for this was where he was then encamped—, and proceeded vs. Demetrius. Moreover for χρείας Josephus, as Grimm remarks, seems to have read χώρας, as do some Lxx Mss. © This reference to the kinship of the Galilaeans and Jews is an addition to 1 Mace. It should be noted that at this time Galilee was still chiefly gentile, and was not judaized until the time of Hyreanus or Aristobulus; ef. Schiirer i. 276. ¢ Cf. Ant. xii. 313 note ἃ. 6 In § 42, 7 These details are not found in 1 Mace. 9 1 Mace. says nothing of these conditions of surrender. * See the detailed description of Gennesar (Gennesareth) in BJ. iii. 506-521. 503 Jonathan defeats Demetrius ILin Galilee. 1 Mace. xi. 67. 159 160 161 162 JOSEPHUS > \ / ~ °’ > \ » >’ 2. WA Ασὼρ πεδίον προῆλθεν, οὐκ εἰδὼς ὄντας ev αὐτῇ τοὺς πολεμίους. μαθόντες δὲ πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας οἱ ~ / / 9 / Io > \ / τοῦ Δημητρίου μέλλειν ᾿Ιωνάθην en’ αὐτοὺς βαδί- ζειν, ἐνέδραν αὐτῷ καὶ τοὺς λοχήσοντας ἐν τῷ ὄρει καθίσαντες αὐτοὶ μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀπήντων > \ / Δ > \ € 3 / « / \ els TO πεδίον: οὗς ἰδὼν ὁ ᾿Ιωνάθης ἑτοίμους πρὸς > μάχην, παρεσκευάζετο καὶ αὐτὸς τοὺς ἰδίους στρατιώτας πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα, ὡς ἠδύνατο. τῶν δὲ εἰς τὴν ἐνέδραν ὑπὸ τῶν Δημητρίου στρατηγῶν A > κατασταθέντων κατὰ νώτου τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις yevo- ἐκ ,ὔ \ / Q/ > / μένων, δείσαντες μὴ μέσοι ληφθέντες ἀπόλωνται, ¢ φεύγειν ὥρμησαν. καὶ ot μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες τὸν > / / 3 / / « \ / Ιωνάθην κατέλιπον, ὀλίγοι δέ τινες ὡς περὶ πεντή- «ε κοντα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὑπέμειναν, καὶ Ματθίας ὁ ᾿Αψαλώμου καὶ ᾿Ιούδας ὁ Χαψαίου, τῆς ἁπάσης δυνάμεως ἡγεμόνες ὄντες, οἵ τολμηρῶς" καὶ μετὰ ἀπογνώσεως εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους ὠσάμενοι τῷ τε θάρσει κατέπληξαν αὐτοὺς καὶ ταῖς χερσὶν ἀπ- ἔστρεψαν εἰς φυγήν. οἱ δ᾽ ἀναχωρήσαντες τῶν ᾿Ιωνάθου στρατιωτῶν ὡς εἶδον τοὺς πολεμίους τραπέντας, ἐπισυλλεγέντες ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς ὥρμησαν 2 ,ὕ αὐτοὺς διώκειν, καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐποίησαν μέχρι ΚΚεδασῶν, οὗ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἦν τοῖς πολεμίοις 1 λοχήσαντας PEFMV. 2 of τολμηρῶς] τολμηρῶς δὲ PFV. 3 τῶν πολεμίων FLV Lat. @ Bibl. Hazor, S.W. of Lake Huleh; cf. Ant. v. 199 note d. » Jonathan's ignorance of the enemy’s position is implied but not stated in 1 Macc. xi. 68, ‘‘ And behold, the host of foreigners met him in the plain.” ° That the enemy knew the day before of Jonathan’s 304 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 158-162 to the plain of βου, not knowing that the enemy were there.2 But as Demetrius’ men had learned the day before® that Jonathan was coming against them, they set an ambush of men to lie in wait for him in the mountains, while they with the main army went to meet him in the plain. And when Jonathan saw them ready for battle, he too prepared his own soldiers for the contest as well as he could. Thereupon the men placed in ambush by Demetrius’ generals appeared on the rear of the Jews, and they, fearing that they would be caught between two fires and be lost, made haste to flee. And so they all abandoned Jonathan, except a few, some fifty in number,? who stood their ground, among them Matthias, the son of Absalom, and Judas, the son of Chapsaios,® who were the commanders of the entire force; and these with recklessness and despair pushed back the enemy, and dismaying them by their courage and strength, made them turn and flee.‘ And when those of Jonathan’s soldiers who had retreated saw the enemy in rout, they rallied after their flight and hastened to pursue them, which they did as far as Kedasa,’ where the enemy had their camp. coming is a detail not found in 1 Macc., but possibly based on Josephus’ mistaken reading of the clause in 1 Mace. xi. 67, ‘‘ and they (Jonathan’s men) got up early in the morning (ὥρθρισαν τὸ πρωΐ) to go to the plain of Asor.” 1 Mace. gives no number, and mentions only Matthias and Judas. “1 Mace. XaAdi or Χαλφεί. f Josephus slightly amplifies the account of the two heroes’ deed; on the other hand he omits the detail of Jonathan’s rending his garments and praying, with earth on his head, in distress at the rout of his men. 9 Cf. § 154 note ὁ. 305 163 164 165 166 JOSEPHUS K / > ἢ (0 ~ / r ~ (8) Kpatjoas οὖν ᾿Ιωνάθης τῇ μάχη λαμπρῶς καὶ δισχιλίους τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀποκτείνας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα. ὁρῶν δὲ' ὅτι πάντ᾽ αὐτῷ κατὰ νοῦν προνοίᾳ θεοῦ χωρεῖ, πρὸς Ρωμαίους πρεσ- βευτὰς ἀπέστειλεν, ἀνανεώσασθαι βουλόμενος τὴν ~ » uv γενομένην τῷ ἔθνει πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔμπροσθεν φιλίαν. a A aA 2 ~ τοῖς δ᾽ αὐτοῖς" πρεσβευταῖς ἐπέστειλεν ἀπὸ τῆς ‘Pp / > / ‘ \ >, / > ὦμης ἀναστρέφουσι πρὸς τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας ad- ικέσθαι καὶ τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὑπομνῆσαι φιλίαν καὶ ,ὔ ς ὃ᾽ « ἦλθ ᾽ \ Ῥ / συγγένειαν. of δ᾽ ὡς ἦλθον εἰς τὴν Ρώμην, παρελ- θόντες εἰς τὴν βουλὴν αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ παρὰ ᾿Ιωνάθου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως εἰπόντες, ὡς πέμψειεν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ ΄ ~ / / ~ ~ τῇ τῆς συμμαχίας βεβαιώσει, τῆς βουλῆς ἐπι- / \ / ~ \ ~ κυρωσάσης τὰ πρότερον αὐτῇ περὶ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίων / \ φιλίας ἐγνωσμένα, Kat δούσης ἐπιστολὰς πρὸς ¢ \ a ~ > / ἅπαντας τοὺς βασιλεῖς τῆς ᾿Ασίας καὶ Εὐρώπης ~ », - καὶ τῶν πόλεων ἄρχοντας αὐτοῖς κομίζειν, ὅπως ἀσφαλοῦς τῆς εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν κομιδῆς δι’ αὐτῶν 3 τύχωσιν, ἀναστρέφοντες εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην παρ- > eyevovTo, Kal Tas ἐπιστολὰς ἃς ἔλαβον παρὰ *Iw- 10 > “- 3 45 \ OF > / > , νάθου αὐτοῖς ἀπέδοσαν. τὸ δ᾽ ἀντίγραφον ἣν τόδε: 3 ~ » ~ “ ἀρχιερεὺς ᾿Ιωνάθης τοῦ ἔθνους τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ ἡ γερουσία καὶ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν ἱερέων Λακεδαι- 1 οὖν P: om. E Exe. 2 αὐτοῦ AMVE Lat. Exe. 3 anv... βεβαίωσιν PFV. 4 Ἰουδαίων V. # 3000, according to 1 Mace. > 1 Mace. xii. 1, “‘ And Jonathan saw that the occasion aided him” (ὅτι 6 καιρὸς αὐτῷ συνεργεῖ). 1 Mace. is notably sparing in allusions to divine intervention. a the time of Judas; ef. Ant. xii. 415 ff. (1 Mace. viii. 1 πὸ 306 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 163-166 (8) Having, therefore, won a brilliant victory, in which he ldlled two thousand “ of his foes, Jonathan returned to Jerusalem. And when he saw that by God’s providence all his affairs were going to his 5 liking,’ he sent envoys to the Romans, for he wished to renew the friendship which his nation had formerly had with them. These same “@ envoys he instructed to visit the Spartans on their return from Rome, and to remind them of the Jews’ friendship and kinship with them.’ Accordingly, when they came to Rome, they appeared before the Senate and delivered the message of the high priest Jonathan, saying that he had sent them to confirm the alliance, whereupon the Senate ratified its former decrees concerning friendship with the Jews, and gave them letters to take to all the kings of Asia and Europe and to the magistrates of the cities,’ in order that through them they might obtain safe-conduct to their own country ; and on their return they came to Sparta and delivered to them the letter which they had received from Jonathan, of which the following is a copy. “ Jona- than, high priest of the Jewish nation, and the senate and council of priests 5 to their brothers, the ephors 4 Variant “ And his.” ¢ On Jews and Spartans see works cited in Appendix F. 7 Here Josephus expands and clarifies the obscure state- ment in 1 Mace. xii. 4, “‘ And they (the Romans) gave them letters to those in every place.” 9 Variant ‘community (κοινόν) of Jews.’ 1 Mace. xii. 6 reads, ‘“‘ Jonathan, high priest, and the senate of the nation and the priests and the rest of the people (δῆμος) of the Jews.” The variant, κοινὸν τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων, would seem to correspond closely to the expression heber ha- Y*hiidim found on coins of John Hyrcanus, cf. Schiirer i. 269 n. 25; for examples of the narrower meaning of κοινόν (=council) see Schalit, p. 117 n. 14. 307 Jonathan renews the treaty with oe face. Xi, 74, The Jews’ letter to the Spartans. 1 Mace. xii. 6. 167 168 169 JOSEPHUS μονίων ἐφόροις καὶ γερουσίᾳ καὶ δήμῳ, τοῖς ἀδελ- φοῖς χαίρειν. εἰ ἐρρωμένοις ὑ ὑμῖν καὶ τὰ κοινὰ καὶ τὰ ἴδια χωρεῖ κατὰ νοῦν, οὕτως ἂν ἔχοι ὡς βουλόμεθα: ἐρρώμεθα δὲ καὶ ἡμεῖς. ἐπειδὴ τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν. χρόνοις κομισθείσης ’Ovia τῷ γενομένῳ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν' ἀρχιερεῖ παρὰ ᾿Ἀρείου" τοῦ βασιλεύ- σαντος ὑμῶν “ἐπιστολῆς διὰ ,Δημοτέλους περὶ τῆς ὑπαρχούσης ἡμῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς" συγγενείας, ἧς ὑπο- τέτακται τὸ ἀντίγραφον, τήν τε ἐπιστολὴν ἐδεξάμεθα προθύμως καὶ τῷ Δημοτέλει καὶ τῷ ᾿Αρείῳ εὐ- νοϊκῶς διετέθημεν, οὐ δεόμενοι τῆς τοιαύτης ἀποδείξεως διὰ τὸ ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν ἡμῶν πεπιστεῦ- σθαι' γραμμάτων" τὸ μὲν οὖν" προκατάρχειν τῆς ἀναγνωρίσεως οὐκ ἐδοκιμάζομεν" μὴ καὶ προ- αρπάζειν δοκῶμεν τὴν παρ᾽ ὑμῶν διδομένην δόξαν, πολλῶν δὲ χρόνων διαγεγενημένων ἀπὸ τῆς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἀναποληθείσης" ἡμῖν οἰκειότητος, ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς καὶ ἐπωνύμοις ἡμέραις θυσίας τῷ θεῷ προσφέροντες καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμετέρας σωτηρίας τε καὶ νίκης αὐτὸν ἡ ερνάνδα, πολλῶν δ᾽ ἡμᾶς 1 παρ᾽ ἡμῖν om. PF. 2 "Ἄρεως P: “Apeos FV et sim. mox infra. 3 ὑμῖν πρὸς ἡμᾶς P. 4. πεπεῖσθαι AMW: credidimus Lat. 5 οὖν om. PF. 8 οὐδὲ δοκιμάζομεν PFV. 7 ἀναπληρωθείσης LAMW. 2 1 Macc. has merely, “ to the Spartiates, their brothers.” Some commentators take ‘‘ brothers “ἡ here to connote ethnic relations. δ This formula is not found in 1 Mace. © Demoteles is not mentioned in 1 Macc.; ef. Ant. xii. 227 note 7. 4 Gr. Areios, variant Areus (the more correct form) ; 1 Mace. Dareios, cf. Ant. xii. 226 note e. ¢ The letter of the Spartans, 1 Mace. xii. 19-23, is given 308 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 166-169 and senate and people of Lacedaemon,’ greeting. If you are well, and your public and private affairs are proceeding satisfactorily, it would be as we wish ; we are also well.’ When in former times there was brought by Demoteles ὁ to Onias, who was our high priest, from Areius,? your king, a letter, of which a copy is appended,’ concerning the kinship which exists between us and you, we gladly received the letter and showed ourselves kindly disposed toward both Demoteles and Areius, although we needed no such evidence since the kinship had been made certain through our sacred writings ; nor did’ we see fit to be beforehand in recognizing the relation, lest we might seem to be greedy in seeking the honour con- ferred by you’; and though a long time has passed since our kinship was first discussed,” yet, when we offer sacrifices to God on the holy days and memorial days,’ we continue to entreat Him for your well-being and victory. And though we have been involved earlier, in Ant. xii. 225 ff., by Josephus, who assumes that the Onias meant is Onias III. 7 Variant “ do.” 9 The preceding (from “ἡ although we needed no such evidence ’’) is an amplification, based on a misunderstanding or different reading of 1 Macc. xii. 9, ‘‘ We, therefore, although we have no need of these things (i.e. the alliances with Sparta), since we find comfort in the holy writings which we possess.” * Variant ‘‘ was first completed.” 1 Mace. xii. 10 has, “Much time has elapsed since you sent to us.” ἐ 1 Mace. xii. 11 reads, ‘‘ both on our festivals and on the other appropriate days we remember, etc.’’ Possibly the ὁ memorial’ (or “ἡ eponymous ’’) days refer to the Jewish New Year on the Ist of Tishri, called a ‘‘ memorial of blowing of trumpets ’”’ in Ley. xxiii. 94, There may also be a con- nexion with the usage of ‘‘eponymous”’ in archon eponymos, whose accession marked the new year in several Greek states. 309 170 171 JOSEPHUS πολέμων περιστάντων διὰ τὴν τῶν γειτνιώντων πλεονεξίαν, οὔθ᾽ ὑμῖν οὔτ᾽ ἄλλῳ' τῶν προσηκόντων ἡμῖν" ἐνοχλεῖν ἐκρίναμεν. καταγωνισάμενοι δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους, πέμποντες πρὸς Ῥωμαίους Νου- μήνιον τὸν ᾿Αντιόχου" καὶ ᾿Αντίπατρον τὸν ᾿Ϊά- σονος τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς γερουσίας ὄντων παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐν τιμῇ, ἐδώκαμεν αὐτοῖς καὶ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐπιστολάς, ὅπως ἀνανεώσωνται τὴν πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἡμῖν συγγέ- νειαν. καλῶς οὖν ποιήσετε καὶ αὐτοὶ γράφοντες ἡμῖν, καὶ περὶ ὧν ἂν δέησθε ἐπιστέλλοντες ὡς εἰς ἅπαντα προθυμησομένοις ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμετέρας προ- aipécews.”” οἱ δὲ" Λακεδαιμόνιοι τούς τε πρεσ- βευτὰς φιλοφρόνως ὑπεδέξαντο, καὶ “ψήφισμα ποιησάμενοι περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀπέστειλαν. (9) Κατὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον τρεῖς αἱρέσεις τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἦσαν, at περὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων πραγ- μάτων διαφόρως ὑπελάμβανον, ὧν ἡ μὲν Φαρι- σαίων ἐλέγετο, ἡ δὲ Σαδδουκαίων, ἡ τρίτη δὲ ᾿Βσσηνῶν. οἱ μὲν οὖν Φαρισαῖοι τινὰ καὶ οὐ πάντα τῆς εἱμαρμένης ἔργον εἶναι λέγουσι, τινὰ δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς ὑπάρχειν συμβαίνειν. τε καὶ μὴ γίνε- σθαι. τὸ δὲ τῶν ᾿Εσσηνῶν γένος πάντων τὴν 1 ἄλλοις ΤΑΜ Lat. 2 ὑμῖν PFLV. 3 ᾿Αντιμάχου FLAMVW. 4 πρὸς ὑμᾶς] ὑπάρχουσαν AMW. 5 φιλίαν AMW. 5 μὲν οὖ PFVL. 7 ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς LAMWE. 2 1 Mace. does not mention the covetousness of the neighbours of the Jews. > Variant Antimachus. © This clause is added by Josephus. 4 Variant ‘‘ may renew the friendship that exists between us. 310 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 169-172 in many wars through the covetousness? of our neigh- bours, we resolved not to trouble you or any other people connected with us. But having overcome our enemies, we have sent to the Romans Numenius, the son of Antiochus,’ and Antipater, the son of Jason, who belong to our senate and are held in honour by us,° and have given them a letter to you also, in order that they may renew our ties with you. You will do well, therefore, also to write us and instruct us concerning anything you may need, being assured that we shall be eager to carry out your wishes in all respects.” @ Aa the Lacedaemonians received the envoys in a friendly manner, and after making a decree concerning a friendly alliance with the Jews, sent them on their way. (9) * Now at this time there were three schools of The three thought among the Jews, which held different ΠΡΈΠΕΙ - opinions concerning human affairs; the first being thought. that of the τ 3: the second that of the Sad- ducees, and the third that of the Essenes. As for the Pharisees, they say that certain events are the work of Fate,’ but not all; as to other events, it de- pends upon ourselves whether they shall take place or not. The sect of Essenes, however, declares that ¢ The last sentence amplifies 1 Mace. xii. 18. 7 The following passage on the Jewish sects will be dis- cussed, together with related passages, in an appendix in the last volume of this translation. Here it may suffice to note that Josephus (or his source—probably Nicolas of Damascus) presents the varying religions and social philo- sophies of the three groups in such a way that they will be more intelligible to Greek readers. 9 Fate is here, of course, the Greek equivalent of what we should call Providence. Cf. further G. F. Moore, “ Fate and Free Will in the Jewish Philosophies according to Josephus,” HTR xxii. (1929), 371-389. 311 173 174 176 JOSEPHUS εἱμαρμένην κυρίαν ἀποφαίνεται, καὶ μηδὲν ὃ μὴ κατ᾽ ἐκείνης ψῆφον ἀνθρώποις ἀπαντᾷ. Σαδδου- καῖοι δὲ τὴν μὲν εἱμαρμένην ἀναιροῦσιν, οὐδὲν εἶναι ταύτην ἀξιοῦντες, οὐδὲ κατ᾽ αὐτὴν τὰ ἀν- θρώπινα τέλος λαμβάνειν, ἅπαντα δὲ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς κεῖσθαι, ὡς καὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν αἰτίους ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς" γινομένους καὶ τὰ χείρω παρὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν ἀβουλίαν λαμβάνοντας. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἀκριβεστέραν πεποίημαι δήλωσιν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βίβλῳ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαϊκῆς πραγματείας. (10) Οἱ δὲ τοῦ Δημητρίου στρατηγοὶ τὴν γε- γενημένην ἧτταν ἀναμαχέσασθαι βουλόμενοι, πλείω τῆς προτέρας δύναμιν συναγαγόντες ἦλθον ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην. ὁ δὲ ἐπιόντας πυθόμενος ὀξέως ἀπήν- THOEV αὐτοῖς εἰς τὴν ᾿Αμαθῖτιν" οὐ γὰρ ἔγνω σχολὴν αὐτοῖς παρασχεῖν, ὥστ᾽ εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἐμβαλεῖν. στρατοπεδευσάμενος δὲ τῶν πολεμίων ἄπωθεν σταδίοις πεντήκοντα, πέμπει τοὺς κατ- οψομένους αὐτῶν τὴν παρεμβολὴν καὶ πῶς εἶεν ἐστρατοπεδευκότες. τῶν δὲ κατασκόπων πάντ᾽ αὐτῷ φρασάντων καί τινας συλλαβόντων νυκτός, οἵ αὐτῷ μέλλειν ἐπιτίθεσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐμήνυον, προγνοὺς ἠσφαλίσατο, προφύλακάς τε ποιησάμενος ἔξω τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ τὴν δύναμιν δι᾽ ὅλης τῆς νυκτὸς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἔχων ἅπασαν, καὶ παρηγγεὰλ- 1 Dindorf: οὔτε codd. E. 2 P: τίθενται rell. E: supponunt Lat. 3 αὐτοὺς om. P. α΄ Bowie 119-166; >» Gr. Amathitis, elsewhere in Josephus (6... Ant. i. 138, vii. 107) called Amathiis or Amathé; it is the mod. Hama. The city of Hamath, in the Hellenistic period called Epi- phania, lay on the Orontes river, c. 50 miles N.E. of the 312 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 172-176 Fate is mistress of all things, and that nothing befalls men unless it be in accordance with her decree. But the Sadducees do away with Fate, holding that there is no such thing and that human actions are not achieved in accordance with her decree, but that all things lie within our own power, so that we our- selves are responsible for our well-being, while we suffer misfortune through our own thoughtlessness. Of these matters, ποτ τ δι I have given a more detailed account in the second book of the Jenish History.“ (10) Now Demetrius’ generals, wishing to make good the defeat they had sustained, ,gathered together a force larger than their former one, and came against Jonathan. But he had learned of their advance, and went quickly to meet them in the region of Hamath,? for he determined not to allow them time enough to invade Judaea. And he encamped at a distance of fifty stades° from the enemy, and sent men to spy on their camp and see how it was laid out. When the scouts had reported all these things to him, and by night“ had captured some men, who revealed to him that the enemy were about to set upon him, he, being forewarned, took measures for his safety by placing outposts outside the camp and keeping his force under arms throughout the entire night ; and Eleutherus river mentioned below in § 179. In “ the region of Hamath”’ Josephus must include territory considerably south of the city of Hamath ; otherwise we fail to understand why the Syrians should have retreated across (i.e. to the north of) the Eleutherus. © (.6 miles. No distance is mentioned in 1 Mace. 4 Perhaps the word νυκτός “by night ’’ should be placed after the relative pronoun οἵ, to agree with 1 Mace. xii. 26, which says that the scouts reported that the enemy intended to attack by night. VOL. VII 1, 313 Jonathan's further victories over Demetrius II. 1 Maca xii. 24. 178 179 180 JOSEPHUS κὼς αὐτοῖς τὰς ψυχὰς ἐρρωμένους εἶναι καὶ ταῖς διανοίαις οὕτως ἔχειν, ὡς καὶ διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς εἰ δεήσειε μαχουμένους," ὥστε μὴ λαθεῖν αὐτῶν τὴν προαίρεσιν. οἱ δὲ τοῦ Δημητρίου. στρατηγοὶ πυθό- μενοι τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην ἐγνωκότα, οὐκέτι τὴν γνώμην ἦσαν ὑγιεῖς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐτάραττεν αὐτοὺς τὸ καταφώρους τοῖς ἐχθροῖς γεγονέναι, καὶ μηδενὶ προσδοκᾶν" αὐτῶν ἐπικρατήσειν' ἑτέρῳ, τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς δι- ἡμαρτημένης" ἐκ γὰρ τοῦ φανεροῦ διακινδυνεύοντες οὐκ ἐνόμιζον εἶναι τοῖς ᾿Ιωνάθου “ἀξιόμαχοι. φυγὴν οὖν ἐβουλεύσαντο, καὶ πυρὰ καύσαντες πολλά, ὡς" ὁρῶντες οἱ πολέμιοι μένειν αὐτοὺς ὑπολάβοιεν," ἀνεχώρησαν. ὃ δὲ ᾿Ιωνάθης ἕωθεν προσμίξας αὐτῶν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ καταλαβὼν ἔρημον αὐτό, συνεὶς ὅτι πεφεύγασιν, ἐδίωκεν. οὐ μέντοι φθάνει καταλαβεῖν" ἤδη γὰρ τὸν *EAevbepov διαβεβηκότες ποταμὸν ἦσαν ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ. ποιησάμενος οὖν ἐκεῖθεν τὴν ὑποστροφὴν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αραβίαν, καὶ / \ \ A ἣν > ~ πολεμήσας τοὺς Ναβατηνοὺς καὶ πολλὴν αὐτῶν λείαν ἀπελάσας καὶ λαβὼν αἰχμαλώτους, ἐλθὼν εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἐκεῖ πάντα ἀπέδοτο. ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν 1 edd.: μαχομένους aut μαχησομένους codd. 2 μεμαθηκότα AMWE: cognovisse Lat. % προσδοκώντων LAMW : προσδοκοῦντας ed. pr. 4 ἔτι κρατήσειν AMW: ἔτι ἐπικρατήσειν L. 5 P: ὡς ἂν ΤΕ]]. E. 8. P: ὑπολάβωσιν L: ὑπολαμβάνωσιν rell. EF. 7 In the preceding two sentences Josephus amplifies 1 Mace. xii. 27-28. ’ The mod. Nahr el-Kebir, mentioned earlier in § 105 (cf. note there). ¢ The phrase cf. Thue. viii. 39. 4. 41 Mace. xii. 31-32, “* And Jonathan turned aside against 314 ες were on safe ground” is Thucydidean, JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 176-180 he exhorted them to keep their spirits high and their senses alert enough to fight even at night if necessary, that their enemy’s plan might not take them un- aware. But when Demetrius’ generals discovered that Jonathan knew their plan, they were no longer able to use sound judgment, and were disturbed at having been found out by their foes ; nor could they expect to overcome them by any other means, now that their stratagem had failed, for they did not con- sider themselves a match for Jonathan’s men, if they were to fight in the open. They therefore resolved on flight, and after lighting many fires in order that, when the enemy saw them, they might believe they were still there, they retreated. And when Jonathan came close to their camp at dawn and found it de- serted, he realized that they had fled, and went in pursuit of them, but was not quick enough to over- take them, for they had already crossed the Eleu- therus river’ and were on safe ground. He therefore turned back from there to Arabia and made war on the Nabataeans, driving off many of their cattle and taking captives, and then went to Damascus, where he sold them all.¢ About the same time his the Arabs called Zabadaeans, and defeated them and took their spoil. And removing thence he came to Damascus and marched through the whole country.’’ Perhaps Josephus connects the Zabadaeans of 1 Macc. with the Nabataean Arabs, who then lived considerably further south, because he associates them with “ἢ Zabdiel the Arab,’ who : cut off the head of Alexander Balas (§ 118=1 Mace. xi. 17). Some older commentators, however, (ap. Grimm) mention Zabdini, a district N.W. of Damascus, near the Eleutherus. Whence Josephus derived the detail of Jonathan’s sale of the cattle in Damascus is more difficult to explain. Possibly for διώδευσε “he marched through” Josephus read διέδωκε “he distributed ”’ or the like. 315 18] 183 JOSEPHUS καιρὸν Kal Σίμων ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν “ > \ \ \ ,ὔ “ > ἅπασαν ἐπελθὼν καὶ τὴν [[αλαιστίνην ἕως *Ao- , > , \ ΄ 1 \ ΄, κάλωνος, ἠσφαλίσατο τὰ φρούρια' καὶ ποιήσας ταῦτα καὶ τοῖς οἰκοδομήμασιν ὀχυρώτατα καὶ ταῖς φυλακαῖς, ἦλθεν εἰς ᾿Ιόππην, καὶ καταλαβόμενος αὐτὴν εἰσήγαγεν μεγάλην φρουράν: ἤκουσε γὰρ τοὺς ᾿Ιοππηνοὺς βουλομένους τοῖς Δημητρίου στρατηγοῖς παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν. r EIS > / “ , \ (11) Ταῦτ᾽ οὖν διοικησάμενοι 6 τε Σίμων καὶ > / Ss θ 3 > ‘T 5A \ A Ιωνάθης ἦλθον" εἰς Ιεροσόλυμα. συναγαγὼν δὲ τὸν λαὸν ἅπαντα εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ᾿Ιωνάθης συνεβου- λεύετο τά τε τῶν ἱἱεροσολύμων ἐπισκευάσαι" τείχη, καὶ τὸ καθῃρημένον τοῦ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν περιβόλου πάλιν ἀναστῆσαι καὶ πύργοις ὑψηλοῖς ἐξοχυρῶσαι τὰ περὶ αὐτό, πρὸς τούτοις δὲ καὶ μέσον τῆς / »Μ “-“ 5 / > Js πόλεως ἄλλο τεῖχος ἀνοικοδομησαμένους ἀποφράξαι τοῖς ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ φρουροῖς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ τῆς εὐπορίας αὐτοὺς τῶν σιτίων τοῦτον ἀποκλεῖσαι τὸν τρόπον, ἔτι γε μὴν καὶ τὰ ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ φρούρια ποιῆσαι πολὺ τῆς ὑπαρχούσης αὐτοῖς ἀσφαλείας ἰσχυρότερα. τῆς δὲ γνώμης καὶ τῷ πλήθει δοκι- μασθείσης καλῶς ἔχειν, αὐτὸς μὲν τὰ κατὰ τὴν i? > δ / \ \ A \ / πόλιν ὠκοδόμει, Σίμωνα δὲ TA κατὰ THY χώραν 1 τὰ φρούρια AMWE: φρουρίοις rell. 2 ὑπέστρεψαν AMWE Lat. ἐπικατασκευάσαι P: ἐπικατασκευάσασθαι AMWE. 4 ἀγορὰν AMWE ἀγορὰν A} i 2 Palestine here=Philistia. ‘The two countries are not mentioned in 1 Macc. > Variant ‘‘ making them secure with fortresses (or garrisons).”’ 51 Mace. xii. 33 says merely that Simon “ marched 316 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 180-183 brother Simon went through all Judaea and Palestine? as far as Ascalon, making their fortresses secure? and strengthening them with works and guards,’ and then went to Joppa, occupied it and introduced a large garrison into it”; for he had heard that the inhabi- tants of Joppa were ready to deliver up their city to Demetrius’ generals. (11) And so, having regulated these matters, both Simon and Jonathan came’ to Jerusalem. Here Jonathan gathered all the people together in the temple and advised them to repair the walls of Jerusalem, and to set up again the part of the wall round the temple which had been thrown down, and to fortify the temple precincts by high towers,’ and, in addition, to build still another wall in the midst of the city to keep the garrison in the citadel from reaching the city,” and in this way cut off their large supply of provisions; he further advised them to make the fortresses throughout the country far stronger than they were in their present state of security. And so, when this plan was approved by the people, Jonathan himself began the building in the city, and sent out Simon to make the fortresses through the country as far as Ascalon and the neighbouring fortresses.” Ἷ 4 The introduction of the large garrison is not mentioned in 1 Mace. Joppa had earlier been taken by the Jews, cf. 88 92 ff. (1 Macc. x. 76 ff.). * Variant “ returned.” ! The temple is not mentioned in 1 Macc. 9 1 Macc. does not mention the temple wall (and towers), destroyed earlier by Antiochus Eupator, cf. Ant. xii. 383 (1 Mace. vi. 62). On the text of 1 Mace. here see C. Torrey JBL ljiii. (1934), 32-33. " Variant “the market-place ” (agora). The ‘ city” is the western part of Jerusalem or ‘‘ Upper City.” 317 Jonathan fortifies Jerusalem, 1 Mace. xii. 35, 184 185 186 187 JOSEPHUS , ἐξέπεμψεν ἀσφαλισόμενον. ὁ δὲ Δημήτριος δια- Ny 2) > \ M / e 4, / Bas ets τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν ἧκε, ταύτην τε βουλό- μενος καὶ τὴν Βαβυλῶνα κατασχεῖν, καὶ τῶν ἄνω σατραπειῶν ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος ἐντεῦθεν ποιεῖσθαι τὰς ὅλης τῆς βασιλείας ἀφορμάς: καὶ γὰρ οἱ ταύτῃ κατοικοῦντες “EXAnves καὶ Μακεδόνες συνεχῶς ἐπρεσβεύοντο πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀφίκοιτο, παραδώσειν μὲν αὑτοὺς ὑπισχνούμενοι, συγκατα- πολεμήσειν δὲ ᾿Αρσάκην τὸν [[ἄρθων βασιλέα. ταύταις ἐπαρθεὶς ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ὥρμησεν πρὸς αὐ- τούς, εἰ καταστρέψαιτο τοὺς Πάρθους καὶ γένοιτ᾽ αὐτῷ δύναμις, τὸν Τρύφωνα πολεμῆσαι διεγνωκὼς \ ~ / bl a / \ > \ καὶ τῆς Συρίας ἐκβαλεῖν. δεξαμένων δὲ αὐτὸν προθύμως τῶν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, συναγαγὼν δύναμιν ἐπολέμησε πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αρσάκην, καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν ~ 3 \ b) δὴ “ >? / Ἢ \ > πᾶσαν ἀποβαλὼν αὐτὸς ζῶν ἐλήφθη, καθὼς Kai ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται." (vi. 1) Τρύφων δὲ ἐπειδὴ τὰ περὶ τὸν Δημήτριον » “-“ / / > ins } ἦν > , ἔγνω τοιοῦτο λαβόντα τέλος, οὐκέτ᾽ ἦν ᾿Αντιόχῳ / > > > / “ > > \ > / βέβαιος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεβούλευεν ὥστ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀποκτείνας τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτὸς κατασχεῖν. ἐνεπόδιζέ γε μὴν 1 καταβὰς PFL: ἀναβὰς coni. Niese. 5. δεδηλώκαμεν AMW Lat. α Josephus omits the statements in 1 Mace. xii. 37-38 about the condition of part of the city wall, and Simon’s capture of Adida in the Shephelah. » The following section, to § 187, is based on a Hellenistic source, probably Nicolas of Damascus. © The countries E. of the Euphrates. Demetrius invaded Parthia c. 140 p.c. According to 1 Mace. xiv. 1 it was in the Sel. yr. 172=141/0 5.6. ; according to Porphyry it was 318 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 184-187 in the country secure.* Meanwhile? Demetrius crossed into Mesopotamia, wishing to occupy both { that country and Babylon, and, by taking possession of the Upper Satrapies,° to make these his base for an attempt to control the entire kingdom. For the Greeks and Macedonians living in this region were in fact continually sending envoys to him, promising to go over to him, if he would come to them, and to join him in making war on Arsaces, the king of the Parthians.? Elated by these hopes, he set out for their country, being determined that, if he should subdue the Parthians and acquire a force of his own, he would make war on Tryphon and drive him out of Syria. And as the people of the country received him gladly, he gathered a force together and made war on Arsaces, but lost his entire army and was himself taken alive,’ as has been related elsewhere.’ (vi. 1) As for Tryphon, when he learned that De- metrius’ undertaking had come to such an end, he ceased to support Antiochus, but, instead, plotted to kill him and seize the throne himself.’ There was, in Olymp. 160, 2=139/8 B.c. For a discussion of the chronology of the campaigns, partly based on cuneiform records, see Debevoise, pp. 22-25. 4 This was Arsaces VI, Mithridates I, who ruled from 171 to 138 B.c. “ In 138 B.c. He was treated honourably and given the daughter of Mithridates in marriage. ! Not in Josephus’ works. The formula is taken over from his source, unless it means “ἢ in the works of others.” 9 Josephus, in amplifying 1 Macc. xii. 39, agrees with Appian, Syr. 67-68 and Justinus xxxvi. 1 in placing Try- phon’s usurpation after the capture of Demetrius by the Parthians. But, as the coins show and as is indicated by 1 Mace. xiii. 31, 41, Tryphon’s reign is to be dated from 142 or 141 B.c.; ef. Schiirer i. 172 and Bevan in CAH viii. 527. 319 pee Ba otuired by the Parthians. Tryphon’s designs on the throne and his plot against Jonathan, 1 Mace. xii. 39. 188 189 190 191 192 JOSEPHUS αὐτοῦ τὴν προαίρεσιν ταύτην ὁ παρὰ ᾿Ιωνάθου / ,ὔ ’ὔ > / ‘ ‘ ~ > φόβος φίλου τυγχάνοντος ᾿Αντιόχῳ, καὶ διὰ τοῦτ ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην πρῶτον ἔγνω, καὶ τότε τοῖς περὶ' τὸν ᾿Αντίοχον ἐγχειρεῖν. ἀπάτῃ > > \ ‘ / / > -“ > \ > δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ δόλῳ κρίνας ἀνελεῖν, εἰς Βεθσὰν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας παραγίνεται τὴν καλουμένην ὑφ᾽ « ’ὔ δὰ ,ὔ 5 Δ \ / Ψ ~ Βλλήνων Σκυθόπολιν, εἰς ἣν μετὰ τεσσάρων αὐτῷ μυριάδων ᾿Ιωνάθης ἀπήντησεν ἐπιλέκτου στρατοῦ: πολεμήσοντα γὰρ αὐτὸν ἥκειν ὑπέλαβεν." 6 8 ἕτοιμον εἰς “μάχην γνοὺς τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην" ὑπέρχεται δώροις αὐτὸν καὶ φιλοφρονήσει, καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν αὐτοῦ πειθαρχεῖν ᾿Ιωνάθῃ προσέταξε, τούτοις πιστώσασθαι βουλόμενος εὔνοιαν καὶ πᾶσαν ὑπό- 3 ~ > \ /, - > /, νοιαν ἐξελεῖν εἰς TO καταφρονήσαντα λαβεῖν ἀφύ- λακτον, οὐδὲν προορώμενον. τήν τε στρατιὰν συνεβούλευεν ἀπολῦσαι: καὶ γὰρ νῦν οὐ δεόντως > 7 αὐτὴν ἐπάγεσθαι, πολέμου μὲν οὐκ ὄντος, “εἰρήνης δὲ ἐχούσης τὰ πράγματα: κατασχόντα μέντοι γε περὶ αὐτὸν ὀλίγους εἰς Πτολεμαΐδα συνελθεῖν παρεκάλει: παραδώσειν γὰρ αὐτῷ τὴν πόλιν τά Μ / > a \ \ / > \ > / τε ἄλλα πάνθ᾽ ὅσα κατὰ τὴν χώραν ἐστὶν ὀχυρώ- ματα ποιήσειν ὑπ᾽" αὐτῷ: καὶ γὰρ τούτων ἕνεκα παρεῖναι. ρ « \ S 3 / > 4 / € /, (2) ‘O μὲν οὖν [ωνάθης οὐδὲν τούτων ὑπονοή- σας, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπ᾽ εὐνοίας καὶ γνώμης ἀληθοῦς τὸν Τρύφωνα συμβουλεῦσαι ταῦτα πιστεύσας, τὴν μὲν στρατιὰν ἀπέλυσε, τρισχιλίους δὲ κατα- ~ /, σχὼν μόνους τοὺς μὲν ΣΙ ΙΝΤΟΘΕ ἐν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ κατέλιπεν, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν χιλίων ἧκεν εἰς I] λ to A ~ ‘ifs / ~ δ᾽ > ~ τολεμαΐδα σὺν τῷ Τρύφωνι. τῶν ἐν τῇ 1 P: ἐπὶ rell. 3. ὑπελάμβανεν Ῥ, 8 γνοὺς τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην] ᾿Ιωνάθην ἰδὼν AMWE Lat. 320 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 187-192 however, an obstacle to this plan, namely his fear of Jonathan, who was Antiochus’ friend, and for that reason he determined first to get rid of Jonathan, and then make the attempt on Antiochus. And deciding to make an end of him by deceit and treachery, he went from Antioch to Bethsan,? called Scythopolis by the Greeks, where Jonathan met him with an army of forty thousand picked men, for he suspected that Tryphon had come to attack him. Accordingly, when Tryphon discovered that Jonathan was ready for battle, he flattered him with presents and friendliness, and ordered his officers to obey Jonathan, for he hoped by these means to convince him of his goodwill and to remove all his suspicions, in order that Jonathan might make light of these and be taken off his guard, foreseeing nothing.” He also advised him to dismiss his army, for now, he said, there was no need to bring it with him, since there was no war, and peace reigned over all ; he invited him, however, to keep a 15 Ὲ. men naan him and go with him to Ptolemais, saying that he would deliver up that city to him and give into his power all the other strongholds that were in the country ; it was for this reason, he said, that he had come there. (2) And so, having no suspicion of these things, but believing that Try phon had given him this advice out of goodwill and in sincerity, Jonathan dismissed his army and kept only three thousand men, of whom Tryphon captures Jonathan by treachery. 1 Macc. he left two thousand in Galilee, while he himself *#: 46. with a thousand went to Ptolemais with Tryphon. * Mod. Beisan, cf. Ant. ν. 83 note h. ὃ Tryphon’s motives are not stated at this point in 1 Mace. 4 én’ AMW. VOL. VII 12 321 193 194 195 196 JOSEPHUS Πτολεμαΐδι κλεισάντων tas πύλας (τοῦτο yap ἦν αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ Tpidwvos προστεταγμένον), τὸν \ > ~ μὲν ᾿Ιωνάθην ἐζώγρησε, τοὺς δὲ σὺν αὐτῷ πάντας 3 / » A \ > \ \ > τ ~ ἀπέκτεινεν. ἔπεμψε δὲ Kal ἐπὶ τοὺς ev TH Tar- AN , ,ὔ , a an” ‘ aia καταλειφθέντας δισχιλίους, ὅπως av Kal , > / > 2) e \ « A / τούτους ἀπολέσωσιν: ἀλλ᾽ οὗτοι μὲν ὑπὸ φήμης ~ \ \ > / ᾽ὔ ΝΜ τῶν περὶ τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην συμβεβηκότων ἔφθησαν, \ " ~ πρὶν ἢ τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ Τρύφωνος ἀπεσταλμένους ἀφικέσθαι, φραξάμενοι τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἀπελθεῖν. οἱ δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς πεμφθέντες ἰδόντες ἑτοίμους ὑπὲρ τῶν ψυχῶν ἀγωνίζεσθαι, μηδὲν αὐ- τοῖς ἐνοχλήσαντες πρὸς τὸν Τρύφωνα ὑπέστρεψαν. Ω ε > » ~ € / > , (3) Oc δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς “]εροσολύμοις ἀκούσαντες \ 3 / /, \ A ~ \ > ~ τὴν ᾿Ιωνάθου σύλληψιν καὶ τὴν τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ στρατιωτῶν ἀπώλειαν, αὐτόν τε ἐκεῖνον ἐπὶ τοῖς συμβεβηκόσιν ὠλοφύροντο καὶ δεινὴ τἀνδρὸς ἐπι- ζήτησις παρὰ πᾶσιν ἦν, δέος τε μέγα καὶ κατὰ λόγον αὐτοῖς ἐμπεσὸν ἐλύπει, μὴ τῆς ᾿Ιωνάθου ἀνδρείας ἅμα καὶ προνοίας ἀφῃρημένων τὰ πέριξ ΄ 3 ἔθνη, χαλεπῶς ἔχοντα πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ διὰ *lw- νάθην ἠρεμοῦντα, νῦν αὐτοῖς ἐπισυστῇ, καὶ πολε- μοῦντες εἰς τοὺς περὶ τῶν ἐσχάτων κινδύνους ἀναγκάζωνται καθίστασθαι. καὶ δὴ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὡς ὑπενόουν συνέπεσε: τὸν γὰρ ᾿Ιωνάθου ἀκού- σαντες θάνατον οἱ ἐκ τῶν ἐθνῶν πολεμεῖν ἤρξαντο τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ὡς ἀποροῦντας ἡγεμόνος. αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ Τρύφων δύναμιν συναγαγὼν" γνώμην εἶχεν ἀναβὰς εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν πολεμεῖν τοὺς ἐν 1 συλλέγων AMW. « This important detail is omitted by 1 Mace. $22 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 192-196 But the inhabitants of Ptolemais shut their gates— this they had been ordered to do by Tryphon—,? and he ὃ took Jonathan alive and killed all the men with him. He also sent troops against the two thousand men who had been left in Galilee, in order to destroy them as well, but they, at the rumour of what had befallen Jonathan and his men, protected themselves with their arms and succeeded in getting out of the country before the arrival of the men dispatched by Tryphon ; and when the troops sent against them by Tryphon saw that they were ready to fight for their lives, they returned to Tryphon without molest- ing them in any way. (3) But when the inhabitants of Jerusalem heard of the capture of Jonathan and of the destruction of the soldiers with him, they lamented the fate that had befallen him above all, and sorely did they all miss the hero; at the same time, as was natural, a great fear fell upon them and troubled them that now, when they were deprived of both the courage and foresight of Jonathan, the surrounding nations, who were hostile to them and had remained quiet only because of Jonathan, might rise up against them, and that they might be forced to do battle and undergo the most extreme dangers. And what they suspected did in fact befall them, for when the foreign nations heard of Jonathan’s death, they began _ to make war on the Jews, thinking them to be without a leader. As for Tryphon, he too gathered a force together with the intention of going up to Judaea and making war on its inhabitants. There- > 1 Mace. *‘ they ”’ (the inhabitants of Ptolemais). “1 Mace. xii. 49 adds, “‘and the great plain” (of Esdraelon). 323 The Jews are dismiyed by Jonathan's capture 1 Macc. xii. 52, 197 JOSEPHUS αὐτῇ. Σίμων δὲ ὁρῶν πρὸς ταῦτα τοὺς “]εροσολυ- μίτας καταπεπληγότας, βουλόμενος αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ ὑποστῆναι προθύμως ἐπιόντα τὸν Τρύφωνα θαρ- ραλεωτέρους ποιῆσαι τῷ λόγῳ, συγκαλέσας τὸν δῆμον εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ἐντεῦθεν αὐτοὺς παρακαλεῖν 198 ἤρξατο: “" 179 μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμετέρας, ἐλευθερίας, 199 200 c , ὁμόφυλ OL,” μετὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐγώ τε καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοί μου ὡς Bon bari ἀσμένως" ἀποθανεῖν οὐκέτ᾽ ἀγνοεῖτε. παραδειγμάτων δὲ τοιούτων εὐποροῦντός > ~ ~ ‘ ΄ μου, κἀκ τοῦ θνήσκειν ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων καὶ τῆς , \ > ~ € > / θρησκείας τοὺς" ἐκ τῆς ἡμετέρας οἰκίας γενομένους «ς 5 τ ΄ ε ἡγησαμένου" φόβος οὐδὲ εἷς ἔσται τηλικοῦτος, ὃς ταύτην ἡμῶν, τὴν διάνοιαν ἐκβαλεῖ τῆς ψυχῆς, 5» / > , , ‘ he ‘ ’ ἀντεισάξει δ᾽ εἰς αὐτὴν φιλοζωΐαν καὶ δόξης κατα- φρόνησιν. ὅθεν ὡς" οὐκ ἀποροῦντες ἡγεμόνος οἵου τε καὶ πάσχειν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν. τὰ μέγιστα καὶ δρᾶν, ἕπεσθέ μοι προθύμως ἐφ᾽ ods ἂν ἡγῶμαι οὔτε γὰρ / Ἂν ΄ ΄ ΄σ > ~ κρείττων ἐγὼ τῶν ἀδελφῶν τῶν ἐμῶν, ἵνα φείδωμαι ~ > ~ ΄σ ᾿ κι / THs ἐμαυτοῦ ψυχῆς, οὔτε χείρων, ἵν᾽ ὃ κάλλιστον > / ~ ~ ἐκείνοις ἔδοξε, TO τελευτᾶν ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων καὶ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ θρησκείας ὑμῶν, τοῦτ᾽ ἐγὼ φύγω καὶ , : , a , > , > ‘ καταλίπω. ois δέ με δεῖ γνήσιον ἐκείνων ἀδελφὸν φανῆναι, τούτοις ἐμαυτὸν" ἐπιδείξω: θαρρῶ γὰρ ὡς καὶ δίκην ληψόμενος παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ πάν- τας ὑμᾶς μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων τῆς ἐξ αὐτῶν « Uy ὕβρεως ῥυσόμενος, καὶ TO ἱερὸν ἀπόρθητον μετὰ ~ ~ ΄ \ ‘ » , τοῦ θεοῦ διαφυλάξων: τὰ yap ἔθνη βλέπω κατα- 1 goa LAMWE. 2 ἄνδρες ὁμέφυλοι LAMWE. 3 ὡς ἐτολμήσαμεν ἀσμένως] ἐτολμήσαμεν ὡς LAMW: ἐτολμή- σαμεν EF. 4 τοῖς LA: τῆς MW: om. FV. 5 δεδογμένου AMW: δεδομένου FE. 5 Bekker: ἡγησαμένους PFLV: om. AMWE. 7 ὑμῶν PV. 8 ds om. FLV. 824 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 197-200 upon Simon, seeing that the people of Jerusalem were Simon en- dismayed at these happenings,* and wishing by his ἐπα έν words to make them more courageous and resolute 1 Mace. in opposing Tryphon who was ‘advancing against ee them, called the people together in the temple > and there began to exhort them as follows. “Τὺ was for your liberty, my countrymen, that I and my brothers together with our father have gladly ° dared death, as you cannot fail to know by now. And having such good examples before me, and believing“ that the men of my house were born to die on behalf of our laws and our religion, I know not BY fear great enough to drive this: thought from my’ mind or to introduce in its place a love of life ‘and contempt for glory. Wherefore, as you are not without a leader who is able to suffer and do the greatest things on your behalf, follow me eagerly against whomsoever I may lead you. For neither am Ἵ better than my brothers, that I should spare my own life, nor am I worse, that I should flee from or reject what seemed to them the noblest thing of all, that is, to die for the laws and the worship of your God. But in whatever way I must show myself to be a true brother of theirs, in that way I will show it. For I am confident that I shall take vengeance on the enemy, and that I shall deliver you all with your wives and children from their violence, and that with God’s help 1 shall preserve the temple inviolate; for I see that the “ee * The phrase “ seeing that . .. were dismayed at these happenings "is reminiscent of Thucydides ii. 59. 3. δ 1 Mace. does not mention the temple: cf. § 181 note αὶ © Variant omits ** gladly.” 4 Text slightly eme nded. * Variant (corrupt) * your. Ἧ ΟΣ ΣΟ ἐμαυτὸν y P, 201 202 203 204 JOSEPHUS φρονήσαντα ὑμῶν ὡς οὐκ ἐχόντων ἡγεμόνα πρὸς TO πολεμεῖν ὡρμηκέναι. (4) Τούτους ποιησαμένου τοῦ Σίμωνος τοὺς λόγους ἀνεθάρσησε τὸ πλῆθος, καὶ ταῖς ψυχαῖς > \ ε \ / > iy 1 \ \ > / ἐνδεδωκὸς ὑπὸ δειλίας ἀνηγέρθη' πρὸς τὴν ἀμείνω A > \ > / « 3 / / \ \ καὶ ἀγαθὴν ἐλπίδα, ὡς ἀθρόως πάντα τὸν λαὸν ἐκβοῆσαι τὸν Σίμωνα αὐτῶν ἡγεῖσθαι καὶ ἀντὶ 3 , \ > Δ A > a > “ \ lovdov καὶ ᾿Ιωνάθου τῶν ἀδελφῶν αὐτοῦ τὴν προστασίαν ἔχειν: ἔσεσθαι γὰρ πρὸς ὅ τι κελεύσει / , > Lwa a! -~ 2 ¢ oo πειθηνίους. συναθροίσας δ᾽ εὐθὺς πᾶν" ὅσον ἢν ~ , TO πολεμικὸν τῆς οἰκείας ἰσχύος, ἔσπευδε τὰ τείχη τῆς πόλεως ἀνοικοδομῆσαι, καὶ πύργοις αὐτὴν ὑψη- λοτάτοις καὶ καρτεροῖς ἀσφαλισάμενος ἀπέστειλε μὲν ᾿Ιωνάθην τινὰ φίλον ᾿Αψαλώμου παῖδα μετὰ στρατιᾶς εἰς ᾿Ιόππην, προστάξας αὐτῷ τοὺς οἰκή- > a“ > / \ \ ~ Ὁ τορας ἐκβαλεῖν: ἐδεδίει γὰρ μὴ παραδῶσιν οὗτοι \ / ~ / ? \ > ¢ / τὴν πόλιν. τῷ Τρύφωνι. αὐτὸς δ᾽ ὑπομείνας >? / A « / ἐφύλαττε τὰ “Ιεροσόλυμα. (5) ‘O δὲ Τρύφων ἄρας ἐκ [[τολεμαΐδος μετὰ στρατιᾶς πολλῆς εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν παραγίνεται," καὶ τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην δέσμιον ἄγων. ἀπήντησε δ᾽ αὐτῷ \ / \ ~ ς ~ / > ” καὶ Σίμων peta τῆς αὑτοῦ δυνάμεως εἰς "Αδδιδα πόλιν, ἥτις ἐπ᾽ ὄρους κειμένη τυγχάνει ὑφ᾽" ἧς «ς ’ \ ~ > / / \ A , ὑπόκειται τὰ τῆς "lovdaias πεδία. γνοὺς δὲ Tpv- φων ἡγεμόνα τὸν Σίμωνα ὑπὸ τῶν Ιουδαίων 1 ἀνήρθη AMWE. 2 P: πᾶν εὐθὺς tr. rell. 8 παρεγένετο AMWE. 4 ed. pr.: ἀφ᾽ aut ἐφ᾽ codd. 2 Josephus, as is his wont, rhetorically embellishes Simon’s speech as given in 1 Mace. xiii. 3-6. ® Simon’s election as leader of the Jews is dated in Sel. 326 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 200-204 nations hold you in contempt as being without a leader, and are eager to make war.” ¢ (4) By making this speech Simon restored courage to the multitude, and from having been crushed in spirit through timidity they were now raised to a better spirit and good hope, so that all the people cried out with one voice that Simon should be their leader and have authority over them, and so take the place of his brothers Judas and Jonathan, saying they would be obedient to whatever commands he would give them.? Thereupon he quickly collected all those of his own force who were able to fight, and made haste to rebuild the walls of the city ; and when he had made it secure with very high and strong towers, he sent one of his friends, Jonathan, the son of Absalom,° with an army to Joppa, ordering him to drive out its inhabitants, for he was afraid that they might deliver up the city to Tryphon.? He himself remained to guard Jerusalem.? (5) Meanwhile Tryphon set out from Ptolemais with a great army and came to Judaea, bringing also Jonathan as his prisoner. And Simon with his force met him at the city of Addida,’ which is situated on a hill, with the plains of Judaea lying below it. But when Tryphon learned that Simon had been yr. 170=143/2 s.c. by 1 Mace. xiii. 41 f., xiv. 27. Cf. also § 212 note b. © Some commentators identify him with the Absalom whose son Mattathias was one of Jonathan’s trusted officers, cf. above § 161 (1 Mace. xi. 70). 4 This motive is not stated in 1 Mace. ¢ So Josephus understands 1 Mace. xiii. 11, which reads, “and he (Jonathan the son of Absalom) remained there (at Joppa) in the city.” ’ Mod. el-Hadithe, c. 4 miles N.E. of Lydda, according to Abel, GP ii. 340. 327 The Jews elect Simon their leader, 1 Mace, ΕΠ Tie Tryphon's further treachery toward the Jews. 1 Mace. xiii. 12, 205 206 207 JOSEPHUS καθεσταμένον, ἔπεμψε πρὸς αὐτόν, Kal τοῦτον 3 / \ , ΄ ΄ , ἀπάτῃ καὶ δόλῳ περιελθεῖν βουλόμενος, κελεύων αὐτόν, εἰ θέλει λυθῆναι τὸν ἀδελφὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην, πέμψαι τάλαντα ἑκατὸν ἀργυρίου καὶ δύο τῶν / ~ > / ¢ / -“ \ > " παίδων τῶν ᾿Ιωνάθου ὁμήρους, ὅπως μὴ ἀφεθεὶς ἀποστήσῃ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν βασιλέως" ἄρτι γὰρ αὐτὸν διὰ τὸ ἀργύριον, ὃ τῷ βασιλεῖ χρησάμενος ὦφειλε, , , ς WAAL, \ , φυλάττεσθαι δεδεμένον. 6 δὲ Σίμων τὴν τέχνην τὴν τοῦ Τρύφωνος οὐκ ἠγνόησεν, ἀλλὰ συνεὶς ὅτι \ \ > / > / \ \ \ > \ Ε] καὶ τὸ ἀργύριον ἀπολέσει δοὺς καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν οὐ λύσει, μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ δὲ καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐκδώσει τῷ πολεμίῳ, φοβούμενος δὲ μὴ διαβληθῇ πρὸς τὸ ~ c ” ΕῚ ‘ > ~ , / πλῆθος ὡς αἴτιος αὐτὸς τἀδελφῷ θανάτου yevo- μενος, ὅτι μήτε τὰ χρήματα μήτε τοὺς υἱοὺς ἔδωκεν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ, συναγαγὼν τὴν στρατιὰν ἐδήλωσεν αὐτῇ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Τρύφωνος, εἰπὼν ὅτι ταῦτα καὶ ἐνέδραν καὶ ἐπιβουλὴν ἔχει: ὅμως αἱρετώτερον εἶναι πέμψαι τὰ χρήματα αὐτῷ καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς ἢ τοῖς « \ / / A ce δ ὑπὸ Τρύφωνος προβαλλομένοις μὴ ὑπακούσαντα cal yee τὰ « \ > \ ~ \ /, λαβεῖν αἰτίαν ws τὸν adeAdov σῶσαι μὴ θελήσας. \ Dai \ / ἯΙ Aa a > / 1 καὶ Σίμων μὲν τούς τε ᾿Ιωνάθου παῖδας ἐξέπεμψε \ \ » \ \ « ΄ > > / καὶ τὰ χρήματα. λαβὼν de ὁ Τρύφων οὐκ ἐτή- \ / ? \ > / \ > / > ‘A ρῆσε τὴν πίστιν οὐδὲ ἀπέλυσε τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην, ἀλλὰ τὴν στρατιὰν ἀναλαβὼν ἐκπεριῆλθε τὴν χώραν καὶ διὰ τῆς ᾿Ιδουμαίας ἀναβαίνειν διεγνώκει τὸ λοιπὸν > « / - εἰς “Ἱεροσόλυμα, καὶ παραγενόμενος ἧκεν εἰς 1 ἔπεμψε LAMWE. * 1 Mace. xiii. 15 reads, “ because of the money which your brother Jonathan owes the royal treasury through the office he holds (δι᾿ ἃς χρείας), we are keeping him under 328 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 204-207 appointed by the Jews as their leader, he sent to him with the intention of getting the better of him by deceit and treachery, and told him, if he wished his brother Jonathan to be released, to send a hundred talents of silver and the two sons of Jonathan as hostages, to ensure that when he was set free, he would not cause Judaea to revolt from the king; at the moment, he said, he was being kept in chains on account of the money which he had borrowed from the king and still owed him.? Now Simon was not unaware of Tryphon’s artfulness, but clearly saw that he would lose any money he might give him, and still not free his brother, and along with him would be giving over his sons to the enemy ; fearing however, that he might be denounced to the people as being the cause of his brother’s death if he gave neither the money nor his sons for him, he gathered his army together and informed them of Tryphon’s offer, adding that it held a snare and a plot, but that, in spite of this, it was better to send him the money and Jonathan’s sons than to refuse to listen to Tryphon’s proposals, and so incur blame, as if he were unwilling to save his brother.’ Simon there- fore sent off Jonathan’s sons and the money as well. But Tryphon, on receiving them, did not keep his pledge nor release Jonathan, but, instead, took his army and marched all through the country ; and deciding to go up to Jerusalem through Idumaea ard.” Josephus takes χρείας “ office’ in another sense, “debts.” The allusion in 1 Mace. is to tribute demanded from Jonathan as a vassal of the Seleucid king, cf. above § 125 (1 Macc. xi. 28). » Josephus invents the detail of Simon’s consulting his army, and greatly amplifies the two verses, 1 Mace. xiii. 17- 18, which describe Simon’s suspicions of Tryphon. 329 208 209 210 211 JOSEPHUS ΄- > ~ "Adwpa’ πόλιν τῆς ᾿Ιδουμαίας. ἀντιπαρῆγε δ᾽ ὁ Ὁ \ ~ “ Σίμων μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς, ἀεὶ καταστρατοπεδευό- > / ~ μενος ἐξ ἐναντίας αὐτοῦ. (6) “Τῶν δ᾽ ἐν τῇ ἄκρᾳ πεμψάντων πρὸς Γρύφωνα καὶ παρακαλούντων σπεῦσαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ τροφὰς αὐτοῖς πέμψαι, παρεσκεύασε τὴν ἵππον ὡς διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς ἐκείνης ἐν ἱἱεροσολύμοις ἐσόμενος. > A \ \ ‘ A ~ \ ΄ ἀλλὰ χιὼν διὰ νυκτὸς πολλὴ πεσοῦσα καὶ τάς « Ν" / \ » a / Te ὁδοὺς καλύψασα καὶ ἄπορον ἵπποις μάλιστα πεζεύειν" ὑπὸ βάθους τὴν πορείαν παρασχοῦσα" δι- / ᾽ \ > lal > ΝΥΝ. / / εκώλυσεν αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὰ “Ιεροσόλυμα. διόπερ > - » « ἢ» / > \ , 3 - ἐκεῖθεν ἄρας ὁ ρύφων εἰς τὴν κοίλην ἀφικνεῦται Συρί δῇ is τὴν Ladaadirw ἐμβαλώ υρίαν, σπουδῇ τε εἰς τὴν [Γαλααδῖτιν ἐμβαλών, 3 / > / / ‘ -~ τόν τε ᾿Ιωνάθην ἀποκτείνας αὐτόθι καὶ ταφῆναι κελεύσας, αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν ὑπέστρεψεν. « \ / / > \ / / ὁ δὲ Σίμων πέμψας εἰς Βασκὰ πόλιν μετακομίζει τὰ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ ὀστᾶ, καὶ κηδεύει μὲν ταῦτα ἐν Μωδεεῖ τῇ πατρίδι, πένθος δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ μέγα πᾶς ὁ λαὸς ἐποιήσατο. Σίμων δὲ καὶ μνημεῖον μέγιστον > / ~ \ af A > a > / ὠκοδόμησε τῷ τε πατρὶ καὶ Tots ἀδελφοῖς ἐκ λίθου λευκοῦ καὶ ἀνεξεσμένου. εἰς πολὺ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ ,ὕ, 5 \ Ὁ“ \ \ > \ / περίοπτον ἀναγαγὼν ὕψος στοὰς περὶ αὐτὸ βαλ- / - λεται, καὶ στύλους μονολίθους, θαυμαστὸν ἰδεῖν 1 ex Macc. Hudson: Δῶρα codd. Lat. 2 deve FLV, om. FE. 3 παρέχουσα FLV: κατασχοῦσα AMW. 2 Tryphon’s design on Jerusalem is inferred by Josephus from the words ἐκύκλωσαν ὁδόν in 1 Mace. xiii. 20. » Conjectured from 1 Mace. for Dora in the mss. of Josephus (who criticizes Mnaseas, cited by Apion, for a similar mistake, cf. Ap. ii. 116). Adora is bibl. Adoraim, mod. Dira, 5 miles S.W. of Hebron, near the border between Judaea and Idumaea. 330 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 207-211 thereafter,* he finally came to Adora,’ a city in Idumaea. Simon, however, with his army marched in the same direction, always encamping opposite him. (6) But when those in the citadel sent to Tryphon and urged him to hasten to them and send them provisions, he made ready his cavalry in the expecta- tion of being in Jerusalem that very night. A heavy snow, however, fell during the night, which covered the roads and lay so deep that it made the way impassable, especially for the feet of horses, and so prevented his coming to Jerusalem.’ For this reason Tryphon set out from Adora, and reaching Coele- Syria,® hurriedly invaded Galaaditis, where he killed Jonathan’ and ordered that he be buried, and then returned to Antioch. But Simon sent to the city of Basca? and brought back the bones of his brother, which he buried in Modeei,” his birthplace, while all the people made great lamentation over him. And Simon also built for his father and brothers a very great monument of polished white marble, and rais- ing it to a great and conspicuous height, made porticoes round it, and erected monolithic pillars, a © The Syrian garrison and Jewish renegades in the Akra of Jerusalem. 4 The picturesque details of the snowstorm are added by Josephus. 4“ Here “ Coele-Syria ’ 25 note a. 7 In the city of Bascama, see next note. 9 Bascama (Baoxapa) in 1 Macc.; it is identified by Bévenot with mod. Tell Bazik, N.E. of the lake of Galilee ; this identification is questioned by Abel, GP ii. 261, who suggests el-Gummeize (“ἡ the sycamore ’’) in the same region, on the basis of the supposed etymology of Bascama. » Bibl. Modin, cf. Ant. xii. 265 note e. ’ includes Transjordan, ef. Ant. xi. 331 Jonathan is killed by Tryphon. 1 Mace. xiii, 21. 212 214 JOSEPHUS ~ > , χρῆμα, ἀνίστησι: πρὸς τούτοις δὲ καὶ πυραμίδας c ~ ~ - - ἑπτά, τοῖς τε γονεῦσιν καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἑκάστῳ μίαν, φκοδόμησεν, εἰς ἔκπληξιν μεγέθους τε ἕνεκα καὶ κάλλους πεποιημένας, at καὶ μέχρι δεῦρο σώ- ζονται. καὶ περὶ μὲν τῆς ᾿Ιωνάθου ταφῆς καὶ τῆς τῶν μνημείων οἰκοδομίας τοῖς οἰκείοις Σίμωνος τοσαύτην σπουδὴν οἴδαμεν γενομένην. ἀπέθανε δὲ 3 “- Ἰωνάθης ἀρχιερατεύων,; ἔτη τέσσαρα προστὰς τοῦ , y ~ - Ε] γένους." καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τῆς τούτου τελευτῆς ἐν τούτοις ἦν. ,ὔ ~ (7) Σίμων δὲ κατασταθεὶς ἀρχιερεὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ / ~ ~ Μ ~ πλήθους, TH πρώτῳ τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἔτει τῆς ὑπὸ Μακεδόσι δουλείας τὸν λαὸν ἠλευθέρωσεν ὡς ’ὔ ’, - - 7 c A > , ‘ ἃ, μηκέτι φόρους αὐτοῖς τελεῖν: ἡ δὲ ἐλευθερία καὶ τὸ > , -~ >. , ‘ € ’ὔ ‘ ἀνείσφορον τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις peta ἑβδομήκοντα Kal « ‘ » ~ ,ὔ 4 ,ὔ 5 > ἫΝ ’ ἑκατὸν ἔτη τῶν Συρίας" βασιλέων", ἐξ οὗ χρόνου LEA > Νικάτωρ" ἐπικληθεὶ 3 Συρί Σέλευκος ὁ Νικάτωρ" ἐπικληθεὶς κατέσχε Συρίαν, ὑπῆρξεν. τοσαύτη δ᾽ ἦν ἡ τοῦ πλήθους περὶ τὸν es , Ὁ > Μ - ‘ > , Σίμωνα φιλοτιμία, ὥστ᾽ ἔν τε τοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους 1 ἀρχιερατεύσας LWE. 2 ludaeorum Lat.: ἔθνους coni. Herwerden: post γένους suppl. Scaliger τὰ πάντα ὀκτωκαίδεκα. 3. ἐπὶ τοῖς P. 4. ᾿Ασσυρίων ΡΕΤΟΝ, ἢ τῶν Συρίας βασιλέων 560]. Niese: τῆς ᾿Ασσυρίων βασιλείας leg. Naber cum V. δ Spanheim: Νικάνωρ codd. 2 1 Mace. does not mention the porticoes ; Josephus, on the other hand, omits the panoply and carved ships of the monument. On the architecture see Watzinger, Denkmdler, ii. 22; see also W. W. Tarn in JHS 59 (1939), 125-126. > In Ant. xx. 238 Josephus gives 7 years for Jonathan's term as high priest. The correct figure is 10 years ; Jonathan 332 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 211-214 wonderful thing to see.* In addition to these he built for his parents and his brothers seven pyramids, one for each, so made as to excite wonder by their size and beauty ; and these have been preserved to this day. Such was the zeal which we know to have been shown by Simon in burying Jonathan and build- ing monuments to his family. Now when Jonathan died as high priest, he had been ruler of the nation for four years.” These, then, were the circumstances of his death. (7) And Simon, after being chosen high priest by simon the populace, in the first year of his high-priesthood }bertes Judaea froai liberated the people from servitude to the Mace- Seleucid donians, so that they no longer had to pay tribute }Wico” tothem. This liberation and exemption from tribute *u!. 36. came to the Jews in the hundred and seventieth year of the Syrian ° kingdom, reckoned from the time when Seleucus, surnamed Nicator,’ occupied Syria.* And so great was the respect of the people for Simon that in their contracts with one another, as well as died in 143/2 5.6. (cf. § 201 note 6), and was officially recog- nized as high priest by Alexander Balas in 152 B.c. (cf. ὃ 46 =1 Mace. x. 21), thus ruling 10 years. Either Josephus is careless here, as in Ant. xx., or there is a scribal error. Per- haps, as Reinach suggests, the τέσσαρας is an expansion of the numeral letter δ΄, which in turn was an abbreviation of an original δέκα ** ten.” © Variant ** Assyrian.” * Correction of ms. ‘* Nicanor,”’ a scribal error also found in Ant. xii. 119 and xviii. 372. *« The 170th yr. Sel., by Jewish reckoning (cf. Ant. xii. 240 note a), began in April 142 B.c. 1 Mace. xiii. 34-40 gives in some detail the concessions made by Demetrius [1 to the Jews before his Parthian expedition (cf. below, § 218 note 6): these constituted recognition of their political independence. On the Jewish coins supposedly coined under Simon see the works cited in Appendix M. 333 JOSEPHUS συμβολαίοις καὶ τοῖς δημοσίοις γράμμασιν ἀπὸ τοῦ' πρώτου ἔτους γράφειν Σίμωνος τοῦ" εὐεργέτου ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ ἐθνἄρχου"- εὐτύχησαν γὰρ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ σφόδρα καὶ τῶν ΚΣ τῶν περιοίκων ἐκράτησαν. κατεστρέψατο γὰρ Σίμων Γάζαρα" τε πόλιν καὶ ᾿Ιόππην καὶ ᾿Ιάμνειαν, ἐκπολιορκήσας δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ἹἹεροσολύμοις ἄκραν εἰς ἔδαφος. αὐτὴν καθεῖλεν, ὡς ἂν μὴ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ὁρμητήριον ἦ καταλαμβανομένοις αὐτὴν τοῦ κακῶς ποιεῖν ὡς καὶ τότε. καὶ τοῦτο “ποιήσας ἄριστον ἐδόκει καὶ συμφέρον καὶ τὸ ὄρος ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὴν ἄκραν εἶναι συνέβαινε καθελεῖν, ὅπως ὑψηλότερον" ἢ τὸ ἱερόν. 216 καὶ δὴ τοῦτο ἔπειθεν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν καλέσας τὸ πλῆθος ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ γίνεσθαι, ὧν τε ἔπαθον ὑπὸ τῶν φρουρῶν καὶ τῶν φυγάδων ᾿Ιουδαίων ὑπομιμνή- σκων, ἅ τε πάθοιεν ἄν, εἰ πάλιν κατάσχοι τὴν βασιλείαν ἀλλόφυλος, φρουρᾶς ἐν αὐτῇ καταστα- 217 θείσης. ταῦτα λέγων πείθει τὸ πλῆθος, παραινῶν 1 bo —_ o ἀπὸ τοῦ Naber: ἐπὶ τοῦ (τοῦ om. P) codd. 2 τοῦ LV: τοῦ καὶ F: καὶ rell. - ἐπάρχου AMWE. 4 ἐθνῶν LA marg. M marg. 5 Talay PFLV. 5 ὑψηλὸν PAMWE. « Conjectured for ms. “ἡ in.” > Cf. 1 Mace. xiii. 42, ‘‘ Simon, the high priest and general (στρατηγοῦ) and leader (ἡγουμένου) of the Jews.” δ Ethnarch ἢ was the title given to later Hasmonaean rulers by the Romans, cf. Ant. xiv. 151, 191 et al. © Variant “‘ nations.” 4 Here, with 1 Mace. xiii. 42, ends Josephus’ paraphrase (though not necessarily his use) of the apocryphal book, although it contains three and a half more chapters covering the rule of Simon. For this and the following periods Josephus relies on Hellenistic sources (chiefly Nicolas of Damascus), which he had earlier used for his account of the later Hasmonaean and Herodian periods in his Jewish 334 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 214-217 in public documents, they dated them “from the first year of Simon, the benefactor and ethnarch of the Jews’; for under his rule they prospered ex- ceedingly and overcame the foes® that surrounded them.? For Simon subdued the city of Gazara ὁ and Joppa and Jamneia, and also took the citadel at Jerusalem by siege, razing it to the ground that it might not serve his foes as a base to occupy and do mischief from it, as they were then doing.’ Having done this, he thought it would be an excellent thing and to his advantage to level also the hill on which the citadel stood, in order that the temple might be higher than this. Accordingly, he called the people to an assembly and sought to persuade them to have this done, reminding them how they had suffered at the hands of the garrison and the Jewish renegades, and also warning them of what they would suffer if a foreign ruler should again occupy their realm, and a garrison should be placed therein. With these words he persuaded the people, War (cf. § 225 notec). Various explanations have been given of Josephus’ abandonment of 1 Mace. at this point; some scholars hold that the last three and a half chapters of 1 Mace. were a late addition, not known to Josephus (cf. the discussions in Thackeray, Josephus, p. 86 and Ricciotti, Introduzione, pp. 140-143). It is more likely that Josephus found it more convenient to use only his Hellenistic sources for Simon’s period than to continue excerpéing from them to fill out the narrative of 1 Macc. ¢ Variant “ Gaza’’ as in 1 Mace. xiii. 43 (but Gazara in xiii. 53); B.J. i. 50 has Gazara, which is correct. On the site cf. Ant. xii. 308 note a. 1 Mace. xiii. 53 tells us further that Simon left his son John (Hyreanus) as governor of Gazara. ‘ The expulsion of the Syrian garrison is dated the 23rd of lyyar (roughly May) in 1 Mace. xiii. 51 and Megillath Ta‘anith. 335 218 219 220 JOSEPHUS αὐτῷ τὰ συμφέροντα. καὶ πάντες προσβαλόντες καθήρουν τὸ ὄρος, καὶ μήτε νυκτὸς μήτε ἡμέρας ἀπολυόμενοι τοῦ ἔργου τρισὶν αὐτὸ τοῖς πᾶσιν ἔτεσιν κατήγαγον εἰς ἔδαφος καὶ πεδινὴν λειότητα. καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐξεῖχεν ἁπάντων τὸ ἱερόν, τῆς ἄκρας καὶ τοῦ ὄρους ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἦν καθῃρημένων. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐπὶ Σίμωνος πραχθέντα τοῦτον εἶχε τὸν τρόπον. (vii. 1) Μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ δὲ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας τῆς Δημητρίου τὸν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν ᾿Αντίοχον, ὃς καὶ Θεὸς ἐπεκλήθη, Τρύφων διέφθειρεν ἐπιτροπεύων αὐτοῦ, τέσσαρα βασιλεύσαντα ἔτη. καὶ τὸν μέν, ὡς χειριζόμενος" ἀποθάνοι, διήγγειλεν: τοὺς δὲ φίλους καὶ τοὺς οἰκειοτάτους διέπεμπε πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας, ἐπαγγελλόμενος αὐτοῖς χρήματα πολλὰ δώσειν, εἰ βασιλέα χειροτονήσουσιν αὐτόν, Δημή- τριον μὲν ὑπὸ Πάρθων αἰχμάλωτον γεγονέναι μη- νύων, τὸν δ᾽ “ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ ᾿Αντίοχον παρελθόντα εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν πολλὰ ποιήσειν αὐτοῖς κακά, τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἀμυνόμενον. οἱ δ᾽ ἐλπίσαντες εὐπο- ρίαν ἐκ τῆς Τρύφωνι. “δοθησομένης" βασιλείας ἀπο- δεικνύουσιν αὐτὸν ἄρχοντα. γενόμενος δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων ἐγκρατὴς ὁ Τρύφων διέδειξε τὴν αὑτοῦ 1 ἀνῃρημένων (-ον LVW) LAMVW: κατηριπωμένων A marg. M marg. 2 ὡς χειριζόμενος] προσχαριζόμενος ὡς AMWE: ὡς σχαζό- μενος Naber. 3 δοθείσης P. @ Josephus’ statements here and in B.J. i. 50 that Simon levelled the (S.E.) hill, on which the citadel (4kra) stood, are in contradiction to 1 Mace. xiv. 37, which says that Simon fortified the citadel. More correct is Josephus’ statement in B.J. v. 139 that the Hasmonaeans (i.e. one of Simon’s successors—probably John Hyreanus) levelled the citadel hill, ef. Dr. Thackeray’s note on the last passage. 336 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 217-220 since he was recommending what was to their ad- vantage. And so they all set to and began to level the hill, and without stopping work night or day, after three whole years brought it down to the ground and the surface of the plain. And thereafter the temple stood high above everything else, once the citadel and the hill on which it stood had been demolished. Such was the nature of the things accomplished in the time of Simon.* ; (vii. 1) Not long after Demetrius had been taken captive,” Tryphon, acting as the guardian of Alex- ander’s son Antiochus, surnamed Theos,’ put him to death after he had reigned four years. And while he gave out that Antiochus had died under the hands of the surgeon,’ he sent his friends and intimates to go among the soldiers, promising to give them large sums of money if they would elect him king, pointing out that Demetrius had been made captive by the Parthians, and that if his brother Antiochus’ came to the throne, he would make them suffer severely, in taking revenge for their revolt. And so, hoping for an easy living if the throne were given to Tryphon, they made him their ruler. But on becoming the master of the state, Tryphon revealed his rascally » 'Tryphon’s usurpation preceded Demetrius’ captivity, cf. above § 187 note e. ° For his full regnal title see § 131 note d. “ From 145 to 142 n.c. He was about seven years old at his death, cf. Bevan, 1]. Sel. ii. 230 note 4. * Variant ‘‘ died of excessive indulgence’; conjectured variant ‘‘ died while being bled.” A similar story is told in Livy, pit. lv. The other sources, 1 Mace. xiii. 31, Diodorus xxxiii. 28, Appian, Syr. 68, Justinus xxxvi. 1. 7, do not tell how Antiochus was killed. ‘ Antiochus VII (Sidetes), ef. § 222 note. 337 Tryphon kills Antiochus Vi and claims the throne. JOSEPHUS φύσιν οὖσαν πονηράν" ἰδιώτης μὲν γὰρ ὧν ἐθερά- πευε τὸ πλῆθος καὶ “μετριότητα ὑπεκρίνετο, δελεάζων αὐτὸ τούτοις εἰς ἅπερ ἐβούλετο, τὴν δὲ! βασιλείαν λαβὼν ἀπεδύσατο τὴν ὑπόκρισιν καὶ ὁ 221 ἀληθὴς Τρύφων ἦν. τοὺς οὖν ἐχθροὺς διὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἐποίει κρείττονας" τὸ μὲν γὰρ στρατιωτικὸν αὐτὸν μισοῦν ἀφίστατο “πρὸς Κλεοπάτραν τὴν Δημητρίου γυναῖκα, τότε ἐν Σελευκείᾳ μετὰ τῶν τέκνων 222 ἐγκεκλεισμένην. ἀλωμένου δὲ καὶ ᾿Αντιόχου τοῦ Δημητρίου ἀδελφοῦ, ὃς ἐπεκαλεῖτο Σωτήρ, καὶ μηδεμιᾶς αὐτὸν πόλεως δεχομένης διὰ Τρύφωνα, πέμπει πρὸς αὐτὸν Κλεοπάτρα, καλοῦσα πρὸς αὑτὴν ἐπί τε γάμῳ καὶ βασιλείᾳ. ἐκάλει δὲ τὸν ᾿Αντίοχον ἐπὶ τούτοις ἅμα μὲν τῶν φίλων αὐτὴν ἀναπεισάν- των, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐκδιδόντας τινὰς" ἐκ τῆς Σελευκείας τῷ Τρύφωνι δείσασα. 995. 1a) Γενόμενος δ᾽ ἐν τῇ Σελευκείᾳ ὁ ᾿Αντίοχος καὶ τῆς ἰσχύος αὐτῷ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν αὐξανομένης ὥρμησε “πολεμήσων τὸν eo? Kal κρατήσας αὐτοῦ τῇ μάχῃ, τῆς ἄνω “Συρίας ἐξέβαλεν εἰς τὴν Φοινίκην, διώξας ἄχρι ταύτης, εἴς τε Δώραν φρού- ριόν τι δυσάλωτον ἐπολιόρκει συμφυγόντα. πέμπει δὲ καὶ πρὸς Σίμωνα τὸν τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέα 294 περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας πρέσβεις. ὁ δὲ προσ- δέχεται προθύμως αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀξίωσιν, καὶ χρήματά 1 μέντοι AMW. 2 ἐκδιδόντας τινὰς Coni.: ἐκδιδόντων (ἐνδιδόντων P: διδόντων FV) τινῶν codd. « Daughter of Ptolemy Philometor and former wife of Alexander Balas, ef. ὃ 80. » Cf. below, 8 244 and Ant. vii. 393 where Josephus calls him Antiochus Eusebes. Neither Eusebes nor Soter (the 338 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 220-224 nature ; for while he was a private person he had courted the multitude and assumed a character of mildness, thus leading them on to do as he wished, but once he had obtained the royal power, he threw off all pretence and became the Tryphon he really was. Now by this course he strengthened his foes, for the army, which hated him, revolted and went over to Cleopatra,* the wife of Demetrius, who with her children was at that time shut up in Seleucia. And as Demetrius’ brother Antiochus, surnamed Soter,? was wandering about, for at Tryphon’s in- stance no city admitted him, Cleopatra sent to him, inviting him to come and marry her and take the throne.© The reason why she invited Antiochus on these terms was partly that her friends persuaded her to do so, and partly that she feared that some of the people of Seleucia might deliver up the city to Tryphon. (2) Antiochus, therefore, came to Seleucia, and as his strength increased daily, he set out to make war on Tryphon; and having defeated him in battle, he drove him out of Upper Syria into Phoenicia, where he pursued him, and when he took refuge in Dora, a fortress difficult to take, besieged him there. He also sent envoys to Simon, the high priest of the Jews, to propose a friendly alliance. And Simon gladly accepted his offer, and lavishly supplied the latter was the surname of Demetrius I) appears elsewhere as a surname of Antiochus VII, whose official surname was Euergetes, and whose popular name was Sidetes (from the city of Side in Pamphylia, where he was brought up). © Thus Antiochus VII became the third husband of Cleo- patra, cf. above, § 221 note a. 4 Antiochus’s letter to Simon is quoted in 1 Mace. xv. 1-9. Tryphon’s flight to Dora is mentioned in vs. 11. 339 Demetrius 11 5 brother Antiochus Sidetes forms an alliance with Simon. 225 226 227 JOSEPHUS te πολλὰ καὶ τροφὴν τοῖς τὴν Awpav πολιορκοῦσι φ , ry | > , > , στρατιώταις, πέμψας πρὸς; ᾿Αντίοχον, ἀφθόνως ἐχορήγησεν, ὡς τῶν ἀναγκαιοτάτων αὐτῷ πρὸς > ,ὔ ‘ ΄- , « ‘ ‘ rl ΄ ὀλίγον καιρὸν κριθῆναι φίλων. ὁ μὲν γὰρ Τρύφων ἐκ τῆς Δώρας φυγὼν εἰς ᾿Απάμειαν καὶ ληφθεὶς > , ΄“ , / , »Μ , ev αὐτῇ πολιορκίᾳ διεφθάρη, βασιλεύσας ἔτη τρία. > (3) Ὃ δ᾽ ᾿Αντίοχος ὑπὸ πλεονεξίας καὶ φαυλό- τῆτος λήθην τῶν ἐκ Σίμωνος αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰς χρείας ὑπηρετηθέντων ἐποιήσατο, καὶ δύναμιν A / ‘ \ ~ ’ὔ στρατιωτικὴν KevdeBaiw τινὶ παραδοὺς τῶν φίλων > ‘ A ~ 5 , ᾽ὔ ‘ \ ’ὔ ἐπὶ τὴν τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας πόρθησιν καὶ τὴν Σίμωνος 1A > , λ >y , ὃ ay > /, \ 2A ἅλωσιν ἐξαπέστειλεν. Σίμων δὲ ἀκούσας τὴν ᾿Αν- τιόχου παρανομίαν, καίτοι πρεσβύτερος ὧν ἤδη, ὅμως ὑπὸ τοῦ μὴ δικαίων τῶν παρ᾽ ᾿Αντιόχου γινομένων τυγχάνειν παρορμηθείς, καὶ τῆς ἡλικίας φρόνημα κρεῖττον λαβών, νεανικῶς ἐστρατήγει τοῦ CAA ~ πολέμου. καὶ τοὺς μὲν υἱεῖς μετὰ TOV μαχιμω- τέρων προεκπέμπει" στρατιωτῶν, αὐτὸς δὲ κατ᾽ ‘ ~ \ ἄλλο μέρος προήει' μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, Kal πολ- 1 τὸν ΡΝ, 2 AM: xairell.: καίπερ coni. Niese. * ἐκπέμπει FAMWE, 4 προσήει LAMWE fort. recte. * According to | Mace. xv. 26-31 Antiochus VII refused to accept help from Simon, and broke off their alliance, demanding the return of Joppa and Gazara, or indemnity and tribute. > More exactly 4 years, from 142 to 138 8.c., according to the coinage, cf. Bevan in CAT viii. 527. ¢ The war between Antiochus VII and Simon is described in greater detail in | Macc. xv. 38-xvi. 10. At about this point in Ant. begins the parallelism between 340 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 224-227 soldiers who were besieging Dora with great sums of money and provisions, which he sent to Antiochus, so that for a short while he was considered one of his closest friends.?. As for Tryphon, he fled from Dora to Apamea, and on being besieged and captured there, was put to death, after reigning three years.” (3) © Antiochus, however, through covetousness and Antiochus dishonesty forgot the services which Simon had Si¢¢tes rendered him in his necessity, and giving a force of against the soldiers to Cendebaeus, one of his Friends, sent him Jews. off to plunder Judaea and seize Simon. But Simon heard of Antiochus’ lawless conduct, and though he was now an old man, nevertheless was aroused by the unjust treatment he had received from Antiochus, and being filled with a spirit stronger than his years, took πα ΠῚ in the war like a young man.? And so he sent his sons ® on ahead f with the soldiers who were the best fighters, while he himself advanced 9 Ant. and B.J, Josephus in writing this portion of Ant. made use of the same sources (chiefly Nicolas of Damascus and Strabo) which he had before him earlier in writing B./. i. and ii., but with variations in wording, some corrections and considerable additions. Moreover, as Dr. Thackeray has succinctly formulated the relation between the parallel accounts (in an unpublished note), ‘* dnt. besides reverting to and making fuller use of the original sources, has had B.J. before him (sic) and aimed at avoiding repetition. The greater freedom with which b.J. had treated the source left Ant. at liberty to adhere more closely to its language.’* See further the Appendix on Josephus’ sources, in the last volume of this translation. * According to 1 Mace. xvi. 3 Simon took no part in the war and gave the command to his sons; but the wording of vss. 4-7 might easily lead one to suppose that the pronominal subject is Simon (Lue. supplies the name Joannes = John). ¢ Judas and John, cf. 1 Mace. xvi. 2. ! Variant “ sent his sons out.” 9 Variant “‘ came near.” 941 JOSEPHUS A ~ ~ > Aods ἐν τοῖς φαραγγώδεσι τῶν ὀρῶν τόποις" εἰς ἐνέδραν καταστήσας διαμαρτάνει μὲν οὐδεμιᾶς τῶν ἐπιχειρήσεων, κρατήσας δὲ διὰ πάσης τῶν πολε- μίων ἐν εἰρήνῃ τὸν λοιπὸν διήγαγε χρόνον, ποιη- σάμενος καὶ αὐτὸς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους συμμαχίαν. Φ \ > > \ Δ. / ~ > / 228 (4) Ἦρξε μὲν οὖν ὀκτὼ τὰ πάντα τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων » ~ \ > > ~ > Ud ἔτη, τελευτᾷ δὲ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς ἐν συμποσίῳ, IIrTo- λεμαίου τοῦ γαμβροῦ ταύτην ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν συστησα- μένου, ὃς καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς δύο A \ \ / ” ” ‘A παῖδας συλλαβὼν Kai δεδεμένους ἔχων ἔπεμψε καὶ ἐπὶ ᾿Ιωάννην τὸν τρίτον (τούτῳ δὲ καὶ “YpKavos >» \ nm “pe , \ ‘ 229 ἣν ὄνομα) τοὺς διαφθεροῦντας. αἰσθόμενος δὲ τοὺς ἐλθόντας 6 νεανίσκος, διαφυγὼν" τὸν ἐξ αὐτῶν , > \ / > / ~ ~ / κίνδυνον εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἠπείγετο, θαρρῶν τῷ πλήθει διὰ τὰς τοῦ πατρὸς εὐεργεσίας καὶ διὰ τὸ {{τολε- μαίου τοῖς ὄχλοις μῖσος. σπουδάσαντα δὲ καὶ Πτολεμαῖον εἰσελθεῖν δι’ ἄλλης πύλης ὁ δῆμος ἀπεώσατο, τὸν ‘\pKavov ἤδη προσδεδεγμένος. ees Ais Shoe, \ > “9 A ep ak « 930 = (viii. 1) Καὶ ὁ μὲν εἰς ἕν" τι τῶν ὑπὲρ Tepi- χοῦντος ἐρυμάτων ἀνεχώρησε, Δαγὼν λεγόμενον. ἀπολαβὼν δὲ τὴν πάτριον ἀρχιερωσύνην Ὑρκανὸς καὶ τὸν θεὸν πρῶτα ταῖς" θυσίαις παραστησάμενος," > ᾿ - ἐπὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἐξεστράτευσε, καὶ προσβαλὼν 1 Niese: τούτους aut τούτων codd. * διαφεύγων FV: καὶ διαφυγῶν AMWE, 3 ἕν om. LAMW. 4 πρῶτα ταῖς Niese: πρῶτα LAMWE: πρώταις rell. 5 παραιτησάμενος LAMVWE: placauit Lat. * The chief engagement took place near Cedron, mod. Qatra, c. 6 miles N.E. of Azotus. » 'The details of the alliance are given in 1 Macc. xv. 16-24. ° From 142 to 135 B.c. According to 1 Mace. xvi. 14 342 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 227-230 with his force in another direction, and posting many of his men in ambush in the defiles of the mountains, came through without losing a single engagement ¢ ; and after defeating the enemy everywhere, he passed the rest of his life in peace. He also made an alliance with the Romans.? (4) Now he ruled over the Jews for eight years in all,’ and died while at a banquet, as a result of the plot formed against him by his son-in-law Ptolemy, who then seized and imprisoned his wife and two sons,? and also sent men to put to death his third son John, also called Hyreanus.* But the youth, being aware of their coming, escaped danger at their hands and hastened to the city,’ trusting in the people to help him because of his father’s good deeds and the masses’ hatred of Ptolemy. When, therefore, Ptolemy also made an effort to enter through another gate, the populace drove him away, for they had already admitted Hyrcanus. (viii. 1) And so Ptolemy withdrew to one of the fortresses above Jericho, which was called Dagon.’ But Hyrcanus, having assumed the high-priestly office of his father, first propitiated God with sacri- fices, and then marched out against Ptolemy and attacked his stronghold; and though in all other Simon was killed in the eleventh month, Shebat, of the 177th yr. Sel. =February 135 z.c. (This date is brought down a year by Kolbe, Beitrige, p. 27.) 4 Mattathias and Judas. They and their mother were killed. cf. below, § 235. 1 Macc. xvi. 16, in reporting the death of the sons, fails to mention their mother. ¢ He was at Gazara, according to 1 Macc. xvi. 19, which ends its account of John Hyrcanus here. 7 Jerusalem is meant. 9 A corruption of Dok (1 Mace. xvi. 15), the mod. ‘Ain Duq, c. 3 miles N.W. of Jericho. 543 Simon is treacher- ously slain by his son-in-law Ptolemy. Hyreanus succeeds his tather Simon. JOSEPHUS τῷ χωρίῳ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις περιῆν αὐτοῦ, ἡττᾶτο δὲ μόνῳ τῷ πρὸς τὴν μητέρα καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς 501 οἴκτῳ. τούτους γὰρ ὁ [᾿τολεμαῖος ἀνάγων ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἐξ ἀπόπτου ἠκίζετο, καὶ κατακρημνίσειν οὐκ ἀφισταμένου τῆς πολιορκίας ἠπείλει. ὁ δ᾽ ὅσον ἐνδοίη' τῆς περὶ τὴν αἵρεσιν τοῦ χωρίου σπουδῆς, τοσοῦτο χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς φιλτάτοις ἡγού- μενος πρὸς τὸ μὴ κακῶς πάσχειν, ἐξέλυε τὸ πρό- 252 θυμον. ἡ μέντοι μήτηρ ὀρέγουσα τὰς χεῖρας ἱκέτευε μὴ μαλακίζεσθαι δι᾿ αὐτήν, ἀλλὰ πολὺ πλέον ὀργῇ χρώμενον ἑλεῖν" σπουδάσαι τὸ χωρίον, καὶ τὸν ἐχθρὸν ὑφ᾽ ἑαύτῷ" ποιήσαντα τιμωρῆσαι τοῖς φιλτάτοις: ἡδὺν γὰρ αὐτῇ τὸν μετ᾽ αἰκίας εἶναι θάνατον, εἰ δίκην ὑπόσχοι τῆς εἰς αὐτοὺς 233 παρανομίας ὁ ταῦτα ποιῶν πολέμιος. τὸν δὲ “Ὑρκανὸν ταῦτα μὲν λεγούσης τῆς μητρὸς ὁρμή τις ἐλάμβανε πρὸς τὴν αἵρεσιν τοῦ φρουρίου, ἡνίκα δὲ αὐτὴν ἴδοι τυπτομένην καὶ σπαραττομένην, ἐξελύ- €TO καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰς τὴν μητέρα πραττομένοις 234 συμπαθείας ἥττων ἐγίνετο. ἑλκομένης δὲ οὕτως εἰς χρόνον τῆς πολιορκίας ἐνίσταται τὸ ἔτος ἐκεῖνο καθ᾽ ὃ συμβαίνει τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ἀργεῖν: κατὰ δὲ ἑπτὰ ἔτη τοῦτο παρατηροῦσιν, ὡς ἐν ταῖς ἐβδο- μάσιν ἡμέραις. καὶ Πτολεμαῖος, ὑπὸ ταύτης ἀνεθεὶς τοῦ πολέμου τῆς αἰτίας ἀποκτείνει τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς τοῦ “Ypxavot καὶ τὴν μητέρα, καὶ τοῦτο 1 23: wu ὅσον evdoin Niese duce Dindorf: ὅσον ἂν ἐνδώη (ἐνδῶν P) codd. E. 3 ἔχειν PF. 3. Naber: ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ codd.: ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτὸν E. S44 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 230-235 respects he was superior to him, in one thing he was at a disadvantage, that is, in feeling pity for his mother and brothers. For Ptolemy had brought them up on to the wall and maltreated them in the sight of all, threatening to hurl them down headlong a Hyrcanus did not give up the siege. And so, re- flecting that the more he slackened his efforts to capture the place, the greater was the kindness he would show those dearest to him by sparing them suffering, Hyrcanus relaxed his eagerness. His mother, however, stretched out her hands, beseech- ing him not to weaken on her account, but to give way to his anger so much the more, and make every effort to take the place and get his foe into his power and avenge those dearest to him. For, she said, it would be pleasant for her to die in torment if the enemy,“ who was doing these things to them, paid the penalty for his crimes against them. Now when his mother said these things, Hyrcanus was seized with a powerful desire to capture the fortress, but when he saw her being beaten and torn apart, he became unnerved and was overcome with compassion at the way in which his mother was being treated. But while the siege was being protracted in this manner, there came round the year in which the Jews are wont to remain inactive, for they observe this custom every seventh year, just as on the seventh day.’ And Ptolemy, being relieved from the war for this reason, killed the brothers and mother of Hyrcanus, and 2 Variant “ἡ Ptolemy ᾿ (who is named at this point in the parallel, B.J. i. 58). > This sabbatical year extended from Oct. 135 to Oct. 134 B.c., ef. Ant. xii. 378 note a and xiv. 475 note a. 4 Πτολεμαῖος AM. VOL. VII M 345 236 237 238 239 JOSEPHUS ὃ / ᾿ ,4 / 4 ‘ > 4 pdoas πρὸς Zivwva φεύγει τὸν ἐπικληθέντα Κοτύλαν, τυραννεύοντα τῆς Φιλαδελφέων πόλεως. (2) ᾿Αντίοχος δὲ χαλεπῶς ἔχων ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὑπὸ Σίμωνος ἔπαθεν, εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἐνέβαλε τε- τάρτῳ μὲν ἔτει τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ, πρώτῳ δὲ τῆς “Υρκανοῦ ἀρχῆς, ὀλυμπιάδι ἑκατοστῇ καὶ ἑξηκοστῇ καὶ δευτέρᾳ. δῃώσας δὲ τὴν χώραν, τὸν ‘Y'pKavov εἰς αὐτὴν ἐνέκλεισε τὴν πόλιν, ἣν ἑπτὰ στρατο- / \ ” \ 5 \ a ‘ ~ πέδοις περιλαβὼν ἤνυε μὲν οὐδὲν ὅλως TO πρῶτον διά τε τὴν τῶν τειχῶν ὀχυρότητα καὶ δι᾿ ἀρετὴν τῶν ἐμπολιορκουμένων, ἔτι γε μὴν ὕδατος ἀπορίαν, ec , \ > “λ »Μ θ \ \ ἧς αὐτοὺς ἀπέλυσεν ὄμβρος κατενεχθεὶς πολὺς δυομένης πλειάδος. κατὰ δὲ τὸ βόρειον μέρος τοῦ ,ὔ 5 “ , 3 \ \ > / 4. τείχους, καθ᾽ ὃ συνέβαινεν αὐτὸ καὶ ἐπίπεδον εἶναι, πύργους ἀναστήσας ἑκατὸν τριωρόφους, ἀνεβίβασεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς στρατιωτικὰ τάγματα. καὶ προσβολὰς ὁσημέραι ποιησάμενος, τάφρον τε βαθεῖαν καὶ πολλὴν τὸ εὖρος καὶ διπλῆν τεμόμενος,' ἀπετείχισε ἣν > ~ « δ Ἁ > A > τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας. ot δὲ πολλὰς ἐκδρομὰς ἀντ- ἐπινοοῦντες, εἰ μὲν ἀφυλάκτοις που προσπέσοιεν 1 διπλῆν τεμόμενος] διπλῆν τετμωμένος 1" : διὰ πλειόνων θέμενος AMW: θέμενος Εἰ : construens Lat. α χύραννος “ tyrant’’ and τυραννεύειν are applied by Josephus to native rulers of small territories. » Bibl. Rabbath Ammon, mod. “Amman in Transjordan. © The several dates here given do not synchronize. ‘The fourth year of Antiochus’ reign and the first of Hyreanus’ was 135/4 B.c., while the 162nd Olympiad began in July 132 s.c. Although Porphyry (ap. Eusebius, Chron. ed. Schoene i. 255) also places Antiochus’ siege of Jerusalem 346 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 235-239 after doing so, fled to Zenon, surnamed Cotylas, who was ruler“ of the city of Philadelphia.° (2) But Antiochus, being resentful of the injuries he had received from Simon, invaded Judaea in the fourth year of his reign and the first of Hyrcanus’ rule, in the hundred and sixty-second Olympiad.? And after ravaging the country, he shut Hyrcanus up in the city ΕΝ which he surrounded with seven camps, but at first he accomplished nothing whatever because of the strength of the walls and “the valour of the besieged, and also, indeed, because of the lack of water, although of this they were relieved by a great downpour of rain which came with the setting of the Pleiades. Thereupon on the north side of the wall, where the ground happened to be level, he erected a hundred towers, each three stories high, on which he mounted companies of soldiers. And every day he made an attack, and by cutting a deep double “ ditch of great width, shut the inhabitants up within the walls. They, however, contrived to make frequent sallies against the enemy, and whenever they took them off their guard, inflicted much in the (third year of the) 162nd Olympiad, Schiirer, i. 259 note 5, suspects the text of Eusebius ; he partially reconciles the contradictions by sugg resting that the war lasted from 134 to 132 πιο. That the siege lasted more than a year is indicated, as Schiirer points out, by the fact that near its beginning occurred the November rains (δυομένης πλειάδος, § 237) and that it was still going on the following October, when the festival of Tabernacles came round (§ 241). More- over, if Josephus’ source here used the so-called Macedonian Olympiad era which preceded the Attic by a year (according to Bickermann, ef. Ant. xii. 321 note d), the discrepancy becomes still less. No dates or details of the siege are given in the parallel, B.J. i. 61. 4 The variants make no reference to the ditch being double. 347 Antiochus Sidetes invades Judaea. 240 241 243 JOSEPHUS τοῖς πολεμίοις, πολλὰ ἔδρων αὐτούς, αἰσθομένων' δὲ ἀνεχώρουν εὐμαρῶς." ἐπεὶ δὲ βλαβερὰν κατ- ενόησεν “Ypxavos τὴν πολυανθρωπίαν, ἀναλισκο- μένων τε τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τάχιον ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς, καὶ μηδενὸς οἷον εἰκὸς ἐκ πολυχειρίας ἔργου γινομένου, τὸ μὲν ἀχρεῖον αὐτῆς ἀποκρίνας ἐξέβαλεν, ὅσον δ᾽ ἦν ἀκμαῖον καὶ μάχιμον, τοῦτο μόνον κατέσχεν. ᾿Αντίοχος μὲν οὖν τοὺς ἀπολεχθέντας ἐξελθεῖν ἐκώλυεν, οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς μεταξὺ τείχεσι πλανώμενοι καὶ προαναλούμενοιλ ταῖς βασάνοις" ἀπέθνησκον οἰκτρῶς. ἐνστάσης" YE μὴν τῆς σκηνοπηγίας €op- τῆς, ἐλεοῦντες αὐτοὺς οἱ ἐντὸς πάλιν εἰσεδέξαντο. πέμψαντος δ᾽ “YpKavod πρὸς ᾿Αντίοχον καὶ σπονδὰς ἡμερῶν ἑπτὰ διὰ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀξιώσαντος γενέσθαι, τῇ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβείᾳ εἴκων σπένδεται, καὶ προσέτι θυσίαν εἰσέπεμψε. μεγαλοπρεπῆ, ταύρους χρυσοκέρωτας" καὶ μεστὰ παντοίων ἀρωμάτων ἐκπώματα χρυσᾶ τε καὶ ἀργυρᾶ. καὶ τὴν μὲν θυσίαν δεξάμενοι παρὰ τῶν κομιζόντων οἱ πρὸς ταῖς πύλαις ὄντες ἄγουσιν εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, ᾿Αντίοχος δὲ τὴν στρατιὰν εἱστία, πλεῖστον ᾿Αντιόχου τοῦ ᾿Επιφανοῦς διενέγκας, ὃς τὴν πόλιν ἑλὼν ὗς μὲν κατέθυσεν ἐπὶ τῶν βωμῶν, τὸν νεὼν δὲ τῷ ζωμῷ τούτων περιέρρανε, συγχέας τὰ ᾿Ιουδαίων νόμιμα καὶ τὴν πάτριον αὐτῶν εὐσέβειαν, ἐφ᾽ ols ἐξεπολε- 1 Cocceji: αἰσθομένους codd.: αἰσθομένους δ᾽ εἰ καταμάθοιεν ex Lat. Hlolwerda: αἰσθομένοις Hudson. εὐχερῶς PF LV: innocui Lat. πλανώμενοι Kal προαναλούμενοι)] κακούμενοι P, ταῖς βασάνοις] τῷ λιμῷ V: om. E. Niese: ἐπιστάσης codd. ταῦρον χρυσοκέρωτα LAMWE Lat. Exe. τῶν βωμῶν Niese: τὸν βωμὸν codd. e wore “2 ὃ ὦ 348 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 239-243 damage on them, and if the enemy perceived them, they easily retired. When, however, Hyrcanus ob- served that his great numbers were a disadvantage because of the rapid consumption of provisions by them, and that the work which was being accom- plished in no way corresponded to the number of hands, he separated from the rest those who were useless, and drove them out, and retained only those who were in the prime of life and able to fight.* But Antiochus, on his side, prevented those who had been rejected from going out, and so, wandering about the walls between the lines, they were the first to be exhausted by their cruel sufferings and were on the point of perishing miserably. Just then, how- ever, the festival of Tabernacles came round, and those within the city took pity on them and admitted them again. And Hyrcanus sent to Antiochus, re- questing a truce of seven days on account of the festival, which Antiochus, deferring to his piety toward the Deity, granted and moreover sent a magnificent sacrifice, consisting of bulls with gilded horns and cups of gold and silver filled with all kinds of spices. And those who were at the gates received the sacrifice from the men who brought it, and took it to the sanctuary, while Antiochus feasted his army, being very different from Antiochus Epiphanes who, when he captured the city, sacrificed swine upon the altars and bespattered the temple with their grease, thus perverting the rites of the Jews and the piety of their fathers, by which acts the nation was driven ® There are several Thucydidean reminiscences in the preceding description of the siege: προσβολὰς ποιησάμενος and ἀφυλάκτοις προσπέσοιεν in ὃ 239, ἐκ πολυχειρίας and τὸ ἀχρεῖον in § 240; cf. Thue. iv. 31. 1 and ii. 77 f. Cf. also below, § 245 note. 349 The chivalry of Antiochus Sidetes. 244 245 246 247 JOSEPHUS / \ Μ \ > / > ~ μώθη τὸ ἔθνος καὶ ἀκαταλλάκτως εἶχεν. τοῦτον / \ > A, > c \ ~ , μέντοι τὸν ᾿Αντίοχον δι᾿ ὑπερβολὴν τῆς θρησκείας Εὐσεβῆ πάντες ἐκάλεσαν. ~ « (3) ᾿Αποδεξάμενος δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπιείκειαν “Yp- κανός, καὶ μαθὼν τὴν περὶ τὸ θεῖον σπουδήν, ἐπρεσβεύσατο πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀξιῶν τὴν πάτριον av- τοῖς πολιτείαν ἀποδοῦναι. ὁ δ᾽ οὐκ' ἀπωσάμενος τὴν ἐπιστολήν, τῶν μὲν παραινούντων ἐξελεῖν τὸ ἔθνος διὰ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλους" αὐτῶν τῆς διαίτης ἀμιξίαν > > / / \ > .) / ΄, οὐκ ἐφρόντιζε, πειθόμενος δὲ κατ᾽ εὐσέβειαν πάντα ποιεῖν τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς ἀπεκρίνατο παραδοῦναι μὲν τὰ ὅπλα τοὺς πολιορκουμένους καὶ δασμὸν αὐτῷ αν τ βαρ \ A ” , A ΄ 4 τελεῖν ᾿Ιόππης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων τῶν πέριξ ΄ > / \ \ / 2 ah ,, τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας, φρουρὰν δὲ δεξαμένους ἐπὶ τούτοις ἦν. \ > A « ἀπηλλάχθαι τοῦ πολέμου. οἱ δὲ τἄλλα μὲν ὑπ- έμενον," τὴν δὲ φρουρὰν οὐχ ὡμολόγουν, διὰ τὴν ἀμιξίαν οὐκ ἐφικνούμενοι" πρὸς ἄλλους. ἀντὶ μέν- 1 δ᾽ οὐκ Niese: δ᾽ aut δὲ codd. = Niese: ἐπιβουλήν PFLVW: συμβουλήν AM: βουλήν Exe. 5. Exe. Hudson: ἀλλήλους codd. Β τῶν πέριξ] πάρεξ FVE Exc. ὑπομένειν P: ὑπέμειναν FY. ὁ ἐπιμιγνύμενοι AMWE Exe. 7 FE Exe. : ἀλλήλους codd. a Cf. Ant. xii. 253) ff. > So Josephus calls him in Ant. vii. 393, although this surname is not found elsewhere, cf. above, ὃ 222 note b. ¢ Similar charges of separateness are made against the Jews by the advisers of revere VII in the parallel account in Diodorus xxxiv. 1, of which most scholars, follow- ing C. Miiller, consider Basta φὴς to be the source. Jose- phus probably knew Posidonius at second hand through Nicolas of Damascus (whom he quotes below, ὃ 251). The phrase used of the Jews in Diodorus is μόνους yap ἁπάντων 350 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 244-247 to war and became his implacable enemy.* This Antiochus, on the other hand, because of his exagger- ated devoutness was by all men called Eusebes (the Pious).? (3) Now Hyrcanus, being favourably impressed by his affability, and learning of his reverence for the Deity, sent envoys to him with the request that he restore to the Jews their native form of government. And Antiochus did not thrust his letter aside, nor did he take note of those who urged him to extirpate this nation because of the separateness of their way of life,” but, as he believed that in all things they had acted with piety, he replied to the envoys that the besieged should hand over their arms, pay tribute to him for Joppa and the other cities bordering on Judaea, and receive a garrison, and that on these terms they might be freed of the war. But the Jews, while they were ready to accept the other terms, would not agree to the garrison, since they did not come into contact with other peoples because of their separateness. In place of the garrison, however, ἐθνῶν ἀκοινωνήτους εἶναι τῆς πρὸς ἄλλο ἔθνος ἐπιμιξίας Kal πολεμίους ὑπολαμβάνειν πάντας, “ they alone of all nations do not take part in social intercourse with other nations, and regard them all as enemies.”’ ‘The charge of ἀμιξία “separateness ’> appears elsewhere in pagan writers on Judaism, cf. the summary in Juster i. 46. Classic expression is given to this accusation by Haman (Est. iii. 8), cf. Ant. xi. 212, where Josephus supplies the adjective ἄμικτον “ἡ un- friendly “ἢ or ‘‘ clannish.”’ Incidentally, much is to be said for the view of Derenbourg, pp. 76-78, that ἀμιξία is the translation (better, the equivalent) of Heb. p*risith, i.e. separatism from paganism, whence the name Pharisees “ separatists,’ applied to this group by their priestly and militarist opponents (the Sadducees); see further the Appendix on the Jewish sects in the last volume of this translation. 351 Hyrcanus comes to terms with Antiochus Sidetes. 248 249 251 ae JOSEPHUS τοι γε τῆς φρουρᾶς ὁμήρους ἐδίδοσαν καὶ τάλαντα ἀργυρίου πεντακόσια, ὧν εὐθὺς τὰ τριακόσια καὶ τοὺς “ὁμήρους προσδεξαμένου τοῦ βασιλέως ἔδοσαν, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ “Ὑρκανοῦ ἀδελφός, καθεῖλε δὲ καὶ τὴν στεφάνην τῆς πόλεως. ἐπὶ τούτοις μὲν οὖν ᾿Αντίοχος τὴν πολιορκίαν λύσας ἀνεχώρησεν. (4) “Ὑρκανὸς δὲ τὸν Δαυίδου τάφον ἀνοίξας, ὃς πλούτῳ τοὺς πώποτε βασιλεῖς ὑπερέβαλε, τρισχίλια μὲν ἀργυρίου τάλαντα ἐξεκόμισεν, ὁρμώμενος δὲ ἀπὸ' τούτων πρῶτος ᾿Ιουδαίων ξενοτροφεῖν ἤρξατο. γίνεται δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς ᾿Αντίοχον φιλία καὶ συμμαχία, καὶ δεξάμενος αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ἀ- φθ όνως πάντα τῇ στρατιᾷ καὶ φιλοτίμως παρέσχεν. καὶ ποιουμένῳ τὴν ἐπὶ Πάρθους αὐτῷ στρατείαν συνεξώρμησεν “Ὑρκανός. μάρτυς δὲ τούτων ἡμῖν ἐστιν καὶ Νικόλαος ὁ Δαμασκηνός, οὕτως ἱστορῶν' τρόπαιον δὲ στήσας ᾿Αντίοχος ἐπὶ τῷ Λύκῳ ποταμῷ, νικήσας ᾿Ινδάτην" τὸν [Πάρθων στρατηγόν, αὐτόθι ἔμεινεν ἡμέρας δύο, δεηθέντος “Ὑρκανοῦ τοῦ ᾿Ιουδαίου διά τινα ἑορτὴν πάτριον, ἐν ἧ τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις οὐκ ἦν νόμιμον ἐξοδεύειν.᾽᾽ καὶ ταῦτα L Cocceji: ὑπὸ οὐδ. E. 2 Σινδάτην PF V: Livdav τινὰ Syncellus. α This brother’s name is unknown. Two of Hyrcanus’ brothers had recently been killed (cf. § 235) and, as Reinach notes, Josephus in § 228 seems to imply that they were his only brothers. >» Some historians take this to mean that only the battle- ments of the walls (στεφάνην - ἡ crown 5) were destroyed. But, as Schiirer points out, the other ancient sources speak of the destruction of the walls themselves (later rebuilt by Hyrcanus, cf. 1 Mace. xvi. 23); ef. Diodorus xxxiy. 1 and Porphyry (ap. Eusebius, Chron. ed. Schoene i. 255). 352 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 247-252 they offered hostages and five hundred talents of silver, three hundred of which and the hostages they gave at once among them being Hyrcanus’ own brother?; and these the king accepted, and pulled down the walls encircling the city.’ Andso, on these conditions, Antiochus raised the siege and withdrew.° (4) Hyreanus also opened the tomb of David, who surpassed all other kings in wealth, and took out three thousand talents of silver, and drawing on this sum, became the first Jewish king to support foreign troops.4 And’ he made a friendly alliance with Antiochus, and admitting him into the city, lavishly and generously supplied his army with all they needed. And when Antiochus undertook an expedi- tion against the Parthians, Hyrcanus set out with him.’ On this we have the testimony of Nicolas of Damascus, who writes as follows. ὁ After defeating Indates, the Parthian general, and setting up a trophy at the Lycus river,’ Antiochus remained there two days at the request of the Jew Hyrcanus because of a festival of his nation on which it was not custom- ary for the Jews to march out.’”” Nor does he speak © Possibly this event is referred to in Megillath Ta‘anith under date of 28th of Shebat (Feb.-March), ‘‘ Antiochus departed from Jerusalem”; cf. Lichtenstein, Fastenrolle, pp. 287-288 and Ant. xii. 383 note d. 4 According to Ant. vii. 393 Hyrcanus gave part of this money to Antiochus to raise the siege. It was probably on this occasion that Hyreanus appealed for help to Rome, cf. Ant. xiii. 260-265, xiv. 247-255. 4 §§ 250-253 have no parallel in B.J. 7 In 130 5... The campaign is described in Diodorus xxxiv. 15-17, Justinus xxxviii. 10, Livy, Hpit. lix., Appian, Syr. 68, Porphyry (ap. Eusebius, Chron. i. 255). The ruler of Parthia was Phraates II; cf. Debevoise, pp. 31-34. 9 The Greater Zab in Assyria. VOL. VII M 2 353 Hyreanus assists Antiochus Sidetes in his Parthian campaign ; the death of Antiochus and return of Demetrius col _ . JOSEPHUS ἢ > / / > / \ « \ μὲν od ψεύδεται λέγων: ἐνέστη yap ἡ πεντηκοστὴ « A \ 4 / > ” > « ΄ ” ἑορτὴ μετὰ TO σάββατον, οὐκ ἔξεστι δ᾽ ἡμῖν οὔτε a ἧς , » > ae er , 253 ἐν τοῖς σαββάτοις οὔτε ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ ὁδεύειν. συμ- βαλὼν δὲ ᾿Αντίοχος ᾿Αρσάκῃ τῷ [άρθῳ πολλήν τε τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀπέβαλε καὶ αὐτὸς ἀπόλλυται, τὴν δὲ τῶν Σύρων βασιλείαν 6 ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ διαδέχεται Δημήτριος, ᾿Αρσάκου αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς > ,ὔ > / , a / > / αἰχμαλωσίας ἀπολύσαντος καθ᾽ ὃν χρόνον ᾿Αντίοχος εἰς τὴν ΠΠαρθυηνὴν ἐνέβαλεν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἐν » rs 1 ἄλλοις δεδήλωται. 254 (ἰχ. 1) ‘Ypxavos δὲ ἀκούσας τὸν ᾿Αντιόχου θά- > \ > \ \ > / / > / vatov εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς ev Συρίᾳ πόλεις ἐξεστρά- τευσεν, οἰόμενος αὐτὰς εὑρήσειν, ὅπερ ἦν, ἐρήμους 255 τῶν μαχίμων καὶ ῥύεσθαι δυναμένων. Μήδαβαν μὲν οὖν, πολλὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς αὐτῷ ταλαιπωρη- θείσης, ἕκτῳ μηνὶ εἷλεν, ἔπειτα καὶ Σαμόγαν" καὶ τὰ πλησίον εὐθὺς αἱρεῖ, Σίκιμά τε πρὸς τούτοις \ \ / 7 θ / ig Δ a3 καὶ Γαριζεὶν τό τε Χουθαίων γένος, 6 περιοικεῖ τὸν εἰκασθέντα τῷ ἐν ‘lepooodvpous ἱερῷ ναόν, ὃν ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐπέτρεψεν οἰκοδομῆσαι Σαναβαλλέτῃ ~ ~ \ \ ~ τῷ στρατηγῷ διὰ τὸν γαμβρὸν Μανασσῆν τὸν bo i for) 1 δεδήλωται] ἡμῶν δεδήλωται συγγράμμασιν P. 2 Yapwyav L: Σαμέγαν V 3 Niese: ὃ περιοίκει P: ὅπερ οἰκεῖ F: ὅπερ ᾧκει rell.: quae possidebat Lat.: 6 παρῴκει Naber. 2 This passage, as Reinach notes, may have a bearing on the relations of Hyrcanus with the Pharisees and Sadducees (see below, §§ 288 ff.), if we assume that Pentecost fell on the first day of the week (Sunday) not by accident, as it might in the Pharisaic system of the calendar, but by in- tention, as in the Sadducaean system, based on a literal interpretation of Leviticus xxiii. 11 ff, 354 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 252-256 falsely in saying this; for the festival of Pentecost had come round, following the Sabbath,’ and we are not permitted to march either on the Sabbath or on a festival. But on engaging Arsaces the Parthian in battle, Antiochus lost a great part of his army and was himself slain’; thereupon his brother De- metrius* succeeded to the throne of Syria, after Arsaces had released him from captivity at the time when Antiochus invaded Parthia, as has already been related elsewhere.? (ix. 1) So soon as he heard of the death of Anti- ochus,’ Hyreanus marched out against the cities of Syria, thinking to find them, as indeed they were, empty of fighting men and of any able to deliver Hyrcanus de-troys the Samari- tan temple on Mount Gerizim ane them. And he captured Medaba/ after six months, judaizes during which his army suffered great hardships ; next he captured Samoga’ and its environs, and, in addition to these, Shechem and Garizein and the Cuthaean nation, which lives near the temple built after the model of the sanctuary at Jerusalem, which Alexander permitted their governor Sanaballetes to build for the sake of his son-in-law Manasses, the > On the confusion in some ancient sources between the deaths of Antiochus IV and of Antiochus VII ef. Ant. xii. 355 note d and Otto in ABAVW, Phil.-Hist. Abt., V.F.M. 11 (1934), p. 85 n. 3. © Demetrius II, ef. §§ 184 ff. 4 Variant “‘ related elsewhere in our writings.” The formula is taken over from Josephus’ source, unless, of course, ἡ elsewhere ’’ means the writings of other historians. “ In 129 B.c.; the parallel in B.J. i. 62 says that Hyrecanus marched out immediately after Antiochus’ invasion of Parthia, at least half a year earlier. ’ The ancient Moabite city, mod. Wadabd, at this time in Nabataean hands, cf. § 11. 9 Variant ‘“‘Samega’’; identified by Abel, GP ii. 443, with mod. Samak, c. 8 miles N.E. of Medaba. 355 Idumaea. JOSEPHUS ᾿Ιαδδοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀδελφόν, ὡς πρότερον δε- δηλώκαμεν. συνέβη δὲ τὸν ναὸν τοῦτον ἔρημον 957 γενέσθαι μετὰ ἔτη διακόσια. “Ὑρκανὸς δὲ καὶ τῆς > , « a / » \ / ‘ Ἰδουμαίας αἱρεῖ πόλεις “Adwpa καὶ Μάρισαν, καὶ ἅπαντας τοὺς ᾿Ιδουμαίους ὑποχειρίους ποιησάμενος ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοῖς μένειν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, εἰ περι- τέμνοιντο τὰ αἰδοῖα καὶ τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίων νόμοις" 958 χρῆσθαι θέλοιεν. οἱ δὲ πόθῳ τῆς πατρίου γῆς καὶ τὴν περιτομὴν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τοῦ βίου δίαιταν ὑπέμειναν τὴν αὐτὴν ᾿ΪΙουδαίοις ποιήσασθαι. κἀκεῖνος" αὐτοῖς 6° χρόνος ἤρχεν' ὥστε εἶναι τὸ λοιπὸν ᾿Ιουδαίους. (9) “ἢ β' \ δὲ « > ι Ἁ av / 0 A 259 (9) “Ypwavos δὲ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀνανεώσασθαι τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους φιλίαν βουλόμενος πέμπει πρὸς αὐτοὺς πρεσβείαν. καὶ ἡ σύγκλητος δεξαμένη τὰ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ γράμματα ποιεῖται πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν 900 τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ: “᾿ Φάννιος Μάρκου υἱὸς στρατη- \ λὴ ’, 5 \ > ‘ ἰδῶ Φ γὸς βουλὴν συνήγαγε" πρὸ ὀκτὼ εἰδῶν Φεβρουα- , > , 6 ΄ , rile piwy ἐν Kopitiw® παρόντος Λουκίου Μαλλίου , tia , 18 \ oh ’ Λουκίου υἱοῦ Mevynvia® καὶ Γαΐου Σεμπρωνίου 1 ψρμίμοις AMWE. ΣΧ; κἀκείνοις τε ]]}. 3 ὃ χρόνος Herwerden: χρόνος ΡΕΝ : χρόνοις rell. 1 ὑπῆρχεν PFV. 5 ἤγαγε PFV. 5. Brissonius: Κόππῳ P: Κόμπῳ F: Κομπίῳ rell.: campo Lat.: πομπίῳ Exc. 7 ex Lat. Niese: Mavviov aut Μανίου (om. P) codd. 8 Manutius: Mentina codd.: Tpopevziva Ritschl. 2° In Ant. xi. 322-324. » This would place the building of the temple c. 330 B.c., cf. vol. vi. Appendix B, p. 509. The destruction of the Samaritan temple by Hyrcanus is probably alluded to in Megillath Ta‘anith, under date of 21st of Kislew (December), s ‘‘ the day of Mount Gerizim.” ¢ Cf. above, § 207 note ὁ. 356 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 256-260 brother of the high priest Jaddua, as we have re- lated before.* Now it was two hundred years later that this temple was laid waste.? Hyrcanus also captured the Idumaean cities of Adora‘ and Marisa,” and after subduing all the Idumaeans, permitted them to remain in their country so long as they had themselves circumcised and were willing to observe the laws*® of the Jews. And so, out of attachment to the land of their fathers, they submitted to cir- cumcision and to making their manner of life con- form in all other respects to that of the Jews. And from that time on they have continued to be Jews.’ (2) 9 Now as the high priest Hyrcanus wished to renew the friendship with the Romans, he sent an embassy tothem. And the Senate received his letter, and made an alliance of friendship with him in the following terms. “* Fannius, the son of Marcus, the praetor,” convened the Senate on the eighth day before the Ides of February in the Comitium’ in the presence of Lucius Mallius, the son of Lucius, of the Menenian* tribe, and of Gaius Sempronius,! the 4 Bibl. Mareshah, mod. Tell Sandahanna, cf. Ant. viii. 246 note 7. * Variant “ἡ customs ” or “ ordinances.” ’ The remarks on the building of the Samaritan temple and the judaizing of the [dumaeans have no parallel in B../. i, 62-63. 9 On the problem whether the following document is to be dated in the reign of Antiochus VII Sidetes (c. 132 B.c.) or in the reign of his son, Antiochus IX Cyzicenus (c. 105 B.c.), see the works cited in Appendix J. " στρατηγός is the translation of Lat. praetor, cf. Magie, pp. 6,11]. * Conj. for corrupt readings of mss. ? Conj. for mss. ** Man(n)ius.” © Conj. for mss. ** Mentinan.”’ ' G. Fannius and G. Sempronius were praetors in 132 B.c., cf. Miinzer in PW 6. 1988 and ILA. 1441. 357 Hyrcanus renews the treaty with Rome. 261 262 263 264 JOSEPHUS ca \ Γαίου' υἱοῦ Φαλέρνα, περὶ ὧν ἐπρέσβευσε Σίμων > Δοσιθέου Kai ᾿Απολλώνιος ᾿Αλεξάνδρου Kai Διό- > / »” \ ‘ > \ dwpos ᾿Ιάσονος, ἄνδρες καλοὶ καὶ ἀγαθοὶ πεμφ- / « Ν / ~ ? ‘ a \ / θέντες ὑπὸ δήμου τοῦ ᾿Ιουδαίων, ot Kai διελέχθησαν περὶ φιλίας τῆς ὑπαρχούσης τούτοις καὶ συμμαχίας ‘ \ ~ πρὸς “Pwpatovs καὶ τῶν δημοσίων πραγμάτων, “ 17 \ , \ ΄ 2 ‘ ‘ ὅπως τε ᾿Ιόππη καὶ λιμένες καὶ Γάζαρα" καὶ Πηγαὶ καὶ ὅσας πόλεις αὐτῶν ἄλλας καὶ χωρία πολεμῶν én > U \ \ a / , 3 ἔλαβεν ᾿Αντίοχος παρὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα, ~ ~ a - - ταῦτα ἀποκατασταθῇ, ἵνα τε τοῖς στρατιώταις τοῖς - \ 59 5 ~ a ~ βασιλικοῖς μὴ ἐξῇ διὰ τῆς χώρας τῆς αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν' ὑπηκόων αὐτῶν" διέρχεσθαι, καὶ ὅπως τὰ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἐκεῖνον ψηφισθέντα" ὑπὸ ᾽Αν- ~ / τιόχου παρὰ TO τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα ἄκυρα γένηται, ἵνα τε πρέσβεις πέμψαντες ἀποδοθῆναί τε > A / \ « > 3 / > , αὐτοῖς ποιήσωσι τὰ ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αντιόχου ἀφαιρεθέντα, ? - καὶ τὴν χώραν διατιμήσωνται τὴν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ διεφθαρμένην, ὅπως τε αὐτοῖς πρός τε βασιλεῖς καὶ ΄ > / / ~ > > / δήμους ἐλευθέρους γράμματα δῶσιν εἰς ἀσφάλειαν τῆς εἰς οἶκον ἐπανόδου. ἔδοξεν οὖν περὶ τούτων ταῦτα: ἀνανεώσασθαι φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν πρὸς »” > \ ‘ € \ / tA > ~ ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς Kat ὑπὸ δήμου πεμφθέντας ἀγαθοῦ 1 ed. pr.: Πενναίου aut Πεννέου codd.: Γναίου Cobet. 2 Talwpa PFA!W. Zora Lat. 3 δόγμα ἀφείλετο LAMW (quae post πολεμῶν om. ἔλαβεν). 4 καὶ τῶν om. LAMW Exe. Lat. 5 ὄντων LAMW Lat.: om. Exe. 5. ψηλαφηθέντα FLV: gesta Lat.: λεηλατηθέντα Naber. 2 So ed. pr.: mss. “* Pennaeus.” 358 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 260-264 son of Gaius,” of the Falernian tribe, to discuss the matters presented by the envoys Simon, the son of Dositheus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Diodorus, the son of Jason, worthy and excellent men sent by the Jewish people, who also spoke of the friendship and alliance existing between their people and the Romans, and of public affairs such as their request that Joppa and its harbours and Gazara and Pegae?” and whatever other cities and territories Antiochus took from them in war,’ con- trary to the decree@ of the Senate, be restored to them, and that the soldiers of the king be not permitted to march through their country or those of their subjects, and that the laws made’ by Antiochus during this same war contrary to the decree of the Senate be annulled, and that the Romans send envoys to bring about the restitu- tion of the places taken from the Jews by Antiochus and to estimate the value of the territory ruined during the war, and also that they give the Jewish envoys letters to the kings and free cities to assure their safe return homeward. Concerning these matters, therefore, it has been decreed that the alliance of friendship be renewed with the worthy men who have been sent by a worthy and friendly ὃ Mod. Ras el ‘Ain, c. 10 miles N.E. of Joppa, cf. BASOR 11 (Oct. 1923), pp. 6 ff. © If this decree was passed in the time of Antiochus VII, the reference is probably to his recapture of the cities and harbours (on the Philistine coast) for which he had earlier demanded tribute from the Jews, cf. above, § 246. 4 δόγμα is usually the translation of Lat. senatus consultum, sometimes of senatus decretum, ef. A. A. Schiller, Textbook of Roman Law, p. 112. * Variant “ things attempted ”’ (lit. ‘‘ groped after’’); con- jectured variant “* spoil taken.” 359 265 266 267 268 JOSEPHUS καὶ didov.”’ περὶ μέντοι τῶν “γραμμάτων' ἀπ- εκρίναντο βουλεύσεσθαι," ὅταν ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων ἡ σύγκλητος εὐσχολήσῃ, σπουδάσειν τε τοῦ λοιποῦ μηδὲν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἀδίκημα τοιοῦτο γενήσεσθαι, δοῦναί τε αὐτοῖς τὸν στρατηγὸν Φάννιον χρήματα ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου, ὅπως" εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανέλθοιεν. Φάννιος μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀποπέμπει τοὺς τῶν Ἴου- δαίων πρέσβεις, χρήματα" δοὺς αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου καὶ δόγμα συγκλήτου πρὸς τοὺς δια- πέμψοντας" καὶ ἀσφαλῆ παρεξομένους τὴν οἴκαδε παρουσίαν. (3) Τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ ‘Ypxavov τὸν ἀρχιερέα ἐν τούτοις ὑπῆρχεν. “Δημητρίῳ δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ προ- θυμουμένῳ στρατεύειν ἐπὶ “Ὑρκανὸν οὐκ ἐξεγένετο καιρὸς οὐδ᾽ ἀφορμή, τῶν τε Σύρων καὶ τῶν στρα- τιωτῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπεχθανομένων (πονηρὸς γὰρ ἢν) καὶ πεμψάντων πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Φύσκωνα ἐπικληθέντα πρέσβεις, ὅπως τινὰ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ Σελεύκου γένους παραδῷ αὐτοῖς ἀποληψόμενον" τὴν βασιλείαν. τοῦ δὲ Πτολεμαίου πέμψαντος ᾿Αλέξανδρον μετὰ στρατιᾶς τὸν Ζεβινᾶν" ἐπιλεγό- μενον, καὶ μάχης πρὸς τὸν Δημήτριον γενομένης, ὁ μὲν ἡττηθεὶς τῇ μάχῃ φεύγει πρὸς Κλεοπάτραν ' πραγμάτων AMW ἔχο. : rebus ablatis Lat. 2 Hudson: βουλεύεσθαι V: βουλεύσασθαι rell. 3 Naber: ὅπως av codd. 4 + re AMW Exc. 5 διαπέμψαντας PFLV Exc. 8 ἀποληψόμενος V: ληψόμενον LAME: λειψόμενον W. 7 ZeBivav PW: Zebenna Lat., cf. § 273. “cc α Variant ‘‘ matters.” As Reinach notes, the reference is probably to the cient appeal to Rome to intervene in their quarrel with Antiochus, which the Senate politely tabled. 360 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 265-268 people.” Concerning the letters,¢ however, they replied that they would deliberate when the Senate should have leisure from its own affairs, and that they would take care that no similar injustice should be done them in future, and also that the praetor Fannius should give them money from the public treasury for their return home. Accordingly Fannius dismissed the Jewish envoys in this manner, giving them money from the public treasury and a decree of the Senate to those who were to conduct them on their way and furnish them a safe return home. (3) °Such, then, was the situation under the high priest Hyreanus. As for King Demetrius, who was eager to march against Hyrcanus, he found neither the time nor the occasion for doing so, as both the Syrians and his soldiers were hostile to him—for he was a scoundrel—and sent envoys to Ptolemy, sur- named Physcon,° asking him to give them someone of the family of Seleucus to occupy the throne. Ptolemy therefore sent Alexander, also called Zebinas,? with an army, and a battle with Demetrius took place,¢ in which Demetrius was defeated ; he then fled to » The following section, chiefly on Seleucid history, to § aff like the Roman decree preceding, has no parallel in BJ. © Ptolemy VII Euergetes II, nicknamed Physcon (‘‘ fat paunch’”’); he was a brother of Ptolemy Philometor, and reigned from 146 to 116 B.c.; on his enmity to the Jews of Egypt see Ap. ii. 51-55. 4 This name, written Zabinas in some ancient sources, is the Gr. form of Aram. Z*bind “ the bought one” ; it occurs as a Jewish name in Ezra x. 43. According to Justinus, xxxix. 1. 4, Zebinas was an Egyptian youth whom Ptolemy put forward as an adopted son of Antiochus Sidetes ; accord- ing to Porphyry (ap. Eusebius, Chron. ed. Schoene i. 257), he was represented to be a son of Alexander Balas. ¢ Near Damascus, cf. Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 250. 361 Alexander Zebinas seizes the throne from Demetrius If. JOSEPHUS \ - 5 he ‘ \ ,’ τὴν γυναῖκα εἰς Πτολεμαΐδα, καὶ μὴ δεξαμένης αὐτὸν τῆς γυναικὸς ἐκεῖθεν εἰς Τύρον ἀπελθὼν ἁλίσκεται, καὶ πολλὰ παθὼν ὑπὸ τῶν μισούντων 269 ἀπέθανεν. ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν παρα- 270 λαβὼν φιλίαν ποιεῖται πρὸς ‘YpKavov τὸν ἀρχιερέα. ἔπειτα' πολεμήσαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ Δημητρίου παιδὸς ἾΑ / ~ if; ~ > λ θ / «ε ‘ ~ ντιόχου τοῦ Τρυποῦ ἐπικληθέντος, ἡττηθεὶς τῇ μάχῃ διαφθείρεται. (x. 1) Παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν τῆς Συρίας βασιλείαν ὁ ᾿Αντίοχος ἐπὶ μὲν τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν στρατεύειν > ι > ‘ > ‘ > , \ ε ΄, εὐλαβὴς ἦν, τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀκούων τὸν ὁμομήτριον. 3 / \ > A > - ΄ὔ Lae > \ (Avrioyos δὲ κἀκεῖνος ἐκαλεῖτο) δύναμιν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν 5 \ / , / \ \ / ἀπὸ Κυζίκου συλλέγειν. μένων δὲ κατὰ χώραν ἔγνω παρασκευάζειν αὑτὸν πρὸς τὴν ἔφοδον τὴν τἀδελφοῦ, ὃς Κυζικηνὸς μὲν ἐπεκλήθη διὰ τὸ τραφῆναι ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει, πατρὸς δ᾽ ἦν ᾿Αντιόχου ~ ‘al ~ > / Δ > / > τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἐπικληθέντος, ὃς ἐν Ilapfos ἀπ- ἔθανεν: οὗτος δὲ ἀδελφὸς ἦν Δημητρίου τοῦ ἸΓρυποῦ πατρός. συνέβη μέντοι μίαν τοῖς δυσὶν ἀδελφοῖς ΄σ / ( \ > ” ec / 2 γῆμαι Κλεοπάτραν, ws Kat ἐν ἄλλοις ἱστορήκαμεν. ὁ δὲ Κυζικηνὸς ᾿Αντίοχος παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν Συρίαν πολλοῖς ἔτεσι πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν πολεμῶν 1 + 6¢é LAMWE. 2 δεδηλώκαμεν AMW: rettulimus Lat. α }iis former wife, who had married his brother Antiochus Sidetes when Demetrius was captured, cf. above, §§ 221-222. Cleopatra was reunited with Demetrius on the death of Antiochus Sidetes. » According to Appian, Syr. 68, and Livy, Hpit. Ix., it was Cleopatra who ordered Demetrius to be killed. This was in 126/5 B.c. © In 123/2.nice 362 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 268-272 Ptolemais to his wife Cleopatra,’ but as his wife would not receive him, he went from there to Tyre, where he was captured and put to death after suffering severely at the hands of those who hated him.’ Thereupon Alexander took over the royal power and made friends with the high priest Hyrcanus. Later,® in a battle with Demetrius’ son Antiochus, surnamed Grypus,’ he was defeated and killed. (x. 1) But when Antiochus took over the royal power in Syria, he was wary of marching upon Judaea, for he heard that his brother on his mother’s side— he too was called Antiochus ’—was collecting a force against him from Cyzicus.’ And so he decided to remain in his own land and prepare himself to meet the incursion of his brother, who was surnamed Cyzicenus because he had been brought up in the city of Cyzicus, being the son of ΤΈΣΣ surnamed Soter,’ who had met death among the Parthians ; this Antiochus (Soter) was a brother of Grypus’ father Demetrius, for it so happened that Cleopatra had been married to the two brothers, as we have narrated elsewhere.” And Antiochus Cyzicenus came into Syria and waged continuous war upon his brother 4 Antiochus VIII Grypus, the son of Demetrius II by Cleopatra, cf. § 271 and next note. ¢ Antiochus IX Cyzicenus was the son of Antiochus Sidetes; thus he was both a step-brother and a cousin of Antiochus Grypus, as Josephus explains in § 271. ’ Reinach suspects the words “ from Cyzicus ” of being interpolated, but gives no reason for his suspicion. Possibly in Josephus’ source these words originally followed the sur- name ‘‘ Cyzicenus ” to explain it. 9 ** Soter ’’ is not elsewhere given as a surname of Antiochus VII, cf. § 222 note a. » Cf. § 222. However, as Reinach notes, Josephus may have taken over the cross-reference from his source. 363 Antiochus Grypus becomes king, and is attacked by Antiochus Cyzicenus. JOSEPHUS / « ‘ \ A > - ‘ / διετέλει. Ὑρκανὸς δὲ πάντα ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον 273 ἐν “εἰρήνῃ διῆγεν" καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς “μετὰ τὴν Av 4 9 τιόχου τελευτὴν τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀπέστη καὶ οὔτε ὡς ὑπήκοος οὔτε ὡς φίλος αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ἔτι παρ- εἶχεν, GAN ἦν αὐτῷ τὰ πράγματα ἐν ἐπιδόσει πολλῇ καὶ ἀκμῇ κατὰ τοὺς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ Ζεβι- ναίου καιροὺς καὶ μάλιστα ἐπὶ τούτοις τοῖς ἀδελ- φοῖς ὁ γὰρ πρὸς ἀλλήλους αὐτοῖς πόλεμος σχολὴν Γρκανῷ καρποῦσθαι τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας παρέσχεν, ὡς “ἄπειρόν τι πλῆθος χρημάτων συναγαγεῖν. τοῦ μέντοι γε, Κυζξικηνοῦ τὴν γῆν κακοῦντος, φανερῶς καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν αὑτοῦ προαί- ρεσιν ἐπεδείκνυτο, καὶ τῶν ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου συμ- μάχων ἔρημον ὁρῶν τὸν ᾿Αντίοχον, καὶ αὐτόν τε πράττοντα κακῶς καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ ἐν τοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀγῶσιν, ἀμφοτέρων κατεφρόνησεν “ἢ (2) Καὶ στρατεύει μὲν ἐπὶ Σαμάρειαν πόλιν ὀχυρωτάτην, περὶ ἧς, ὅτι καλεῖται νῦν Σεβαστὴ κτισθεῖσα ὑπὸ Ἡρώδου, κατὰ χώραν" δηλώσομεν. προσβαλὼν δὲ αὐτῇ φιλοπόνως" ἐπολιόρκει, μισο- πονηρῶν τοῖς Σαμαρεῦσιν ὑπὲρ ὧν Μαρισηνοὺς ἀποίκους ὄντας ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ συμμάχους ἠδίκησαν, 1 προσεῖχεν coni. Niese. 2 τούτων τῶν ἀδελφῶν coni. Richards-Shutt. 3 + Ὑρκανός LAMWE. 4 σχολὴν FLV. 5 φιλοφρόνως PFV. ¢ From 122 to 113 8.6. Grypus ruled alone; from 113 to 111 5.6. he was kept out of Syria by Cyzicenus ; in 111 B.c. he returned and took the greater part of the country from Cyzicenus, who had to be content with ruling Coele-Syria (Phoenicia and Palestine). Hostilities between them con- tinued until the death of Grypus in 96 B.c. » * All this time ’? means the years 129 to 104 B.c., when Hyrcanus died. 364 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII[. 272-275 for many years.? But during all this time Hyrcanus Hyrcanus lived in peace’; for after the death of Antiochus Sede (Sidetes) he too revolted from the Macedonians, and independent no longer furnished them any aid® either as a subject ae or as a friend; instead, his. government progressed and flourished greatly during the reign of Alexander Zebinas“ and especially under these brothers. For the war between them gave Hyrcanus leisure to exploit Judaea undisturbed, with the result that he amassed a limitless sum of money. Moreover, when Cyzicenus ravaged his land,’ he openly showed his intention,’ and seeing that Antiochus had been deserted by his Egyptian allies’ and that both he and his brother were faring badly in their struggle with each other, he” showed contempt for both of them. (2) And so he marched against Samaria, a very Hyrcanus strongly fortified city; how this city was founded? mcs by Herod under the name of Sebaste, as it is now ; called, we shall relate in the proper place.’ And he attacked and besieged it vigorously; for he hated the Samaritans as scoundrels because of the injuries which, in obedience to the kings of Syria, they had © Lit. “ furnished anything,” for which Niese conjectures “held to them.” 4 Cf. above, § 268. “Cf. § 278. ’ i.e. his hostility. 9 In 106 B.c. Ptolemy VIII Soter II Lathyrus came to Syria as an ally of Cyzicenus, while his mother Cleopatra III was Suppon cs Grypus, cf. Bevan, Ptol. pp. 328-330, and §§ 278 ff. * Variant “ Hyrcanus.” * Or, as we should say, “‘ refounded.”’ On the technical concept of city-founding see A. Tscherikower, Die helle- nistischen Stidtegriindungen vom Alexander d. Gr. bis auf die Rimerzeit (Philologus, Supplbd. xix, H. 1), 1927. ’ Variant “ἴῃ good time’; the reference is to Ant. xv. 296 fF 365 JOSEPHUS 276 ὑπακούοντες τοῖς τῶν Σύρων βασιλεῦσιν. περι- 277 278 βαλὼν οὖν τάφρον πανταχόθεν τῇ πόλει καὶ διπλοῦν τεῖχος ὡς, σταδίων ὀγδοήκοντα τοὺς υἱοὺς ἐφ- ίστησιν ᾿Αντίγονον καὶ ᾿Αριστόβουλον. ὧν ἐγκει- μένων" εἰς τοῦτο ἀνάγκης ὑπὸ λιμοῦ προαχθῆναι τοὺς Σαμαρεῖς συνέπεσεν, ὡς ἅψασθαι μὲν καὶ τῶν ἀήθων, ἐπικαλέσασθαι δὲ βοηθὸν ᾿Αντίοχον τὸν Κυζικηνόν. ὃς ἑτοίμως ἐπὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν ἀφικό- μενος ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ ᾿Αριστόβουλον ἡττᾶται, διωχ- θεὶς δ᾽ ἄχρι Σκυθοπόλεως ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν διέφυγεν. οἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοὺς Σαμαρεῖς ὑποστρέψαντες συγκλείουσι πάλιν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος αὐτούς, ὡς καὶ δεύτερον ἐπικαλέσασθαι σύμμαχον πέμψαντας τὸν" αὐτὸν ᾿Αντίοχον. ὃς παρὰ []τολεμαίου τοῦ Λα- θούρου μεταπεμψάμενος ἀνδρας εἰς ἑξακισχιλίους, οὗς ἀκούσης τῆς μητρὸς ἐκεῖνος καὶ ὅσον οὔπω τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτὸν ἐκβεβληκυίας ἐξαπέστειλε, τὸ" μὲν πρῶτον ἐπιὼν ἐπόρθει τὴν “Ypxavod χώραν μετὰ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων λῃστρικῶς, μάχεσθαι μὲν αὐτῷ κατὰ πρόσωπον οὐ τολμῶν (οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἀξιό- χρεως ἡ δύναμις αὐτοῦ) νομίζων δὲ τῇ κακώσει τῆς 1 ὡς Niese: ὡς ἀπὸ P: ἀπὸ rell. 3 ἐπικειμένων PFY, 3 πρὸς τὸν AMWE. 4 ὃςτὸ AMWE. 2 Marisa, an Idumaean city, had recently been captured by Hyreanus, cf. ὃ 257; but it is difficult, as Reinach remarks, to see how the Samaritans could have got to a city in Idumaea. I suggest, therefore, that “‘ Marisa” is a textual error for ὁ Samaria,’’ meaning that part of Samaria the territory, not the city, presumably colonized by Hyreanus after he took Shechem and other Samaritan cities, cf. § 255. 366 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 276-278 done to the people of Marisa, who were colonists and allies of the Jews.* Accordingly he made a irench round the city on all sides, and a double wall for a distance of some eighty stades,’ and placed his sons Antigonus and Aristobulus in charge. And as they pressed the siege, the Samaritans were finally brought by famine to such a state of need* that they were forced to take for food even things that are not used for that purpose, and at the same time to call upon Antiochus Cyzicenus for help.“ He readily came to their assistance, but he was defeated by Aristobulus and was pursued by the brothers as far as Seythopolis, where he made his escape. The brothers then re- turned to Samaria and once more shut up the Samari- tans within the wall,’ so that a second time they had to call upon this same Antiochus for aid; he thereupon applied to Ptolemy Lathyrus/’ for six thousand men, which the latter sent to him against the wish of his mother,’ who all but drove him from the kingdom when she heard of it; and with these Egyptians Antiochus at first invaded and ravaged Hyrcanus’ territory like a brigand, for he dared not meet him in battle face to face—his force was not adequate for that—, but supposed that by damaging A similar confusion occurs in the mss. of 1 Macc. y. 66, cf. Ant. xii. 353 note h. δ C. 9 miles. © A Thucydidean phrase (Thue. i. 49. 7) found also in § 382, but not in the parallel B.J. i. 64. 4 The parallel in B.J. i. 65 has *“* Antiochus Aspendius,” meaning Antiochus VIII Grypus; if that is correct, the siege must have taken place before 113 B.c., cf. § 272 note α. But, as Schiirer remarks, i. 268 n. 22, the appeal of Antiochus to Ptolemy Lathyrus favours a later date, shortly before 107 B.c. * The following sections, to ὃ 299, have no parallels in B.J. (except for a brief phrase or two in §§ 281 and 288). 4 See note a, p. 370. 9 Cleopatra III, ef. § 274 note g. 367 279 280 281 282 283 JOSEPHUS ~ > 4 ey \ ~ \ ~ ‘ γῆς ἀναγκάσειν “Ypxavov λῦσαι τὴν τῆς Σαμαρείας πολιορκίαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ πολλοὺς τῶν στρατιωτῶν > / > / / > ~ > , ἀπώλλυεν ἐνέδραις περιπίπτων, ἀπῆρεν εἰς Τρί- / ΤΥΧΕΙ͂Ν /, | ‘ A πολιν, ΚΚαλλιμάνδρῳ καὶ ᾿᾿3πικράτει τὸν πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους πόλεμον ἐπιτρέψας. (3) Καλλίμανδρος μὲν οὖν θρασύτερον τοῖς πολε- μίοις προσενεχθεὶς" εἰς φυγὴν τραπόμενος" παρα- ~ / > / \ € A χρῆμα διεφθάρη. ᾿Ἐπικράτης δὲ ὑπὸ φιλοχρη- , / τ, / A \ » ‘ ΄ὔ ματίας τήν τε Σκυθόπολιν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πρὸς ταύτῃ χωρία προύδωκε φανερῶς τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις, τὴν δὲ + , , ΄ zee 297 cy Σαμαρείας πολιορκίαν διαλύειν" οὐκ ἠδύνατο. “Yp- κανὸς μὲν οὖν τὴν πόλιν ἑλὼν ἐνιαυτῷ πολιορκήσας οὐκ ἠρκέσθη μόνῳ τούτῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶσαν αὐτὴν ἠφάνισεν, ἐπίκλυστον τοῖς χειμάρροις ποιήσας" διασκάψας γὰρ αὐτὴν ὥστε εἰς χαράδρας" μετα- πεσεῖν, τὰ σημεῖα τοῦ γενέσθαι ποτὲ πόλιν αὐτὴν 3 / / / \ ~ > / ἀφείλετο. παράδοξον δέ τι περὶ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως “Ὑρκανοῦ λέγεται, τίνα τρόπον αὐτῷ τὸ θεῖον εἰς λόγους ἦλθεν: φασὶ yap ὅτι κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν Kal? ἣν οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ τῷ Κυζικηνῷ συνέβαλον, αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ ναῷ θυμιῶν μόνος ὧν δ᾽ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀκούσειε φωνῆς ὡς οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ νε- νικήκασιν ἀρτίως τὸν ᾿Αντίοχον. καὶ τοῦτο 1 ἀποκρινάμενος ΡΕΝ : συμβαλὼν E. 3 θρασύτερον. . . τραπόμενος] adversariis fugam simulan- tibus et post reversis Lat. 3 λύειν AMWE. 4 χαράδραν LAMW. > 6om. PAVE. @ On the Syrian coast, N. of Berytus. » According to the parallel in B.J. i. 66 the Jews took Seythopolis by arms after the fall of Samaria, and then 568 a JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 278-283 his territory he would compel Hyrcanus to raise the siege of Samaria. However, after losing many of his men by falling into ambushes, he went off to Tripolis,* leaving Callimandrus and Epicrates to direct the war against the Jews. (3) But as Callimandrus attacked the enemy too recklessly, he was put to rout and killed on the spot. As for Epicrates, out of greed for money he openly betrayed Scythopolis and other places near it to the Jews, but could not bring the siege of Samaria to an end. And so Hyrcanus captured the city after besieging it for a year, but not being content with that alone, he effaced it entirely and left it to be swept away by the mountain-torrents,° for he dug beneath it until it fell into the beds of the torrents, and so removed all signs of its ever having been a city.? Now about the high priest Hyrcanus an extra- ordinary story " is told how the Deity communicated with him, for they say that on the very day on which his sons fought with Cyzicenus, Hyrcanus, who was alone in the temple, burning incense as high priest, heard a voice saying that his sons had just defeated occupied the country between Scythopolis (mod. Beisdn) and Mount Carmel. ¢ Variant “a mountain-torrent.” For evidences of Hyrcanus’ destruction see Reisner, Fisher, Lyon, Harvard Pacavations at Samaria (1909-1910), 2 vols., 1924. 4 The capture of (the wall of) Samaria is mentioned in Megillath Ta‘anith under the date of 25th of Heshwan (November). ¢ Fora rabbinic parallel to this story, see Derenbourg, p. 74. 7 Presumably on the Day of Atonement, on the 10th of Tishri, cf. Ley. xvi. 12 ff.; if that is so, there is a chrono- logical discrepancy between this story and the notice in Megillath Ta‘anith (cf. above, noted). The rabbinic parallels to Josephus’ account do not indicate when Hyrcanus re- ceived the revelation. 369 Hyrecanus destroys Samaria. 284 285 286 JOSEPHUS ‘ > ~ ~ ‘ ~ / ‘ προελθὼν ἐκ τοῦ ναοῦ παντὶ τῷ πλήθει φανερὸν ἐποίησε, καὶ συνέβη οὕτως γενέσθαι. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ “Ὑρκανὸν ἐν τούτοις ἦν. ‘\ \ ~ » ‘ \ A / (4) Κατὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἔτυχε Tov καιρὸν μὴ μόνον \ > « / ‘ ~ / > ,ὔ τοὺς ἐν ‘lepocoAvpous καὶ τῇ χώρᾳ ᾿Ιουδαίους εὐπραγεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ κατ- ~ \ > > / \ / / οικοῦντας Kat ev Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ Κύπρῳ: Κλεοπάτρα \ « Ul \ \ Sv / yap ἡ βασίλισσα πρὸς Tov υἱὸν στασιάζουσα IIro- λεμαῖον τὸν Λάθουρον ἐπιλεγόμενον κατέστησεν ε ,ὔ A A Wed , ἘπΠὺ » > ’ὔ ἡγεμόνας Χελκίαν καὶ ᾿Ανανίαν, υἱοὺς ὄντας ᾿Ονίου ~ > / ‘ \ > - « ,’ὔ τοῦ οἰκοδομήσαντος τὸν ναὸν ἐν τῷ ᾿ΗἩλιοπολίτῃ νομῷ πρὸς τὸν ἐν “Ἱεροσολύμοις, ὡς καὶ πρόσθεν' / ~ \ / c / δεδηλώκαμεν. παραδοῦσα δὲ τούτοις ἡ Κλεοπάτρα τὴν στρατιὰν οὐδὲν δίχα τῆς τούτων γνώμης ἔπραττεν, ὡς μαρτυρεῖ καὶ Στράβων ἡμῖν ὁ Καπ- / / “ ae € \ / -“ πάδοξ λέγων οὕτως: “ot γὰρ πλείους, οἵ τε συγκατελθόντες" καὶ οἱ ὕστερον ἐπιπεμπόμενοι παρὰ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας εἰς Κύπρον, μετεβάλοντο παραχρῆμα πρὸς τὸν [᾿τολεμαῖον- μόνοι δὲ οἵ ἐκ Ὁ 9 , , avo A ͵, \ \ τῆς ᾿Ονίώουυ λεγόμενοι; ᾿Ιουδαῖοι συνέμενον διὰ τὸ τοὺς πολίτας αὐτῶν εὐδοκιμεῖν μάλιστα παρὰ τῇ / / ΝΣ / ᾽) ~ \ βασιλίσσῃ Χελκίαν τε καὶ ᾿Ανανίαν.᾽᾿ ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ Στράβων φησίν. 1 ἐν ἄλλοις PFLV. 3. συνελθόντες ῬΕΙ͂Ν, 3 ἡμῖν καὶ FLV. 1 γενόμενοι P. 2 Lathyrus (“ chick-pea’’) was the popular name of Ptolemy VIII Soter II, ef. § 274 note g. 370 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 233-287 Antiochus. And on coming out of the temple he revealed this to the entire multitude, and so it actually happened. ‘This, then, was how the affairs of Hyrcanus were going. (4) At this time not only were the Jews in Jeru- salem and in the country (of Judaea) in a flourishing condition, but also those who lived in Alexandria and in Egypt and Cyprus. For Queen Cleopatra, who was at war with her son Ptolemy, surnamed Lathyrus,“ ap- pointed as her generals Chelkias® and Ananias,’ sons of the Onias who had built the temple in the nome of Heliopolis, which was similar to the one at Jeru- salem, as we have related before.? And having en- trusted her army to them, Cleopatra did nothing without their approval, as Strabo of Cappadocia also testifies, when he writes as follows. “‘ For the majority, both those who came back from exile and those who were later sent to Cyprus by Cleopatra, immediately went over to Ptolemy. And only the Jews of the district named for Onias remained faithful to her, because their fellow-citizens® Chelkias and Ananias were held in special favour by the queen.’’f This, then, is what Strabo says. » The Gr. form of bibl. Hilkiah (Hilqiyahii). © The Gr. form of bibl. Hananiah (Hananyah). 4 Variant ‘‘ elsewhere’; cf. 88 62-73. * Or “ co-religionists,” ef. Ant. xii. 46 note ὦ. 7 Gutschmid (cited by Fuchs, p. 16) suggests that Chelkias is the unnamed general of Cleopatra III, referred to in Justinus xxxix. 4, who was executed for letting Ptolemy escape her hands. Reinach, RAJ xl. (1900), pp. 50 ff., identifies as a son of Chelkias the στρατηγός of the Helio- politan nome mentioned in an inscription of 102 πιο The struggle referred to in the excerpt from Strabo was that between Ptolemy Lathyrus and Cleopatra III during the years 107-102 B.c., cf. Bevan, Ptol. pp. 329-331. 371 The favourable position of the Jews in Egyptunder Cleopatra. 288 289 290 292 JOSEPHUS . ~ =~ > (5) ‘Ypxavd δὲ φθόνον ἐκίνησε παρὰ τῶν *lov- δαίων ἥ τε αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν υἱῶν' εὐπραγία, μάλιστα a a \ 7 3 δὲ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι κακῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶχον, αἵρεσις ~ > ‘ > - > / ὄντες μία τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων, ὡς Kal ἐν τοῖς ἐπάνω \ 7 δεδηλώκαμεν. τοσαύτην δὲ ἔχουσι τὴν ἰσχὺν παρὰ τῷ πλήθει ὡς καὶ κατὰ βασιλέως τι λέγοντες καὶ / A Kat ἀρχιερέως εὐθὺς" πιστεύεσθαι. μαθητὴς δὲ ΕῚ a S ὦ \ τὰν / 4 \ "ὃ © 19 ? ~ αὐτῶν ἦν" Kat “Υρκανός, καὶ σφόδρα ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ΄- »7? ἠγαπᾶτο. καὶ δὴ καλέσας αὐτοὺς ἐφ᾽ ἑστίασιν καὶ /, € / 5 \ / ε / φιλοφρόνως ὑποδεξάμενος, ἐπεὶ σφόδρα ἡδομένους \ \ wv ἑώρα, λέγειν ἤρξατο πρὸς αὐτοὺς ws ἴσασιν μὲν > , \ ΄ Ἂς αὐτὸν βουλόμενον εἶναι δίκαιον καὶ πάντα ποιοῦντα = a \ a 65 ἐξ ὧν ἀρέσειεν av TH θεῷ καὶ αὐτοῖς (ot? yap A ~ > , Φαρισαῖοι φιλοσοφοῦσιν), ἠξίου γε μήν, εἴ τι « / \ ~ ~ ~ βλέπουσιν αὐτὸν ἁμαρτάνοντα καὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ τῆς > \ δικαίας ἐκτρεπόμενον, εἰς αὐτὴν ἐπανάγειν καὶ ἐπανορθοῦν. τῶν δὲ μαρτυρησάντων αὐτῷ πᾶσαν a >? / ~ ἀρετήν, ὁ μὲν ἥσθη τοῖς ἐπαίνοις," εἷς δέ τις τῶν ΄ > / ΝΜ, / n” ΄ κατακειμένων ᾿Βλεάζαρος ὄνομα, κακοήθης ὧν φύ- > σει Kal στάσει χαίρων, “ evel,’ φησίν, “᾿ ἠξίωσας γνῶναι τὴν ἀλήθειαν, εἰ θέλεις" εἶναι δίκαιος, τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀπόθου, καὶ μόνον ἀρκείτω σοι τὸ ” ~ “ \ 3 ~ ἄρχειν τοῦ λαοῦ. τὴν δ᾽ αἰτίαν αὐτοῦ πυθομένου 1 te... υἱῶν, om. PFVE. 2 εὐθὺ PFLAMW: facile Lat. > Fvom. LAMWE. «+ ἐγεγόνει AMWE. δ αὐτοὶ WE. ὁ ἐπαινοῦσιν PFLV. 7 θέλεις δὲ ΡΕῚ,. 2 The following story of Hyrcanus’ break with the Pharisees, §§ 288-298, has a parallel in the Bab. Talmud, Qiddusxin 66a, for which see Derenbourg, pp. 79-81; there the Hasmonaean ruler is called Yannai (= Alexander Jannaeus) 372 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 288-292 (5) “As for Hyreanus, the envy of the Jews was The aroused against him by his own successes and those es of his sons’; particularly hostile to him were the Hyreanus Pharisees, who are one of the Jewish schools, as we noon have related above. And so great is their influence Priesthood. with the masses that even when they speak against a king or high priest,’ they immediately gain cre- dence. Hyrcanus too was a disciple of theirs, and was greatly loved by them. And once he invited them to a feast and entertained them hospitably, and when he saw that they were having a very good time, he began by saying that they knew he wished to be righteous and in everything he did tried to please God and them—for the Pharisees profess such beliefs ; at the same time he begged them, if they observed him doing anything wrong or straying from the right path, to lead him back to it and correct him. But they testified to his being altogether virtuous, and he was delighted with their praise. However, one of the guests, named Eleazar,’ who had an evil nature and took pleasure in dissension, said, “ Since you have asked to be told the truth, if you wish to be righteous, give up the high-priesthood and be content with governing the people.” And when Hyrcanus instead of Johanan (John); on the confusion of the two names in Hebrew cf. Derenbourg, p. 80 note 1, p. 95 note 1. » The variant omits “* and those of his sons.”’ © §§ 171-173. 4 As Reinach notes, the distinction here made between the king and the high priest indicates Josephus’ use of a source of Herod’s time, presumably Nicolas of Damascus. To this 1 may add the observation that the style of most of the passages on the Jewish sects suggests the hand of Nicolas. * The Hasmonaean ruler’s critic is called Judah in the Talmudic parallel. 373 293 294 295 296 JOSEPHUS > Δ > / \ > / cg ” / dv ἣν ἀπόθοιτο τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην “ drt,” φησίν, “ἀκούομεν παρὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων αἰχμάλωτόν σου γεγονέναι τὴν μητέρα βασιλεύοντος ᾿Αντιόχου τοῦ ᾿Επιφανοῦς. "Ὁ μευδὴς δὲ ὁ λόγος ἦ ἦν' καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν “Υρκανὸς παρωξύνθ ἢ, καὶ πάντες δ᾽ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι σφοδρῶς ἠγανάκτησαν. (6) Τῶν δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς Σαδδουκαίων αἱρέσεως, οἵ τὴν ἐναντίαν τοῖς Φαρισαίοις προαίρεσιν ἔχουσιν, > , 1 5) A , , ” cy A [Ιωνάθης τις ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φίλος ὧν Ἰρκανῷ τῇ κοινῇ πάντων Φαρισαίων γνώμῃ ποιήσασθαι τὰς βλασφημίας τὸν ᾿Βλεάζαρον ἔλεγεν" καὶ τοῦτο ἔσεσθαι φανερὸν αὐτῷ πυθομένῳ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων τίνος ἀξιός ἐστιν ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰρημένοις κολάσεως. τοῦ δὲ ὍΝ ρκανοῦ τοὺς Φαρισαίους ἐρομένου τίνος αὐτὸν ἄξιον ἡγοῦνται τιμωρίας (πεισθήσεσθαι" yap οὐ μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης γεγονέναι τὰς βλασφη- μίας, τιμησαμένων αὐτὸν τῷ μέτρῳ τῆς δίκης) ~ ” \ - ᾿ » Ἀ rp / πληγῶν ἔφασαν καὶ δεσμῶν: οὐ γὰρ ἐδόκει, λοιδο- ρίας ἕνεκα θανάτῳ ζημιοῦν, ἄλλως Te καὶ φύσει πρὸς τὰς κολάσεις ἐπιεικῶς ἔχουσιν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι. πρὸς τοῦτο λίαν ἐχαλέπηνε, καὶ δοκοῦν" ἐκείνοις ᾽ὔ \ / κ᾿ Μ > 4 ποιήσασθαι tas βλασφημίας τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐνό- μισεν. μάλιστα δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐπιπαρώξυνεν ᾿Ιωνάθης \ ,ὔ Ὁ σ a τι ’ὔ >? , 4 καὶ διέθηκεν οὕτως, ὥστε τῇ Σαδδουκαίων ἐποίησε προσθέσθαι μοίρᾳ, τῶν Φαρισαίων ἀποστάντα καὶ / ¢ > > ~ / / ~ , τά τε ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν κατασταθέντα νόμιμα τῷ δήμῳ 1 Ἰωάννης AMWE hic et infra, § 295. 2 πειραθήσεσθαι PIL. 3 πρὸς τὸ δοκοῦν LAMWE, 4 ποιῆσαι FV: ποιεῖσθαι Hudson: om. Naber cum E. ® This would have been a violation of the laws, based on Ley. xxi. 14, concerning the genealogical qualifications of the high priest. S74 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 292-296 asked him for what reason he should give up the high-priesthood, he replied, “‘ Because we have heard from our elders that your mother was a captive in the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes.” * But the story was false, and Hyrcanus was furious with the man, while all the Pharisees were very indignant. (6) Then a certain Jonathan,’ one of Hyrcanus’ close friends, belonging to the school of Sadducees, whe hold opinions opposed to those of the Pharisees, said that it had been with the general approval of all the Pharisees that Eleazar had made his slander- ous statement; and this, he added, would be clear to Hyrcanus if he inquired of them what punishment Eleazar deserved for what he had said. And so Hyrcanus asked the Pharisees what penalty they thought he deserved—for, he said, he would be con- vinced that © the slanderous statement had not been made with their approval if they fixed a penalty commensurate with the crime—, and they replied that Eleazar deserved stripes and chains ; for they did not think it right to sentence a man to death for calumny, and anyway the Pharisees are naturally lenient in the matter of punishments. At this Hyr- canus became very angry and began to believe that the fellow had slandered him with their approval. And Jonathan in particular inflamed his anger, and so worked upon him that he brought him to join the Sadducaean party and desert the Pharisees, and to abrogate the regulations 7 which they had established » Variant John (Gr. Joannes); the Sadducaean spokes- man is called Eleazar in the Talmudic parallel. © Variant *‘ would test whether.” 4 These legal innovations are noted in the Mishnah, Ma‘aser Sheni, y. 15, Sotah ix. 10. 375 Hyrcanus forsakes the Pharisees for the Sadducees, JOSEPHUS ~ \ \ / ? A / καταλῦσαι καὶ τοὺς φυλάττοντας αὐτὰ κολάσαι. μῖσος οὖν ἐντεῦθεν αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς υἱοῖς παρὰ aA , Φ 1 \ ΄ ΄ > 297 τοῦ πλήθους ἐγένετο. περὶ μέντοι τούτων αὖθις > ~ ~ \ 7 / Ld /, / ἐροῦμεν. νῦν δὲ δηλῶσαι βούλομαι ὅτι νόμιμά 2 , - , ε Ἀ > , τιναῦ παρέδοσαν τῷ δήμῳ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι ἐκ πατέρων ~ -“ > > / b - / διαδοχῆς, ἅπερ οὐκ ἀναγέγραπται ev τοῖς Μωυσέος , \ ὃ \ “- A \ a 5! 55 -, νόμοις, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ταῦτα τὸ τῶν Σαδδουκαίων γένος ἐκβάλλει, λέγον ἐκεῖνα δεῖν ἡγεῖσθαι νόμιμα τὰ γεγραμμένα, τὰ δ᾽ ἐκ παραδόσεως τῶν πατέρων \ A A \ 298 μὴ τηρεῖν. Kal περὶ τούτων ζητήσεις αὐτοῖς καὶ A / / is ~ \ διαφορὰς γίνεσθαι συνέβαινε μεγάλας, τῶν μὲν / \ > / / / ‘ Σαδδουκαίων τοὺς εὐπόρους μόνον πειθόντων τὸ \ \ > ¢ / ἫΣ - > ’ὔ ~ \ δὲ δημοτικὸν οὐχ ἑπόμενον αὐτοῖς ἐχόντων, τῶν δὲ , ‘ ~ / >? / > \ Φαρισαίων τὸ πλῆθος σύμμαχον ἐχόντων. ἀλλὰ ~ ~ ~ >. ~ > περὶ μὲν τούτων τῶν δύο Kal τῶν ᾿Εσσηνῶν ev + δευτέρα μου" τῶν ᾿Ιουδαϊκῶν ἀκριβῶς δεδήλωται ἡ .« τὰ ἘΝ \ δὲ ͵΄ \ , \ ? 999 (7) ᾿ἵρκανὸς δὲ παύσας τὴν στάσιν καὶ μετ 3 \ / > / \ A > A 4 αὐτὴν βιώσας εὐδαιμόνως, Kal τὴν ἀρχὴν διοικησά- 3 ενος τὸν ἄριστον τρόπον ἔτεσιν ἑνὶ καὶ τριάκοντα ρ ρ » ~ c ~ ~ τελευτᾷ καταλιπὼν υἱοὺς πέντε, τριῶν τῶν μεγίσ- Μ c \ ~ ~ ,ὔ 5 ~ ~ ” των ἄξιος ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ κριθείς, ἀρχῆς τοῦ ἔθνους οὶ καὶ τῆς ἀρχιερατικῆς τιμῆς καὶ προφητείας: συνῆν 00 NS ἀαρχ 71) 1 E: διεγένετο aut ἀεὶ ἐγίνετο codd.: concitatum est Lat. 3 πολλὰ τινὰ ed. pr. 3 + βίβλῳ 1.: secundo volumine Lat. 4 δεδηλώκαμεν (+ βίβλῳ P) PFLV Lat. 376 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 296-300 for the people, and punish those who observed them. Out of this, of course, grew the hatred of the masses for him and his sons, but of this we shall speak here- after.4 For the present I wish merely to explain that the Pharisees had passed on to the people cer- tain regulations handed down by former generations and not recorded in the Laws of Moses, for which reason they are rejected by the Sadducaean group, who hold that only those regulations should be con- sidered valid which were written down (in Scripture), and that those which had been handed down by former generations ἢ need not be observed. And concerning these matters the two parties came to have contro- versies and serious differences, the Sadducees having the confidence of the wealthy alone but no following among the populace, while the Pharisees have the support of the masses. But of these two schools and of the Essenes a detailed account has been given” in the second book of my Judaica.4 (7) “ And so Hyrcanus quieted the outbreak,’ and lived happily thereafter ; and when he died after administering the government excellently for thirty- one years,’ he left five sons. Now he was accounted by God worthy of three of the greatest privileges, the rule of the nation, the office of high-priest, and 4 In §§ 301 ff., 320 ff. > Lit. ~ by the fathers.”’ * Variant “* we have given.” abe ile 119} ¢ At this point the parallelism with B.J. resumes, cf. PDE 7 Meaning the opposition of the Pharisees to Hyrcanus and his sons, as is more clearly stated in the parallel in B.J. 9 The mss. of the parallel, B.J. i. 68, give 33 years, but Hegesippus agrees with this passage and Ant. xx. 240 in giving 31 years, which is correct, since Hyrcanus ruled from 135 to 104 B.c, VOL. VII N 377 The provi- dential gifts of Hyrecanus. 301 302 303 JOSEPHUS \ > ~ A “- A \ ~ / / yap αὐτῷ τὸ θεῖον καὶ τὴν τῶν μελλόντων πρό- γνωσιν παρεῖχεν αὐτῷ τε εἰδέναι καὶ προλέγειν οὕτως, ὥστε καὶ περὶ τῶν δύο τῶν πρεσβυτέρων αὐτοῦ παίδων ὅτι μὴ μενοῦσι τῶν πραγμάτων κύριοι προεῖπεν. ὧν τὴν καταστροφὴν εἰς τὸ μαθεῖν ὅσον τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς ὑπέβησαν' εὐτυχίας ἄξιον ἀφηγήσασθαι. (xi. 1) Τελευτήσαντος γὰρ αὐτοῖς τοῦ πατρὸς 6 / > ra \ > \ > πρεσβύτατος ᾿Αριστόβουλος τὴν ἀρχὴν εἰς βασι- λείαν μεταθεῖναι δόξας (ἔκρινε γὰρ οὕτω) διάδημα πρῶτος περιτίθεται᾽ μετὰ τετρακοσίων ἀριθμὸν ἐτῶν καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ ἑνὸς καὶ μηνῶν τριῶν ad? οὗ τῆς ὑπὸ Βαβυλωνίοις" δουλείας ἀπαλλαγεὶς ὁ λαὸς εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν κατῆλθεν." στέργων δὲ τῶν 5 ~ \ > > \ > a ~ \ ἀδελφῶν τὸν pet αὐτὸν ᾿Αντίγονον, τοῦτον μὲν ~ c ,ὔ » , A > Μ > ~ τῶν ὁμοίων ἠξίου, τοὺς ὃ ἄλλους εἶχεν. ἐν δεσμοῖς. elpfe δὲ καὶ τὴν μητέρα περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτῷ διενεχθεῖσαν (ἐκείνην γὰρ ᾿Ὑρκανὸς τῶν ὅλων κυρίαν κατελελοίπει καὶ μέχρι τοσαύτης ὠμότητος ~ a > , \ \ λ ~ ὃ θ ~ 6 ὃ ὃ προῆλθεν, ὥστ᾽ αὐτὴν καὶ λιμῷ διαφθεῖραι" δεδε- ~ \ μένην. προστίθησι δὲ TH μητρὶ καὶ Tov ἀδελφὸν 1 ὑπερέβησαν PFL 5. ex Argumentis Niese: ἐπιτίθεται codd. 8 Βαβυλῶνος PFLV. 4 ἐπανῆλθε FLV Zonaras. 5 καταλείπει PEL: καταλίποι V: reliquerat Lat. 8 διέφθειρεν PAMW: διαφθείρειν F. 2 Thus he possessed the attributes of the ideal ruler, according to Stoic belief and Philo; for similar passages in Hellenistic literature cf. P. Wendland, Die hellenistische- rémische Kultur, and recent works on Philo, such as those by Bréhier and Goodenough. It should be noted that Josephus (or his source) does not use ‘‘ prophecy ”’ in the 378 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 300-303 the gift of prophecy’; for the Deity was with him and enabled him to foresee and foretell the future ; so, for example, he foretold of his two elder sons that they would not remain masters of the state. And the story of their downfall is worth relating, to show how far they were from having” their father’s good fortune. (xi. 1) After their father’s death the eldest son Aristobulus saw fit to transform the government into a kingdom, which he judged the best form, and he was the first to put a diadem on his head,° four hundred and eighty-one years and three.months after the time when the people were released from the Babylonian captivity and returned to their own country.?_ Now of his brothers he loved only Antigonus, who was next in age, and considered him worthy of a position like his own, while he kept his other brothers in chains. He also imprisoned his mother, who had disputed the royal power with him—for Hyrcanus had left her mistress of the realm—, and carried his cruelty so far that he caused her to die of starvation in prison. And to the death of his mother he added that of biblical sense, cf. Ant. xii. 318 note e, and Moore, Judaism i. 421. ®’ The variant “how far they surpassed δ is obviously corrupt; cf. also the parallel in B.J. i. 69, ἀπέκλιναν. © Strabo, xvi. 2. 40, attributes this innovation to Aristo- bulus’ successor, Alexander Jannaeus. The title ‘‘ king” (melek) does not appear on the Heb. coins of Aristobulus, cf. works cited in Appendix L. ‘The statement below that Hyrcanus left his wife mistress of the realm gives plausibility to Ricciotti’s suggestion that stories about Alexander Jan- naeus haye become confused with those about Aristobulus. 4 BJ. 1. 70 gives 471 years. Both numbers are too large, since the return from Babylon was in 537 B.c.; cf. Dr. Thackeray's note to the parallel in B.J. 379 Aristobulus I becomes ruler with the title of king, JOSEPHUS >A ΄ a / 50. 7 1A ‘ ντίγονον, ὃν στέργειν ἐδόκει μάλιστα καὶ κοινω- \ Δ - , > ΄- » νὸν εἶχε τῆς βασιλείας, ἐκ διαβολῶν ἀπαλλοτριω- ~ > / θεὶς πρὸς αὐτόν, αἷς TO μὲν πρῶτον οὐκ ἐπίστευσε, \ ~ a - τὰ μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ φιλεῖν αὐτὸν οὐ προσέχων τοῖς λεγομένοις, τὰ δὲ καὶ φθονούμενον ἡγούμενος 804 διαβάλλεσθαι. τοῦ δὲ ᾿Αντιγόνου ποτὲ λαμπρῶς 90 306 30 5 ~ > A ,ὔ " Ψ, οὖ ~ ες ~ > ἀπὸ στρατείας ἐπανελθόντος, καὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς καθ Δ ~ ~ ~ ~ ἣν σκηνοπηγοῦσι τῷ θεῷ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν » ἐνστάσης, ἔτυχε' τὸν μὲν ᾿Αριστόβουλον εἰς νόσον ~ ~ \ καταπεσεῖν, τὸν δὲ ᾿Αντίγονον ἐπιτελοῦντα τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀναβῆναι λαμπρῶς σφόδρα κεκοσμημένον ΄ ~ ε A μετὰ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ὁπλιτῶν εἰς TO ἱερόν, καὶ τὰ / A ~ 5 ~ , »Μ A πλείω περὶ τῆς τἀδελφοῦ σωτηρίας εὔχεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ πονηροὺς καὶ διαστῆσαι τὴν ὁμόνοιαν αὐτῶν ~ ~ \2 ἐσπουδακότας, ἀφορμῇ χρησαμένους TH τε περὶ" ~ A A > τὴν πομπὴν τοῦ ᾿Αντιγόνου φιλοτιμίᾳ καὶ τοῖς ὑπ ~ aA A αὐτοῦ κατωρθωμένοις, ἐλθεῖν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα Kat κακοήθως ἐπὶ τὸ μεῖζον ἐξαίρειν τὰ περὶ τὴν πομ- > πὴν τὴν ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ, καὶ ὡς οὐ κατ ἰδιώτην ἕκαστον ἦν τῶν γινομένων, ἀλλὰ φρονήματος ἔν- δειξιν εἶχε" βασιλικοῦ τὰ πραττόμενα, καὶ ὡς κτεί- ΚΟ , 4 A , > \ νειν αὐτὸν μέλλει peta στίφους ἐληλυθὼς Kap- ~ , ΒΟ Ὗ 4. ΜᾺ , ew τεροῦ, λογιζόμενον" εὐήθως αὐτόν, βασιλεύειν ἐνόν, ~ ~ / τιμῆς μεταλαμβάνοντα δοκεῖν μεγάλων τυγχάνειν. (2) ᾿Αριστόβουλος δὲ τούτοις ἄκων" πειθόμενος, καὶ τοῦ ἀνύποπτος εἶναι τἀδελφῷ προνοῶν καὶ τῆς 1 ἔτυχεν ὥστε LAMWE. 2 πρὸς ΡΕῚΥ. Jae ἔχειν codd. * Es μέλλοι codd. ἢ λογιζομένου ΕΥ: λογιζόμενος Cocceji. 8 τούτοις ἄκων] τούτων ἀκούων καὶ AMW. 380 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 303-307 his brother Antigonus, whom he seemed especially to love and had made his associate in the kingdom, for he was alienated from him by calumnies which at first he did not believe, disregarding the things that were said, partly because he loved Antigonus and partly because he believed that he was being calum- niated out of envy. But on one occasion when Antigonus had returned from a campaign with glory,” as the season of the festival during which tabernacles are erected to God was at hand, it chanced that Aristobulus fell ill, and Antigonus, arrayed in great splendour and with his heavy-armed soldiers about him, went up to the temple to celebrate the festival and to pray earnestly for his brother’s recovery ; thereupon the unscrupulous men who were bent on disrupting the harmonious relation between them, found in Antigonus’ ambitious display and in the successes he had achieved, a pretext to go to the king and maliciously exaggerate the pomp of his appear- ance at the festival, saying that everything that had been done was out of keeping with the behaviour of a private person and that his actions rather had the indications of one who imagined himself a king, and that he had come with a strong body of troops with the intention of killing Aristobulus, reasoning that it would be absurd for him to believe that he had won any great distinction in having a share in high office when he might just as well be king himself. (2) Aristobulus reluctantly began to believe these charges,” and taking care not to be suspected by his ? Probably in the Lebanon region, cf. below, § 319, or in Galilee, cf. B.J. i. 76. » Variant “ Aristobulus hearing these charges and be- lieving them.” 381 Aristobulus becomes envious of his brother Antigonus. Aristobulug has Antigonus murdered, 308 309 310 311 JOSEPHUS > / Ὁ / / A ἀσφαλείας ἅμα φροντίζων, διίστησι τοὺς σωματο- φύλακας ἔν τινι τῶν ὑπογείων ἀφωτίστῳ (κατέκειτο \ > al / / \ > , ‘ de ἐν τῇ βάρει μετονομασθείσῃ δὲ Avrawig) καὶ προσέταξεν ἀνόπλου μὲν ἅπτεσθαι μηδένα, κτείνειν δὲ τὸν ᾿Αντίγονον, ἂν ὡπλισμένος πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰσ. πέμπει μέντοι πρὸς ᾿Αντίγονον αὐτός, ἀν- > \ > ~ σ ς \ / " ε οπλον αὐτὸν ἀξιῶν ἥκειν. ἡ δὲ βασίλισσα καὶ οἱ συνεπιβουλεύοντες αὐτῇ κατ᾽ ᾿Αντιγόνου πείθουσι \ / 2 > / / ς « 3 A τὸν πεμφθέντα" τἀναντία λέγειν, ὡς ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἀκούσας ὅτι κατασκευάσειεν ὅπλα καὶ κόσμον πολεμικόν, παραγενέσθαι πρὸς αὐτὸν παρακαλεῖ ὡπλισμένον, ὅπως ἴδοι τὴν κατασκευήν. ὁ δ᾽ > , \ ε , 3 A > \ Ἀντίγονος μηδὲν ὑπιδόμενος κακοῦργον, ἀλλὰ θαρρῶν τῇ παρὰ τἀδελφοῦ διαθέσει, ὡς εἶχεν ἐνδε- δυμένος τὴν πανοπλίαν “παρεγίνετο πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αρι- στόβουλον, ἐπιδείξων αὐτῷ τὰ ὅπλα. γενόμενον δ᾽ αὐτὸν κατὰ τὸν Στράτωνος καλούμενον πύργον, οὗ / > / s / \ / συνέβαινεν ἀφώτιστον εἷναι σφόδρα τὴν πάροδον, ἀποκτείνουσιν οἱ σωματοφύλακες. διέδειξέ γε μὴν ὁ τούτου θάνατος ὅτι μηδὲν μήτε φθόνου μήτε διαβολῆς ἰ ἰσχυρότερον, μ μηδ᾽ ὅ τι μᾶλλον εὔνοιαν καὶ υσικὴν οἰκειότητα διίστησιν ἢ ταῦτα τὰ πάθη. μάλιστα δ᾽ av τις θαυμάσειε καὶ ᾿Ιούδαν τινά, > 14 \ \ , 5. 2 si*5 : & Eoonvov' μὲν τὸ γένος, οὐδέποτε δ᾽ ἐν οἷς προεῖπεν / > ’ὔ 4 A > \ \ > διαψευσάμενον τἀληθές: οὗτος yap ἰδὼν τὸν ᾿Αν- τίγονον παριόντα τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνεβόησεν ἐν τοῖς « / 9 - \ / a / a ἑταίροις αὐτοῦ καὶ γνωρίμοις, ot διδασκαλίας ἕνεκα 2 μηδενὸς LAMWE Lat. 2 + ἀγγελοῦντα AMWE. 3 Cocceji: ὑπειδόμενος codd. Εἰ. 4 ’Ecoatov AMWE Lat. (yp "Eoonvov marg. AM). * The fortress north of the temple on the site of Nehemiah’s 382 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 307-311 brother and at the same time thinking of his own safety, stationed his bodyguards at intervals in a dark underground passage—for he was lying ill in the castle afterwards called Antonia*—and gave orders that none of them should touch Antigonus if he were unarmed, but should kill him if he came to the king with his armour on. Moreover he him- self sent to Antigonus, asking him to come unarmed. But the queen and the men who were plotting with her against Antigonus persuaded the messenger to say the opposite, namely that his brother had heard that he had equipped himself with arms and military gear,” and invited him to come to him armed, in order that he might see his equipment. Accordingly, Antigonus, who had no suspicion of foul play and was confident of his brother’s friendly feeling towards him, came to Aristobulus just as he was, in full armour, to show him his arms. But when he reached Straton’s Tower, as it is called, just where the very dark passage was, the bodyguards killed him. Now his death clearly proves that there is nothing more powerful than envy and calumny, nor anything that more easily disrupts friendship and the ties of nature than these influences. And in this connexion one The proph- may well wonder at the story of a certain Judas of “Ὁ οἵ the Essene group, who had never been known to speak falsely in his prophecies, but when he saw Antigonus passing by the temple, cried out to his companions and disciples, who were together with him for the purpose of receiving instruction in fore- baris (cf. B.J. i. 76), rebuilt by the Hasmonaeans and later by Herod, ef. Ant. xii. 251 note d. To the literature cited there add Watzinger, Denkméiler ii. 31 ff. ® The parallel in B.J. i. 76 adds, “in Galilee, and that illness prevented him from paying a visit of inspection.” 383 Judas the Essene. 312 313 314 315 316 JOSEPHUS ~ / A / / « » τοῦ προλέγειν τὰ μέλλοντα παρέμενον, ὡς ἀπο- A ~ ~ > ’ θανεῖν αὐτῷ καλὸν διεψευσμένῳ ζῶντος ᾿Αντιγόνου, ΄ ’ ὃν σήμερον τεθνήξεσθαι προειπὼν ἐν τῷ καλουμένῳ Στράτωνος πύργῳ περιόντα' ὁρᾷ, καὶ τοῦ μὲν / ~ « , χωρίου περὶ" σταδίους ἀπέχοντος νῦν ἑξακοσίους, A =~ Ξε - ὅπου φονευθήσεσθαι προεῖπεν αὐτόν, τῆς δ᾽ ἡμέρας ἤδη τὸ πλεῖστον ἠνυσμένον, ὥστ᾽ αὐτῷ κινδυνεύειν a a3 a TO μάντευμα ψεῦδος εἶναι. ταῦτ᾽ οὖν λέγοντος 5 ~ \ ~ > / \ > αὐτοῦ καὶ κατηφοῦντος ἀγγέλλεται τεθνεὼς ᾿Αν- ~ Δ \ τίγονος ev τῷ ὑπογείῳ, ὃ Kal αὐτὸ Στράτωνος > a ᾽ὔ Ὁ / ~ / / ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος ὁμώνυμον τῇ παραλίῳ Καισαρείᾳ. τὸν μὲν οὖν μάντιν τοῦτο διετάραξεν. (3) ᾿Αριστόβουλον δὲ τῆς ἀδελῴφοκτονίας εὐθὺς ΄ > ~ ~ εἰσῆλθε μετάνοια καὶ νόσος ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ, τῆς διανοίας ὑπὸ τοῦ μύσους κεκακωμένης, ὡς διαφθαρέντων ~ \ > ~ ~ αὐτῷ ὑπὸ ἀκράτου τῆς ὀδύνης τῶν ἐντὸς αἷμα ἀναφέρειν. ὃ τῶν διακονουμένων τις παίδων, κατὰ δαιμόνιον, οἶμαι, πρόνοιαν, εἰς τὸν αὐτὸν τόπον, οὗ 3 / / ” ΄- σφαγέντος ᾿Αντιγόνου σπίλους ἔτι τοῦ αἵματος > "ὦ / > / > \ > ,ὔ ἐκείνου συνέβαινεν εἶναι, κομίζων ὀλισθὼν ἐξέχεεν. ~ \ ~ > ~ γενομένης δὲ βοῆς παρὰ τῶν ἰδόντων ὡς τοῦ > > A παιδὸς ἐξεπίτηδες ἐκχέαντος ἐκεῖ TO αἷμα, ἀκούσας > / \ 3. “Ὁ > / \ A Ἀριστόβουλος τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπύθετο, καὶ μὴ λε- ΄ bd ,ὔ 7 ~ yovrwy ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπετείνετο μαθεῖν, φύσει τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὑπονοούντων ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις εἶναι ς \ > ~ χείρονα τὰ ovywpeva. ὡς δὲ ἀπειλοῦντος Kai βια- - / > \ > ~ ζομένου τοῖς φόβοις τἀληθὲς εἶπον, προχεῖται μὲν 1 παριόντα LAMWE. 2 περὶ om. LAMVWE. α Variant “‘ present.” ὃ Ὁ, 65 miles. 384 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 312-316 telling the future, that it would be well for him to die as one who had spoken falsely, since Antigonus was still alive, although he had foretold that he would die at the place called Straton’s Tower, and now he saw him alive*; for the place where he had foretold that Antigonus would be murdered was some six hundred stades ἢ from where he now was, and the greater part of the day had already passed, 50 that his prophecy was unfortunately likely to prove false. But as he was saying this and lamenting, the news came that Antigonus had been killed in the under- ground passage, which was also called Straton’s Tower—by the same name, that is, as Caesarea on the sea-coast.° It was this fact, therefore, that had confused the prophet. (3) But Aristobulus was soon seized by remorse for the murder of his brother, and this was followed by illness, his mind being so troubled by his guilty deed that his inward parts were corrupted by intense pain, and he vomited blood. And once one of the servants who waited on him was carrying this blood away and slipped and spilled it—by divine providence, I believe—on the very spot where the stains made by the blood of the murdered Antigonus were still to be seen. Thereupon a cry went up from those who saw this that the servant had spilled the blood there deliberately, and when Aristobulus heard it, he asked what the reason for it was, and as they did not tell him, he became still more determined to find out, for in such cases men naturally suspect the worst in what is covered by silence. But when, under his threats and the constraint of fear, they © Herod changed the name of Straton’s Tower to Caesarea, cf. Ant. xv. 331-341. VOL. VII N 2 385 Aristo- bulus’ remorse and fatal illness. 317 318 319 JOSEPHUS αὐτῷ πληγέντι τὴν διάνοιαν ὑπὸ τοῦ συνειδότος πολλὰ δάκρυα, βύθιον δὲ ἀνοιμώξας, “᾿ οὐκ ap’,”’ εἶπε, “᾿ λήσειν en’ ἀσεβέσιν οὕτω καὶ μιαροῖς τολμήμασι τὸν θεὸν ἔμελλον, ἀλλά με ταχεῖα ποινὴ συγγενοῦς φόνου μετελήλυθεν. καὶ μέχρι τίνος, ὦ σῶμα ἀναιδέστατον, ψυχὴν ὀφειλομένην ἀδελφοῦ καὶ μητρὸς μα θέξεϊς δαίμοσιν; τί δ᾽ οὐκ ἀθρόαν αὐτὴν ταύτην ἀποδίδως, κατὰ μέρος δ᾽ ἐπισπένδω' τοὐμὸν αἷμα τοῖς μιαιφονηθεῖσιν; ᾿᾿ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἐπαποθνήσκει τοῖς λόγοις, βασιλεύσας ἐνιαυτόν, χρηματίσας μὲν Φιλέλλην, πολλὰ δ᾽ εὐεργετήσας τὴν πατρίδα, πολεμήσας ᾿Ιτουραίους καὶ πολλὴν αὐτῶν τῆς χώρας τῇ ᾿Ιουδαίᾳ “προσκτησάμενος, ἀναγκάσας τε τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας, εἰ βούλονται μένειν ἐν τῇ Xwpa, περιτέμνεσθαι καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίων νόμους ζῆν. φύσει δ᾽ ἐπιεικεῖ ἐκέχρητο καὶ σφόδρα ἦν αἰδοῦς ἥττων," ὡς μαρτυρεῖ τούτῳ καὶ Στράβων ἐκ τοῦ Τιμαγένους ὀνόματος λέγων οὕ- τως" “᾿ ἐπιεικής τε ἐγένετο οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ πολλὰ τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις χρήσιμος" χώραν τε γὰρ αὐτοῖς προσεκτήσατο καὶ τὸ μέρος τοῦ τῶν ᾿Ιτουραίων ἔθνους ὠκειώσατο, δεσμῷ συνάψας τῇ τῶν αἰδοίων περιτομῇ. 1 ἐπισπένδεις E. 2 κρείττων FL. 2 The words attributed to Aristobulus are more Hellenistic than Jewish in spirit, and remind one of the dramatic passages on Herod’s family relations ; they point to Nicolas of Damas- cus as the source. > From 104 to 103 B.c. ¢ As we have no coin of Aristobulus I with a Greek inscription, we do not know for certain whether he officially used the title Philhellene. But Schiirer’s suggestion, i, 275 n. 6, that χρηματίσας Φιλέλλην means only “ he behaved 386 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 316-319 | told him the truth, he was stricken in mind by his consciousness of guilt, and weeping freely, with deep groans exclaimed, “I was not destined, I see, to escape the notice of God in committing such impious and unholy crimes, but swift punishment has over- taken me for the murder of my kin. How long, then, O most shameless body, will you keep within you the life that is forfeit to the spirits of my brother and mother? Why, instead of giving this up to them at one stroke, do I merely offer my blood drop by drop as a libation to those who have been so foully murdered?” * And scarcely had he spoken these words when he died; in his reign of one year,’ with the title of Philhellene,° he conferred many benefits on his country, for he made war on the Ituraeans ὦ and acquired a good part of their territory for Judaea and compelled the inhabitants, if they wished to remain in their country, to be circumcised and to live in accordance with the laws of the Jews. He had a kindly nature, and was wholly given to modesty, as Strabo also testifies on the authority of Timagenes,? writing as follows. ‘‘ This man was a kindly person and very serviceable to the Jews, for he acquired additional territory for them, and brought over to them a portion of the Ituraean nation, whom he joined to them by the bond of circumcision.” like a Philhellene ’’ can hardly be accepted in preference to the translation given above, as Meyer rightly insists, Ursprung ii. 277 n. 1. The detail about Aristobulus’ title and the following section to ὃ 320 have no parallels in BJ. 4 They lived in the Lebanon region with the Phoenician hinterland on the W., and the country S. of Damascus on the E.; cf. Strabo 753-756. Aristobulus’ conquests must have extended to northern Galilee, cf. B.J. i. 76 and Schiirer i. 276. ¢ Historian of the Ist century B.c., cf. Ap. ii. 84 note c. - 387 320 323 JOSEPHUS (xii. 1) Τελευτήσαντος δὲ ᾿Αριστοβούλου Ladiva* ἡ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ, λεγομένη δὲ ὑπὸ ᾿λλήνων ᾿Αλεξ- ΄ 4 \ > \ > ~ / ἄνδρα, λύσασα τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς αὐτοῦ (δεδεμένους γὰρ αὐτοὺς εἶχεν ᾿Αριστόβουλος, ὡς προειρήκαμεν), > ΚΣ Εν ces , , , lavvatov TOV Kal Ἀλέξανδρον βασιλέα καθίστησι, τὸν καὶ καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν προύχοντα καὶ μετριότητα, ᾧ καὶ συνέβη γεννηθέντι εὐθὺς μισηθῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ μέχρι τῆς τελευτῆς αὐτοῦ μηδέποτε" > » 3 / A > ” “ / / els ὄψιν ἀφικέσθαι. τὸ δ᾽ αἴτιον τοῦ μίσους τοιόνδε 2 λέγεται γενέσθαι: στέργων δὴ" μάλιστα τῶν παίδων ἊΣ \ \ / > , \ 7A pkavos τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους ᾿Αντίγονον καὶ ᾿Αρι- στόβουλον, φανέντα κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους αὐτῷ τὸν θεὸν ἐπηρώτα τίς αὐτοῦ τῶν παίδων μέλλει ἔσεσθαι διάδοχος. τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ τοὺς τούτου χαρακτῆρας δείξαντος, λυπηθεὶς ὅτι τῶν ἀγαθῶν αὐτοῦ πάντων « ” > ~ οὗτος ἔσται κληρονόμος, γενόμενον εἴασεν ἐν TH / / ¢ / \ > 4 Γαλιλαίᾳ τρέφεσθαι. 6 μέντοι θεὸς οὐ διεψεύσατο \ « / \ \ / A A > τὸν ‘Ypxavov. τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν μετὰ τὴν ᾽Αρι- 1 Σαλώμη LAMWE Lat.: Σαλίνα etiam Eusebius, Syn- cellus. 2 *Tavavov P: ᾿Ιαννέαν WE: Ianneum Lat. 3 καὶ om. LAMWE. 4 μηκέτι P. δι δὲ ἘΠ: om. PF: « Variant “Salome” (her name is not given in the parallel, ΜΒ. i. 85). Her Heb. name was probably S*lamsiyén (ef. Σαλαμψιώ, Ant. xviii. 170), of which “ὁ Salome” might be a diminutive, cf. Derenbourg, p. 102, n. 2. ‘‘ Salina”’ is probably a hellenized form of her Heb. name, perhaps influenced by that of her contemporary, Selene (cf. § 420). That Josephus considered Aristobulus’ widow to be identical with Alexander Jannaeus’ wife Alexandra is clear from the context and chronology, although he does not make this ex- plicit by saying that Salina married Jannaeus. Madden, p- 71, is one of the few scholars who distinguish between the 388 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 320-323 (xii. 1) On the death of Aristobulus his wife Alexander Salina,’ by the Greeks called Alexandra, released his /20°22" brothers—for Aristobulus had imprisoned them, as king. we have said before—,? and appointed as king Jannaeus,’ also known as Alexander, who was best fitted for this office by reason of his age and his evenness of temper?; but it had been his fate to be hated by his father from the time he was born, and never to come into his sight so long as he lived. Now the reason for this hatred is said to have been as follows. Of all his sons Hyreanus loved best the two elder ones, Antigonus and Aristobulus ; and once when God appeared to him in his sleep, he asked Him which of his sons was destined to be his successor. And when God showed him the features ἢ of Alexander, he was grieved that this one should be the heir of all his possessions, and so he let him be brought up in Galilee from his birth.’ God, how- ever, did not deceive Hyreanus. For after the death two queens. On the problem whether the widow of the presumably childless Aristobulus was required by Jewish law to contract a levirate marriage with his brother see the discussions in Aptowitzer xviii-xx and Klausner ii. 122 f. > In’§'302. ¢ The Gr. Iannaios is a hellenization of Heb. Yannai, cf. § 288 note a. 4 Or perhaps μετριότης here means, as sometimes in Byzantine Gr., ‘‘ knowing his place,’’ indicating that Alexandra expected to dominate her second husband. If so, she must have been disappointed, as the sequel shows. The following sections, to § 356 (except for brief phrases in §§ 323 and 337) have no parallels in B.J. ¢ Chamonard translates χαρακτῆρας as “letters of the name,” and Reinach notes that the meaning of the Gr. is very doubtful. It seems clear to me. 7 This does not necessarily mean that Galilee was wholly judaized in Hyrcanus’ time, ef. Schiireri. 276 n. 10. 389 324 325 326 327 JOSEPHUS 4, \ ᾿ / A A ~ στοβούλου τελευτὴν οὗτος παραλαβών, τὸν μὲν τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐπιχειροῦντα τῇ βασιλείᾳ διεχρήσατο, τὸν δὲ ἕτερον ἀπραγμόνως ζῆν προαιρούμενον εἶχεν ἐν τιμῇ. (2) ΚΚαταστησάμενος δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὃν ᾧετο συμ- φέρειν αὐτῷ τρόπον στρατεύει ἐπὶ Ἰ|]τολεμαΐδα" τῇ δὲ μάχῃ κρατήσας ἐνέκλεισε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ περικαθίσας αὐτοὺς ἐπολιόρκει. τῶν A > ~ ,ὔ an 5 ~ \ / yap ev τῇ παραλίᾳ [᾿τολεμαΐῖς αὐτῷ καὶ Tala / ~ € ,ὔ A / λ δὲ if μόναι χειρωθῆναι ὑπελείποντο, Kat ZadiAos δὲ ὁ κατασχὼν τὸν Στράτωνος πύργον τύραννος καὶ Δῶρα. τοῦ δὲ Φιλομήτορος ᾿Αντιόχου καὶ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ ᾿Αντιόχου, ὃς ἐπεκαλεῖτο Κυζικηνός, πολεμούντων ἀλλήλους καὶ τὴν αὐτῶν δύναμιν > / > , ,ὔ - - / ἀπολλύντων, ἦν οὐδεμία τοῖς ΠΠτολεμαεῦσιν βοή- θεια παρ᾽ αὐτῶν. ἀλλὰ πονουμένοις τῇ πολιορκίᾳ Ζώιλος ὁ τὸν Στράτωνος πύργον κατεσχηκὼς καὶ τὰ Δωρὰ παρῆν" σύνταγμα τρέφων" στρατιωτικόν, καὶ τυραννίδι ἐπιχειρῶν διὰ τὴν τῶν βασιλέων πρὸς > 4 Ὁ“ \ - ~ ἀλλήλους ἅμιλλαν μικρὰ tots [Πτολεμαιεῦσι παρ- / > A \ € - a s ᾿ ,ὔ εβοήθει: οὐδὲ γὰρ οἱ βασιλεῖς οὕτως εἶχον οἰκείως πρὸς αὐτούς, ὥστ᾽ ἐλπίσαι τινὰ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ὠφέ- λειαν. ἑκάτεροι γὰρ ταὐτὸ τοῖς ἀθληταῖς ἔπασχον, ol τῇ δυνάμει μὲν ἀπηγορευκότες αἰσχυνόμενοι δὲ παραχωρῆσαι διετέλουν ἀργίᾳ καὶ ἀναπαύσει δια- 1 Quae sequuntur in 88 325-327 corrupta esse putat Niese. 2 παρῆν ante καὶ τὰ Awpa hab. PF. 3 φέρων M. « Named Absalom, and later father-in-law of Aristobulus ΤΙ, .cf.cAnt. xive(71s >» Here Josephus resumes the narrative of the Has- 390 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 323-327 of Aristobulus it was he who took over the royal power, putting to death one of his brothers who had designs on the throne, while he held in honour his other brother” who preferred to live without taking part in public affairs. (2) ° Then, leaving his realm in a condition which he thought advantageous to himself, Alexander marched against Ptolemais, and after defeating its inhabitants in battle, he shut them up in the city and surrounding it, besieged them. For of the cities on the coast there remained only Ptolemais and Gaza to be subdued by him, and also Straton’s Tower ° and Dora,’ which the local ruler® Zoilus held. Now as Antiochus Philometor’ and his brother Antiochus, surnamed Cyzicenus, were fighting each other and destroying their own forces, no help could be given by them to the people of Ptolemais ; but while they were being hard pressed in the siege, Zoilus, who held Straton’s Tower, appeared with a company of soldiers that he maintained,’ and as he had ambitions to make himself absolute ruler because of the struggle between the two kings, he gave some slight help to the people of Ptolemais. Nor were the kings so friendly to them that they could hope for any assist- ance from them, for both of them were in the position of athletes whose strength is exhausted but who are ashamed to yield, and so continue to prolong the con- monaeans’ struggle to wrest Palestinian territory from the Seleucids, cf. §§ 274 ff. ° The later Caesarea, ef. § 313 note αὶ 4 Cf. Ant. v. 83 note g, xiii. 223. “ On this meaning of τύραννος see ἃ 235 note c. Zoilus seems originally to have been ruler of Gaza, cf. below, § 334. ! The official surname of Antiochus VIII Grypus. σ The phrase σύνταγμα τρέφειν is also found in the citation from Strabo in Ant. xiv. 116. 391 Alexander Jannaeus attacks the cities on the coast of Syria. JOSEPHUS 328 φέροντες τὸν ἀγῶνα. λοιπὴ δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐλπὶς ἦν ἡ παρὰ τῶν Αἰγύπτου βασιλέων καὶ τοῦ Ἰζύπρον ἔχοντος Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λαθούρου, ὃς ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς Κλεοπάτρας τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκπεσὼν εἰς ΚΚύπρον παρεγένετο. πέμψαντες οὖν πρὸς τοῦτον οἱ Πτο- ἐμαιεῖς παρεκάλουν ἐλθόντα σύμμαχον ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου χειρῶν αὐτοὺς ῥύσασθαι κινδυνεύον- 329 τας. ἐπελπισάντων δ᾽ αὐτὸν τῶν πρέσβεων, ὡς διαβὰς εἰς Συρίαν ἕξει ΤΓαζαίους συνεστῶτας μετὰ τῶν ΤΠτολεμαιῶν καὶ Ζώιλον, ἔτι γε μὴν Σιδωνίους καὶ πολλοὺς ἄλλους αὐτῷ συλλήψεσθαι λεγόντων, ἐπαρθεὶς mpos' τὸν ἔκπλουν ἔσπευδεν. 880 (8) Ἐν “τούτῳ δὲ τοὺς Πτολεμαιεῖς Anpaivetos, πιθανὸς ὧν αὐτοῖς τότε καὶ δημαγωγῶν, μετα- βαλέσθαι τὰς γνώμας ἔπεισεν," ἄμεινον εἶναι “φήσας ἐπ᾽ ἀδήλῳ τῷ γενησομένῳ διακινδυνεύειν πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους μᾶλλον ἢ φανερὰν εἰσδέξασθαι δουλείαν, δεσπότῃ παραδόντας αὑτούς, καὶ πρὸς τούτῳ μὴ τὸν παρόντα μόνον ἔχειν πόλεμον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πολὺ 331 μείζω τὸν ἀπ᾿ Αἰγύπτου. τὴν γὰρ Κλεοπάτραν οὐ περιόψεσθαι δύναμιν αὐτῷ κατασκευαζόμενον {{το- λεμαῖον ἐκ γειτόνων, ἀλλ᾽ ἥξειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς μετὰ μεγάλης στρατιᾶς: σπουδάσαι γὰρ αὐτὴν ὥστε καὶ τῆς Κύπρου τὸν υἱὸν ἐκβαλεῖν: εἶναι δὲ Πτολεμαίῳ μὲν διαμαρτόντι τῆς ἐλπίδος ἀποφυγὴν" πάλιν " τὴν' 332 Κύπρον, αὐτοῖς δὲ κίνδυνον τὸν ἔσχατον. ὁ μὲν 1 τὰ πρὸς LAMWE. 2 ἐποίησεν PF. 3 Gutschmid: ἀποφυγεῖν codd. Lat. 4 eis τὴν ed. pr. 5 κινδύνων AMW. α Cleopatra III and her younger son Ptolemy IX Alexander. > Cf. § 274 note g. 392 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 328-332 test by periods of inactivity and rest. The only hope that was left them was in the sovereigns of Egypt @ and in Ptolemy Lathyrus, the ruler of Cyprus, who had been driven from his realm by his mother Cleopatra, and had come to Cyprus.® And so the people of Ptolemais sent to him and begged him to The people of Ptolemais appeal to come to their aid and save them from the hands of Ptolemy Alexander, by whom they were endangered. The envoys led him to hope’ that when he crossed to Syria, he would have the people of Gaza on the side of those of Ptolemais, as well as Zoilus, and they told him further that the Sidonians and many others would join him ; being, therefore, full of high hope, he made haste to sail.@ (3) Meanwhile, however, the people of Ptolemais had been persuaded to change their plans by De- maenetus, who had their confidence at that time and influenced the people; he said that it would be better for them to risk a contest with the Jews, although the outcome was uncertain, than to accept open servitude by delivering themselves up to an ab- solute ruler, and in addition not only have the present war on their hands, but also a much more serious one arising from Egypt. For Cleopatra would not permit Ptolemy to provide himself with an army from the neighbouring cities but would come against them with a great force, since she was eager to drive her son out of Cyprus too. Moreover, if Ptolemy were disappointed in his expectations, he could again find a refuge in Cyprus, whereas they themselves would be in the greatest danger. Now though ° ἐπελπισάντων is a Thuecydidean word (Thue. viii. 1. 1) found also in Ant. viii. 205, xv. 207, 353. 4 On the numismatic evidence for the expedition of Ptolemy Lathyrus see A. Brett in AJA xli. (1937), 452-463. y 393 Lathyrus for aid against Alexander Jannaeus. Ptolemy Lathyrus sails for Syria. 333 334 335 3 6 JOSEPHUS οὖν Πτολεμαῖος κατὰ τὸν πόρον' μαθὼν τὴν τῶν Πτολεμαιῶν μεταβολὴν οὐδὲν ἧττον ἔπλευσε, καὶ καταχθεὶς εἰς τὴν καλουμένην" Συκαμίνων" ἐνταυθοῖ τὴν δύναμιν ἐξεβίβασεν. ἦν δὲ ὁ πᾶς στρατὸς αὐτῷ πεζοί τε ἅμα καὶ ἱππεῖς περὶ τρισμυρίους, οὗς προαγαγὼν πλησίον τῆς [Πτολεμαΐδος καὶ στρα- τοπεδευσάμενος, ἐπεὶ μήτε τοὺς παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ πρέσ- βεις ἐδέχοντο μήτε τῶν λόγων ἠκροῶντο, μεγάλως ἐφρόντιζεν. (4) ᾿Βλθόντων δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν Ζωίλου τε καὶ τῶν Γαζαίων καὶ δεομένων συμμαχεῖν αὐτοῖς πορθου- μένης αὐτῶν τῆς χώρας ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, λύει μὲν τὴν πολιορκίαν δείσας τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος, ἀπαγαγὼν δὲ τὴν στρα- τιὰν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐστρατήγει τὸ λοιπόν, λάθρα μὲν τὴν Κλεοπάτραν ἐπὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον μετα- πεμπόμενος, φανερῶς δὲ φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑποκρινόμενος. καὶ τετρακόσια" δὲ ἀργυρίου τάλαντα δώσειν ὑπέσχετο, χάριν ἀντὶ τούτων αἰτῶν Ζώιλον ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι τὸν τύραννον, καὶ τὴν χώραν τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις προσνεῖμαι. τότε μὲν οὖν ὁ Πτολεμαῖος ἡδέως τὴν πρὸς ᾿Αλέξ- ανδρον ποιησάμενος φιλίαν χειροῦται τὸν Ζώιλον. ὕστερον. δὲ ἀκούσας λάθρα διαπεμψάμενον" αὐτὸν πρὸς τὴν μητέρα αὐτοῦ Κλεοπάτραν, λύει τοὺς γεγενημένους πρὸς αὐτὸν ὅρκους, καὶ προσβαλὼν ἐπολιόρκει τὴν Πτολεμαΐδα μὴ δεξαμένην αὐτόν. καταλιπὼν δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς πολιορκίας στρατηγοὺς καὶ μέρος τι τῆς δυνάμεως, αὐτὸς τῷ λοιπῷ τὴν 1 τὴν πορείαν AMWE. 2 λεγομένην FLME 3 ex Lat. Niese: Συκάμινων codd. 4 quattuor milia Lat. 394 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 332-336 Ptolemy on the way over learned of the change of mind of the people of Ptolemais, he nevertheless sailed on, and landing at Sycamina,? as it is called, there disembarked his force. The army with him, both foot and horse, numbered some thirty thousand in all, and these he led to the neighbourhood of Ptolemais and encamped there ; but as they would neither admit his envoys nor listen to his proposals he was in great anxiety. (4) However when Zoilus and the people of Gaza Alexander came to him with the request that he would aid them, {farts as their territory was being ravaged by the Jews to trick under Alexander, Alexander in fear of Ptolemy Eatiigraet raised the siege and led his army home again, and thereafter resorted to cunning; for while secretly sending for Cleopatra to attack Ptolemy, he openly proposed a friendly alliance to him, thus acting a part. He also promised to give him four hundred talents of silver, asking him in return to put the local ruler Zoilus out of the way and to assign his territory to the Jews. And so Ptolemy at that time gladly formed a friendship with Alexander, and laid hands ὃ on Zoilus. But later, when he heard that Alexander had secretly sent ° to his mother Cleopatra, he broke the sworn agreements he had made with him, and attacked Ptolemais, and when it refused to admit him, besieged it. Then, leaving his generals and a part of his force to carry on the siege, he set out * A port just S. of the promontory of Carmel, the Talmu- die Siqgména, mod. Tell es-Semak. » It is not certain from the Gr. whether Ptolemy killed Zoilus or merely imprisoned him. © Variant ‘* was secretly sending.” 5 P Lat.: διαπεμπόμενον rell. 395 JOSEPHUS 337 ᾿Ιουδαίαν καταστρεψόμενος ὥρμησεν. ὁ de ᾿Αλέξ- ανδρος τὴν τοῦ [[τολεμαίου διάνοιαν μαθὼν συν- ἤθροισε καὶ αὐτὸς περὶ πέντε μυριάδας τῶν ἐγχωρίων, ὡς δ᾽ ἔνιοι συγγραφεῖς εἰρήκασιν, ὀκτώ, \ > / “4 / > / ~ / καὶ ἀναλαβών τὴν δύναμιν ἀπήντα τῷ [ἰ᾿τολεμαίῳ. κι 9 , > As A / eS ie ΤΠΠτολεμαῖος δ᾽ ἐξαίφνης ἐπιπεσὼν ᾿Ασώχει TH τῆς / / / « A \ / ᾽ / Τ᾽ αλιλαίας πόλει σάββασιν αἱρεῖ κατὰ κράτος αὐτήν, καὶ περὶ μύρια σώματα καὶ πολλὴν ἑτέραν ἔλαβε λείαν. 338 (5) Πειράσας δὲ καὶ Σέπφωριν μικρὸν ἄπωθεν ~ / \ > \ ” τῆς πεπορθημένης, πολλοὺς ἀποβαλὼν ἤει πολε- > / \ / \ -} ~ A ~ μήσων ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ. ὑπήντησε δὲ αὐτῷ πρὸς τῷ > /, ~ 3 / , / lopdavn ποταμῷ ᾿Αλέξανδρος περί τινα τόπον λεγόμενον ᾿Ασωφὼν" οὐ πόρρωθεν τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου ποταμοῦ, καὶ βάλλεται στρατόπεδον πλησίον τῶν 339 πολεμίων. εἶχε μέντοι τοὺς προμαχομένους ὀκτα- κισχιλίους, οὗς ἑκατονταμάχους προσηγόρευσεν, ἐπιχάλκοις χρωμένους τοῖς θυρεοῖς. ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τοῖς τοῦ [᾿τολεμαίου προμαχοῦσιν ἐπίχαλκοι αἱ ἀσπίδες. τοῖς μέντοι γε ἄλλοις ἔλαττον ἔχοντες ot “ / ’ / ~ > \ τοῦ [Πτολεμαίου εὐλαβέστερον συνῆψαν εἰς τὸν 340 κίνδυνον. θάρσος δὲ αὐτοῖς οὐκ ὀλίγον ἐνεποίησεν ¢ A / ~ / ‘ ὁ τακτικὸς Φιλοστέφανος, διαβῆναι κελεύσας τὸν ποταμόν, οὗ μεταξὺ" ἦσαν ἐστρατοπεδευκότες. ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ δὲ κωλύειν αὐτῶν τὴν διάβασιν οὐκ 1 ᾿Ασώχει τῇ LAMW: ᾿Ασωχεῖ E: ᾿Ασωχειτω P: ᾿Ασωχεῖ τῷ Τῇ: Asochiton Lat. 2 ᾽Ασαφῶν LAMW Lat. 3 super quem Lat. 4 The Talmudic Sihin, mod. Khirbet el-Lin, c. 5 miles N.W. of Sepphoris, cf. Avi Yonah, p. 32. The city and 396 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 337-340 with the rest of his army to subdue Judaea. But when Alexander learned of Ptolemy’s intention, he also collected an army, consisting of about fifty thousand natives, or eighty thousand, as some writers state, and taking this force went out to meet Ptolemy. Ptolemy, however, made a sudden attack on Asochis,# a city of Galilee, on the Sabbath, and taking it by storm, captured about ten thousand persons and a great deal of booty besides. (5) He also made an attempt on Sepphoris at a little distance from the city which had just been sacked,? but lost many of his men, and went on to fight Alexander. Alexander met him in the neigh- bourhood of the river Jordan, at a place called Asophon,’ not far from the river Jordan, and pitched his camp close to the enemy. He had, moreover, eight thousand front-line fighters, whom he called “ hundred-fighters,” carrying long shields covered with bronze. Now Ptolemy’s front-line fighters also had round shields covered with bronze, but as his troops were inferior to the enemy in other respects, they were more cautious about risking an engage- ment. However they were not a little encouraged by the tactician Philostephanus, who told them to cross the river, which was between their camp and the enemy’s.* And Alexander decided not to prevent plain of Asochis are several times mentioned in Vita, e.g. ξξ 207, 233, 304. Ptolemy’s attack on Asochis is mentioned, without details, in B.J. i. 86. > 7.e. Asochis. © Variant “ἢ Asaphon.”’ It is probably the bibl. Saphon, mod. Tell Sa‘idiye, a little E. of the Jordan, where the Wadi Kafrinji flows into the river, ef. Albright, ap. Abel ii. 448. 4 The Gr. construction is awkward, but the meaning is clear ; evidently οὗ μεταξύ has the force of a gen. abs. with ὄντος understood, 397 Ptolemy Lathyrus defeats Alexander Jannaeus near the Jordan. 341 343 344 345 JOSEPHUS Μ ἔδοξεν: ἐνόμιζε' γάρ, εἰ κατὰ νώτου λάβοιεν τὸν ποταμόν, ῥᾷον αἱρήσειν τοὺς πολεμίους, φεύγειν ἐκ τῆς μάχης οὐ δυναμένους. κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς" μὲν οὖν > > ~ παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἦν ἔργα χειρῶν Kat προθυμίας / ‘ \ 24 / / > c / παραπλήσια, καὶ πολὺς ἐγένετο φόνος ἐξ ἑκατέρων ~ / « / \ ~ 3 / TOV στρατευμάτων, ὑπερτέρων δὲ τῶν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου γινομένων, Φιλοστέφανος διελὼν τὴν δύναμιν δε- ~ ~ a > ~ > 7 \ \ ξιῶς τοῖς ἐνδιδοῦσιν ἐπεκούρει. μηδενὸς δὲ τῷ κλιθέντι μέρει τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων προσβοηθοῦντος τού- A / 4, A / \ tous μὲν συνέβαινε φεύγειν, μὴ βοηθούντων μηδὲ ~ / > \ 7 ~ ~ « τῶν πλησίον ἀλλὰ κοινωνούντων τῆς φυγῆς, οἱ δὲ τοῦ []τολεμαΐίου τἀναντία τούτων ἔπραττον' «ε Le mi ΝΜ \ > / \ A ἑπόμενοι γὰρ ἔκτεινον τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους καὶ τὸ A 27 τελευταῖον τραπέντας αὐτοὺς ἅπαντας ἐδίωκον - A 4, φονεύοντες" ἕως οὗ Kal 6 σίδηρος αὐτοῖς ἠμβλύνθη A / κτείνουσι Kal αἱ χεῖρες παρείθησαν. τρισμυρίους γοῦν ἔφασαν αὐτῶν' ἀποθανεῖν (Τιμαγένης δὲ / » ~ \ Μ A A πεντακισμυρίους εἴρηκεν) τῶν δὲ ἄλλων τοὺς μὲν - > A αἰχμαλώτους ληφθῆναι, τοὺς δὲ εἰς Ta οἰκεῖα διαφυγεῖν" χωρία. (6) Πτολεμαῖος δὲ μετὰ τὴν νίκην προσκατα- yw δραμὼν" τὴν χώραν, ὀψίας ἐπιγενομένης ἔν τισι κώμαις τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας κατέμεινεν, ἃς γυναικῶν εὑρὼν μεστὰς καὶ νηπίων, ἐκέλευσε τοὺς στρα- τιώτας ἀποσφάττοντας αὐτοὺς καὶ κρεουργοῦντας, 398 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 340-345 their crossing, thinking that he would the more easily take the enemy if they had the river behind them and so were unable to flee. And at first both sides equally performed deeds of prowess and daring, and great was the slaughter in both armies; but as Alexander’s men were getting the upper hand, Philo- stephanus divided his force and skilfully came to the relief of those who were giving ground. And as no one came to aid that part of the Jewish force which was falling back, it had to flee ; and not even those near them helped them, but joined in their flight. Ptolemy’s men, however, did just the opposite, for they followed the Jews and killed them, until finally, when they were completely routed, they tracked them down to slaughter them until their swords became blunted with killing, and their hands were utterly tired. It was said, in fact, that thirty thou- sand of them perished—Timagenes?® says there were fifty thousand—, while as for the rest, some were taken captive, and others escaped to their native places. (6) After this victory Ptolemy overran” other terri- tory, and when evening fell, halted in some villages of Judaea, which he found full of women and infants ; he thereupon commanded his soldiers to cut their throats and chop them up and then to fling the pieces « Cf. § 319 note ὁ. >» Variant “ seized.” 1 ἐνόμισε FLAMW. 3 ὡς δὲ συνῆψαν Kar’ ἀρχὰς cod. Busb. ap. Hudson. ot φονεύοντες PEL. 4 ἀνδρῶν AMW Lat.: ἄνδρας E. δ Niese: διαφεύγειν PFL: φεύγειν rell. E. ὁ προσκαταλαβὼν PI, 399 Ptolemy Lathyrus invades Judaea, JOSEPHUS ” > / / > / ‘A / ἔπειτα εἰς λέβητας Céovras ἐνιέντας τὰ μέλη 846 ἀπάρχεσθαι.. τοῦτο δὲ προσέταξεν, ἵν᾽ οἱ δια- φυγόντες ἐκ τῆς μάχης καὶ πρὸς αὑτοὺς ἐλθόντες σαρκοφάγους ὑπολάβωσιν εἶναι τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἔτι μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς καταπλαγῶσι ταῦτα > / / A \ / \ / a 347 ἰδόντες. λέγει δὲ Kal Στράβων καὶ Νικόλαος ὅτι τοῦτον αὐτοῖς ἐχρήσαντο" τὸν τρόπον, καθὼς κἀγὼ , ” 3 \ \ \ .. \ προείρηκα. ἔλαβον" δὲ Kat τὴν Π᾿τολεμαΐδα κατὰ κράτος, ὡς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις φανερὸν πεποιήκαμεν. ΒΩ ᾽ὔ \ c ~ \ e\ > / 348 (xiii. 1) Κλεοπάτρα δὲ ὁρῶσα τὸν υἱὸν αὐξανό- μενον καὶ τήν τε ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἀδεῶς πορθοῦντα καὶ τὴν Γαζαίων πόλιν ὑπήκοον ἔχοντα, περιιδεῖν οὐκ ἔγνω τοῦτον ἐπὶ ταῖς πύλαις ὄντα καὶ ποθοῦντα" 349 τὴν τῶν Αἰγυπτίων μείζω γενόμενον," ἀλλὰ παρα- χρῆμα μετὰ ναυτικῆς καὶ πεζῆς δυνάμεως ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐξώρμησεν, ἡγεμόνας τῆς ὅλης στρατιᾶς ἀποδείξασα Χελκίαν καὶ ᾿Ανανίαν τοὺς Ιουδαίους. τὰ δὲ πολλὰ τοῦ πλούτου αὐτῆς" καὶ τοὺς υἱωνοὺς 350 καὶ διαθήκας πέμψασα Κῴοις παρέθετο. κελεύ- σασα δὲ τὸν υἱὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον στόλῳ μεγάλῳ παραπλεῖν εἰς Φοινίκην, ἡ Κλεοπάτρα, μετὰ πάσης 1 ἀπέρχεσθαι Naber. 2 ἐχρήσατο Gutschmid. 3 ἔλαβε AMWE Lat. 4 doBodvra Naber. 5 ἐπὶ ταῖς πύλαις... γενόμενον] dum iam in portis suis eum praesentem sperarat esse futurum et amari ab aegyptiis propter virtutem eius putaret eum Lat. δ adrots L: om. PF. 7 εἰς Φοινίκην] εἰ δὴ φυγὴ γένοιτο LAMWE Lat. 4 There is no need to emend ἀπάρχεσθαι to ἀπέρχεσθαι *“ go away,” as Naber does. As Richards and Shutt note, the former reading is right in the sacrificial sense. It may be added that the incident here related bears ἃ partial resemblance to the story told in Herod. iii. 11 of the Greek 400 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 345-350 into boiling cauldrons and to taste of them.? This order he gave that those who had escaped from the battle and had returned to their homes might get the notion that the enemy were eaters of human flesh, and so might be the more terrified by this sight. And both Strabo and Nicolas say that they treated the Jews in the manner which I have just mentioned. Ptolemy’s men also took Ptolemais by storm, as we have shown elsewhere.? (xiii. 1) When Cleopatra saw her son growing in Cleopatra power, and ravaging Judaea with impunity and hold- Pholomy ing Gaza subject to him, she decided not to be idle Lathyrus while he, having grown greater, was at her gates an and coveted the throne of Egypt; and so she at once set out against him with a sea and land force, appoint- ing as leaders of her entire army the Jews Chelkias and Ananias.° Atthe same time she sent the greater part of her wealth and her grandsons?@ and her testa- ment to Cos for safe keeping. Then she commanded her son Alexander‘ to sail toward Phoenicia’ with a mercenaries in Egypt who slew the sons of the traitor Phanes. ‘** When the last was dead, water and wine were poured into the bowl, and all the soldiers tasted of the blood, and so went into battle.” "ΝΟ such passage is found in Josephus, unless he refers to the siege in § 336; the formula is probably taken over from his source. © On these Jewish generals see § 287 note /. 4 Bevan, Ptol. p: 330, writes, ‘‘ One of these grandchildren was apparently the young Ptolemy Alexander [Ptolemy X], a son of Alexander I |Ptolemy IX]; who the others were we do not know (Bouché-Leclereq conjectures children of Soter and Selene |cf. Justinus xxxix. 4. 1]).”’ ¢ In the sanctuary of Asclepius. 7 Ptolemy IX. 9 The variant (to “‘ toward Phoenicia ’’) ‘‘ if flight should take place ᾿᾿ makes no sense. 4.01 JOSEPHUS αὐτὴ" “τῆς δυνάμεως ἧκεν εἰς Πτολεμαΐδα, μὴ δεξαμ évwv δὲ αὐτὴν τῶν Πτολεμαιῶν ἐπολιόρκει 351 τὴν πόλιν. Πτολεμαῖος δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς Συρίας ἀπελθὼν ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἔσπευσεν, αἰφνιδίως αὐτὴν οἰόμενος κενὴν οὖσαν στρατιᾶς καθέξειν: ἀλλὰ διαμαρτάνει τῆς ἐλπίδος. κατὰ τοῦτον δὴ" τὸν χρόνον συνέβη καὶ Χελκίαν τὸν ἕτερον τῶν τῆς Κλεοπάτρας ἡγεμόνων ἀποθανεῖν περὶ κοίλην Συρίαν, διώκοντα Πτολεμαῖον. 352 (9) ᾿Ακούσασα δὲ ἡ Κλεοπάτρα τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν τὴν τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ ὅτι τὰ περὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον οὐχ ὃν προσεδόκα τρόπον προκεχώρηκεν αὐτῷ, πέμψασα μέρος τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐξέβαλεν αὐτὸν ἐκ᾽ τῆς χώρας. καὶ O μὲν ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου πάλιν ὑποστρέψας τὸν 353 χειμῶνα διέτριβεν' ev Τάζῃ. Κλεοπάτρα δ᾽ ἐν τούτῳ τὴν ἐν [[ἰτολεμαΐδι φρουρὰν ἐκ πολιορκίας λαμβάνει καὶ τὴν πόλιν. ᾿Αλεξάνδρου δ᾽ αὐτῇ" μετὰ δώρων προσελθόντος" καὶ θεραπείας ὁποίας ἄξιον ἦν, πεπονθότα μὲν κακῶς ὑπὸ Πτολεμαίου, καταφυγῆς δ᾽ οὐκ ἄλλης 7) ταύτης εὐποροῦντα, τινὲς μὲν τῶν φίλων καὶ ταῦτα συνεβούλευον αὐτῇ λαβεῖν καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐπελθούσῃ κατασχεῖν, καὶ μὴ περιιδεῖν em ἀνδρὶ ἑνὶ τοσοῦτο πλῆθος ἀγαθῶν 354 ᾿Ιουδαίῳ᾽ κείμενον. ᾿Ανανίας δὲ συνεβούλευε τού- τοις ἐναντία, λέγων ἄδικα ποιήσειν αὐτήν, εἰ σύμμαχον ἄνθρωπον ἀφαιρήσεται τῆς ἰδίας ἐξου- 1 Holwerda: αὐτῆς codd. E. 2 γὰρ AMW: om. Lat.: δὲ Niese. 3 azo PV. 4 διέτριψεν PLV. 5 αὐτὴν PF. 8 περιελθόντος P. 7 Naber: Ἰουδαίων codd. Lat. @ Text slightly emended. 402 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 350-354 great fleet, while she herself* came to Ptolemais with her entire force, and when the inhabitants refused to admit her, besieged the city. Thereupon Ptolemy ὃ left Syria and hastened to Egypt,’ thinking to get possession of it suddenly while it was left without an army, but he was disappointed of his hope. It was just at this time that Chelkias, one of Cleopatra’s two commanders, died in Coele-Syria while in pursuit of Ptolemy. (2) When Cleopatra heard of her son’s attempt and Cleopatra learned that his plans concerning Egypt had not 38 ‘issuaded prospered as he had expected, she sent a portion invading of her army against him and drove him out of the ee country. And so he left Egypt once more and spent the winter at Gaza. Meanwhile Cleopatra besieged the garrison in Ptolemais and took it and the city it- self. And when Alexander? came to her? with gifts and such marks of attention as were to be expected after the harsh treatment he had suffered at the hands of Ptolemy—for he had no other course of safety than this—, some of her friends advised her to take these things and at the same time invade his country and occupy it, and not suffer such an abundance of resources to belong to one man, who was a Jew.’ Ananias, however, gave the opposite advice, saying that she would commit an injustice if she deprived an ally of his own possessions,’ “ especi- > Ptolemy VIII Soter (Lathyrus). ° His mother’s naval force stopped him at Pelusium. He presently returned to Cyprus (c. 102 B.c.), cf. § 358. 4 Alexander Jannaeus. ¢ Variant “ got round her.” 7 Text slightly emended: the mss. reading, ‘‘ such an abundance of good Jews to belong to one man,”’ is obviously corrupt. 9 Or “ authority.” 403 JOSEPHUS σίας, “ καὶ ταῦτα συγγενῆ ἡμέτερον. οὐ γὰρ ἀγνοεῖν βούλομαί ae,” φησίν, “ὅτι τὸ πρὸς τοῦτον ἀδικον ἐχθροὺς ἅπαντας ἡμᾶς σοι τοὺς 355 Ιουδαίους καταστήσει. ταῦτα δὲ ᾿Ανανία παρ- αινέσαντος, ἡ Κλεοπάτρα πείθεται μηδὲν ἀδικῆσαι τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον, ἀλλὰ συμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐποιήσατο ἐν Σκυθοπόλει τῆς κοίλης Συρίας. 356 (8) Ὃ δὲ τῶν ἐκ Πτολεμαίου φόβων ἐλευθερω- θεὶς στρατεύεται μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν κοίλην Συρίαν, « - \ / / / / ¢ “- A αἱρεῖ δὲ Γάδαρα πολιορκήσας δέκα μησίν, αἱρεῖ δὲ καὶ ᾿Αμαθοῦντα μέγιστον ἔρυμα τῶν ὑπὲρ τὸν ᾿Ιορδάνην κατῳκημένων, ἔνθα καὶ τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ σπουδῆς ἀξια Θεόδωρος 6 Ζήνωνος εἶχεν. ὃς οὐ προσδοκῶσιν ἐπιπεσὼν τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις μυρίους ΕΣ fa 5 ,ὔ \ \ > x > / αὐτῶν ἀποκτείνει, Kal τὴν ἀποσκευὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου 357 διαρπάζει. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οὐ καταπλήττει τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιστρατεύει τοῖς θαλαττίοις / € / 1. θ δό Δ A Ἡ ’ὔ μέρεσιν, ‘Padia καὶ ᾿Ανθηδόνι, ἣν ὕστερον ᾿Ηρώ- δης ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αγριππιάδα μετωνόμασε," καὶ 868 κατὰ κράτος εἷλε καὶ ταύτην. ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν μὲν Πτολεμαῖον ἐκ τῆς Palys εἰς Κύπρον ἀνακεχω- ρηκότα, τὴν δὲ μητέρα αὐτοῦ Κλεοπάτραν εἰς Αἴγυπτον, ὀργιζόμενος δὲ τοῖς Γαζαίοις ὅτι [Πτο- λεμαῖον ἐπεκαλέσαντο βοηθόν, ἐπολιόρκει τὴν πόλιν, 359 καὶ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν προενόμευσεν. ᾿Απολ- 1 κατασκευάζει PL: κατασκευάσει EX: habebis Lat. 2 κάλλιστα καὶ] μάλιστα Niese. 3 προσηγόρευσε P (F). μετακεχωρηκότα LAMWE. @ §§ 356-357 have parallels in B.J. i. 86-87. > Here meaning Transjordan, ef. Ant. xi. 25 note a. © Mod. Mukes, a few miles E. of the confluence of the Yarmuk and Jordan rivers, cf. Ant. xii. 136 note f. 4.04: 4 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 354-359 ally one who is our kinsman. For I would have you know that an injustice done to this man will make all us Jews your enemies.”’ By this exhortation of Ananias Cleopatra was persuaded not to do Alexander any wrong, but instead she made an alliance with him at Scythopolis in Coele-Syria. (3) © Thereupon Alexander, being rid of his fear of Alexander Ptolemy, at once marched on Coele-Syria’ and took aoe Gadara° after a siege of ten months, and also took Gaz. Amathis,? the greatest stronghold of those occupied beyond the Jordan, where Theodorus, the son of Zenon, kept his best and most valuable possessions. This man fell upon the Jews unexpectedly and killed ten thousand of them, and plundered Alexander’s baggage.® These misfortunes did not, however, dis- may Alexander, who marched on the cities of the coast, Raphia’ and Anthedon,’ the name of which King Herod later changed to Agrippias,” and took this* too by storm. And? when he saw that Ptolemy had withdrawn from Gaza to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra to Egypt, in his anger with the Gazaeans for having summoned Ptolemy to help them, he be- sieged their city and plundered their territory. But 4 Mod. Tell ‘Ammata, a few miles N.E. of the confluence of the Jabbok and Jordan rivers, in the same latitude as Shechem. ¢ He also recovered his own property, according to B.J. i. 87. 7 Mod. Refah, c. 20 miles S.W. of Gaza, near the Egyp- tian border. 9 Mod. Khirbet Tida, according to Abel ii. 245, ¢c. a mile N. of Gaza. » Of. B.J. i. 416, where it is called Agrippeion. ‘ Apparently “ territory ” is to be supplied. me following sections, to § 372, have no parallels in IERIE 405 JOSEPHUS λοδότου δὲ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῶν Γαζαίων “μετὰ δισχιλίων ξένων καὶ μυρίων οἰκετῶν' νύκτωρ ἐπιπεσόντος τῷ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων στρατοπέδῳ, ἐφ᾽ a \ « ~ ¢ A ov € -“ /, ὅσον μὲν ὑπῆρχεν ἡ νὺξ ἐνίκων of Γαζαῖοι, δόκησιν παρέχοντες τοῖς πολεμίοις ὡς ἐπεληλυθότος αὐτοῖς Πτολεμαίου, γενομένης δὲ ἡμέρας καὶ τῆς δόξης ἐλεγχθείσης, μαθόντες οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι τἀληθὲς ἐπι- συστρέφονται, καὶ τοῖς Γαζαίοις προσβαλόντες 360 ἀναιροῦσιν αὐτῶν περὶ χιλίους." τῶν δὲ Γαζαίων ἀντεχόντων καὶ μήτε ὑπὸ τῆς ἐνδείας μήτε ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἀναιρουμένων ἐνδιδόντων (πᾶν γὰρ ὁτιοῦν ὑπέμενον παθεῖν ἢ ὑπὸ τῷ πολεμίῳ γενέ- - " σθαι) προσεπήγειρεν αὐτῶν" τὴν εὐψυχίαν καὶ ᾿Αρέτας ὁ ᾿Αράβων βασιλεύς, ἐπίδοξος ὧν ἥξειν 361 αὐτοῖς σύμμαχος. ἀλλὰ συνέβη πρῶτον τὸν ᾿Απολλόδοτον διαφθαρῆναι: Λυσίμαχος γὰρ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ ζηλοτυπῶν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῷ παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις εὐδοκιμεῖν, κτείνας αὐτὸν καὶ στρατιω- \ 7 2 οὐ girs , \ τικὸν συγκροτήσας ἐκδίδωσιν ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ τὴν A 362 πόλιν. ὁ δ᾽ εὐθὺς μὲν εἰσελθὼν ἠρέμει, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τὴν δύναμιν ἐπαφῆκε τοῖς Talaious, ἐπι- / ~ Σ / € \ ΝΜ 3 ~ — eas τιμωρεῖν αὐτούς: of δὲ ἄλλοι ἀλλαχῆ = > τρεπόμενοι τοὺς Talalovs ἀπέκτειναν. ἦσαν ὃ 0.2 > - \ ‘\ > ~ > AY A - οὐδ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι τὰς ψυχὰς ἀγεννεῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς 1 civium Lat.; οἰκετῶν haud rectum esse putat Niese. 2 δισχιλίους W. 3 αὐτῶν Hudson cum E: δ᾽ αὐτῶν codd. 4 προθυμίαν PFYV. 5 + ἐπαγγειλάμενος FLAMVW, ὁ ἐνδίδωσιν PLAMW. 7 τραπόμενοι VE. 4 Lat. (reading οἰκείων for οἰκετῶν) has “ citizens,” a read- ing adopted by Chamonard. Ρ 400 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 359-362 Apollodotus, the general of the Gazaeans, fell upon the camp of the Jews by night with two thousand mercenaries and ten thousand slaves,” and so long as night lasted, the Gazaeans were victorious, for they made the enemy believe® that it was Ptolemy who had attacked them; but when day came, and this belief proved false, the Jews, on learning the true state of things, reformed their ranks and attacked the Gazaeans and slew about a thousand ° of them. The Gazaeans, however, held their ground and did not yield either through lack of supplies or because of the number of their slain—for they were ready to suffer any fate rather than fall into the hands of the enemy—, and their courage ὦ was heightened by the expectation that Aretas, the king of the Arabs, would come to their assistance.® But first, as it happened, Apollodotus was put to death, for his brother Lysimachus, who was envious of his prestige with the people of the city, killed him ; he then united’ the army and delivered the city to Alexander. On first entering, Alexander acted peacefully, but subsequently he loosed his force on the Gazaeans and let his men avenge them- selves on them. And so they went off, some in one direction and others in another, killing the Gazaeans. These, however, were by no means mean- spirited, but on the contrary defended themselves » δόκησιν παρασχόντες 1s a Thucydidean phrase (Thuc. 11, 84. 1). 5 One ms. “ two thousand.” @ Variant ‘* zeal.” * Most mss. add “‘ as he had promised.’”” The Nabataean king Aretas II is to be distinguished from Aretas III who played an important part in Jewish history in the time of Hyreanus II, ef. Ant. xiv. 14 ff. 7 Or “ disciplined.” 407 363 364 365 366 367 JOSEPHUS / παραπίπτουσιν ἀμυνόμενοι τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους οὐκ γᾺ 7 Aa , ” \ , ἐλάτπονας αὑτῶν' διέφθειραν. ἔνιοι δὲ μονούμενοι τὰς οἰκίας ἐνεπίμπρασαν, ὡς μηδὲν ἐξ᾽ αὐτῶν / A / A « A εἰ - λάφυρον εἶναι τοῖς πολεμίοις λαβεῖν. οἱ δὲ καὶ τῶν a ~ ᾽ ~ τέκνων Kal TOV γυναικῶν αὐτόχειρες ἐγένοντο, τῆς ὑπὸ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς αὐτοὺς δουλείας οὕτως ἀπαλ- λάττειν ἠναγκασμένοι. τῶν δὲ βουλευτῶν ἦσαν" « 4 “ οἱ πάντες πεντακόσιοι συμφυγόντες εἰς τὸ τοῦ WAL / c / / \ \ >? 60 πόλλωνος ἱερόν (συνεδρευόντων γὰρ τὴν ἐπίθεσιν / / ¢ \ > / / συνέβη γενέσθα): 6 δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος τούτους τε ἀναιρεῖ καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτοῖς ἐπικατασκάψας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς ἱΙεροσόλυμα, ἐνιαυτῷ πολιορκήσας. « A \ > \ \ ~ \ VAS (4) ‘Yao τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ τοῦτον καιρὸν καὶ ᾿Αν- U ¢ \ > \ > / « A tloyos ὁ I'pumos ἐπικληθεὶς ἀποθνήσκει ὑπὸ € / > 6 / / \ ” Ἡρακλέωνος ἐπιβουλευθείς, βιώσας μὲν ἔτη τεσ- σαράκοντα καὶ πέντε, βασιλεύσας δὲ ἐννέα καὶ ” / \ \ / ¢ A εἴκοσι. διαδεξάμενος δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ Σέλευκος ἐπολέμει μὲν τῷ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀδελφῷ ᾿Αντιόχῳ, ὃς ἐπεκαλεῖτο Κυζικηνός, νική- a5 > \ \ \ > / > > \ σας δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ λαβὼν ἀπέκτεινεν. μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ τοῦ Κυζικηνοῦ παῖς ᾿Αντίοχος ὁ Εὐσεβὴς καλούμενος παραγενηθεὶς εἰς "Αραδον καὶ περι- 1 Naber: αὐτῶν codd. 2 € om. FLAMVW. 5 ἦσαν δ᾽ Niese. 4 συμφυγόντων Niese cum E. 5 Hudson auctore Petavio: ᾿Αντίοχος καὶ ᾿Αντίοχος P: ᾿Αντίοχος Kal ᾿Αντωνῖνος (᾿Αντώνιος FI) rell. E Lat. - « One gets the impression from § 358 that the siege of Gaza began soon after Ptolemy Lathyrus and Cleopatra III withdrew from Palestine, 6. 102 8.c. But in ἃ 365 Josephus synchronizes the end of the siege with the murder of Anti- ochus Grypus which took place in 96 μι. | However the phrase “ about this same time’? may be a vague indication 4.08 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 362-367 against the Jews with whatever weapons came to hand and slew as many of them as they themselves had lost. And some of them, being left alone, set fire to their houses in order that nothing might remain in them for the enemy to take out as spoil. Others with their own hands made away with their children and wives, this being the means by which they were compelled to deliver them from slavery to their foes. Of the councilmen there were five hundred in all who took refuge in the temple of Apollo—for the attack had come just when they were sitting in council—, but Alexander slew them there, and having pulled the city down upon them, returned to Jeru- salem after spending a year on the siege.“ (4) About this same time Antiochus, surnamed Grypus, met death as the victim of a plot formed by Heracleon ; he was forty-five years of age and reigned twenty-nine.? And his son Seleucus,’ on succeeding to his throne, waged war with his father’s brother, who was surnamed Cyzicenus, and after defeating him, captured and killed him.¢ But not long afterward Antiochus,’ the son of Cyzicenus, who’ was called Eusebes (the Pious), came to Aradus,’ and having of time, as elsewhere in Josephus. We may therefore suppose that Gaza was taken nearer 100 B.c. than 96 B.c. ® This would make his reign begin 125/4 B.c., the usual reckoning, cf. Schiirer i. 176. But Antiochus Grypus began to rule Syria de facto c. 122 B.c., ef. § 272 note a. © Seleucus VI Epiphanes Nicator. 4 According to Porphyry, ap. Eusebius, Chron. i. 260, Cyzicenus was carried by his horse into the enemy’s lines, and killed himself to avoid capture. * Antiochus X Eusebes Philopator. 7 i.e, the son. 9 On the Syrian coast, 6. half-way between Laodicea and Tripolis. VOL. VII oO 409 The fratricidal wars of the Seleucids. JOSEPHUS θέμενος διάδημα πολεμεῖ TH Σελεύκῳ, καὶ κρατή- 368 σας ἐξήλασεν' αὐτὸν ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς Συρίας. ὁ δὲ ‘\ > , ‘\ , > ~ / φυγὼν eis Κιλικίαν καὶ γενόμενος ἐν τῇ Μόψου ἑστίᾳ πάλιν αὐτοὺς εἰσέπραττε χρήματα. ὁ δὲ τῶν Μοψουεστιέων δῆμος ἀγανακτήσας ὑφῆψεν αὐτοῦ ἣ ,, Ἁ "4 » ‘A ‘ ~ / τὰ βασίλεια καὶ διέφθειρεν αὐτὸν μετὰ τῶν φίλων. 809 ᾿Αντιόχου δὲ τοῦ Κυζικηνοῦ παιδὸς" βασιλεύοντος τῆς Συρίας, ᾿Αντίοχος 6 Σελεύκου ἀδελφὸς ἐκφέρει πόλεμον πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ νικηθεὶς ἀπόλλυται μετὰ THS στρατιᾶς. μετὰ δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ Φίλιππος ἐπιθέμενος διάδημα μέρους τινὸς τῆς 370 Συρίας ἐβασίλευσεν. []τολεμαῖος δὲ ὁ Λάθουρος Α , 3 » ΄ > ‘A , ‘ τὸν τέταρτον αὐτῶν ἀδελφὸν Δημήτριον τὸν καἰ 4 λ , ϑ K ὃ / καιρον᾽ λεγόμενον ἐκ Κνίδου μεταπεμψάμενος κατέστησεν ἐν Δαμασκῷ βασιλέα. τούτοις δὲ τοῖς δυσὶν ἀδελφοῖς καρτερῶς ἀνθιστάμενος ᾿Αντίοχος , “ὩΣ , 5 \ > A ΄ ταχέως ἀπέθανεν: Λαοδίκῃ" γὰρ ἐλθὼν σύμμαχος a ean A 6 , , , τῇ τῶν Σαμηνῶν" βασιλίσσῃ, ᾿Ιάρθους πολεμούσῃ, μαχόμενος ἀνδρείως ἔπεσεν. τὴν δὲ Συρίαν οἱ δύο 37 — 1 παραγενηθεὶς. . . ἐξήλασεν Hudson: παραγενηθέντες eis "Apadov καὶ περιθέμενοι διαδήματα (διάδημα PE) πολεμοῦσι τῷ Σελεύκῳ καὶ κρατήσαντες ἐξήλασαν codd. E Lat. 2 παιδὸς om. PE Lat. 3 τρίτον P. 4 Evxaipov ed. pr. 5 ἐν Λαοδίκῃ LW: ἐν Λαοδικείᾳ FAM'VE. 5. Ταλιήνων LW: Γαλιηνῶν AME: Γαλιλαίων F: Γαλααδηνῶν V: Gaminorum Lat.: Παλαδηνῶν ed. pr. 2 The singular number of the verbs in this sentence has been substituted by Hudson for the plural of the mss. » Cf. Appian, Syr. 69, ‘“‘he was burned at the gym- nasium.”’ Porphyry, ap. Eusebius, Chron. i. 262, says that he committed suicide to escape being burned in the palace. 410 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 367-371 put on the diadem, waged war with Seleucus, and after defeating him, drove him out of the whole of Syria. Seleucus thereupon fled to Cilicia, and coming to Mopsuestia, again tried to exact money from its inhabitants. But the people of Mopsuestia were indignant at this, and setting fire to his palace, destroyed him together with his friends.” Then while Antiochus,° the son of Cyzicenus, was reigning over Syria, Antiochus, the brother of Seleucus, made war on him, but was defeated and perished with his army. And after his death his brother Philip? put on the diadem and began to reign over a part of Syria. Thereupon Ptolemy Lathyrus sent for their fourth’ brother, called Demetrius Akairos/ (the IIl- timed), from Cnidus and made him king at Damascus. These two brothers were courageously opposed by Antiochus,’ but he soon died; for he went to the aid of Laodice, queen of the Samenians,” who was waging war with the Parthians, and fell fighting bravely.‘ And so Syria was held by the two brothers ¢ Antiochus XI Epiphanes Philadelphus. 4 Philip Epiphanes Philadelphus. 4 One ms. has “ third,” either a scribal error or unjustified correction. 7 Demetrius III Theos Philopator Soter was nicknamed Eukairos, “‘ The Timely ”’ (so the ed. pr. reads here) is Bedale 92 agrees with the ss. of Ant. in reading “ἡ Akairos.” 9 Cyzicenus’ _son, Antiochus X Eusebes Philopator. 4 Variants ‘‘ Galieni,” ‘‘ Galilaeans,’’ ‘*‘ Galaadenians,” “Gamini.”” The Samenians were an Arab tribe, according to Stephanus of Byzantium; for further discussion see J. DobiaS in Archiv Orientalni 3 (1931), 221-223 (cited by Debevoise, p. 46 n. 66). * According to Appian, Syr. 49, 70, Antiochus Eusebes was driven out of Syria by the Armenian king Tigranes (83 B.c.); according to Porphyry, ap. Eusebius, Chron. i 261, he had earlier fled to the Parthian court. 411 372 373 374 JOSEPHUS κατεῖχον ἀδελφοὶ Δημήτριος καὶ Φίλιππος, καθὼς ? ΝΜ / 1 ev ἄλλοις δεδήλωται. (5) ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ τῶν οἰκείων πρὸς αὐτὸν στασιασάντων (ἐπανέστη γὰρ αὐτῷ" τὸ ἔθνος) τῆς" ἑορτῆς ἀγομένης, καὶ ἑστῶτος αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ \ / / / > \ μὴ καὶ θύειν μέλλοντος, κιτρίοις αὐτὸν ἔβαλλον, νόμου ὄντος παρὰ τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις ἐ ἐν τῇ σκηνοπηγίᾳ ἔχειν ἕκαστον θύρσους ἐκ φοινίκων καὶ κιτρίων (δε- δηλώκαμεν δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ἐν ἀλλοις): προσεξελοι- δόρησαν δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὡς ἐξ αἰχμαλώτων" γεγονότα καὶ τῆς τιμῆς καὶ τοῦ θύειν ἀνάξιον: ἐπὶ τούτοις ὀργισθεὶς κτείνει μὲν αὐτῶν περὶ ἑξακισχιλίους, δρύφακτον δὲ ξύλινον. περὶ τὸν βωμὸν καὶ τὸν ναὸν βαλλόμενος μέχρι τοῦ θριγκοῦ, εἰς ὃν μόνοις ἐξῆν τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν εἰσιέναι, τούτῳ τὴν τοῦ πλήθους ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν ἀπέφραττεν" εἴσοδον. ἔτρεφε δὲ καὶ / / \ / / \ / ξένους Ilicidas καὶ Κίλικας: Σύροις yap πολέμιος ὧν οὐκ ἐχρῆτο. καταστρεψάμενος δὲ τῶν ᾿Αράβων Μωαβίτας καὶ Γαλααδίτας εἰς φόρου ἀπαγωγήν, , 6 \ > a , \ κατερείπει" μὲν ᾿Αμαθοῦντα, Θεοδώρου μὴ τολ- 5 μῶντος αὐτῷ συμβαλεῖν. συνάψας δὲ μάχην πρὸς δεδηλώκαμεν LAMW. 2 PE: ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν rell. τῆς om. PE: festivitas tabernaculorum Lat. ἐξ αἰχμαλώτων) αἰχμάλωτον PF V: de captiva Lat. ἐπέφραττεν LAMWE. Niese: κατερίπει P: κατέρριπεν W: κατέρριπτε rell.: ex- pugnavit Lat. on fF ὦ » 2 Variant “ as we have related.” > i.e. by other historians. If the reading δεδηλώκαμεν “‘ we have related ”’ is adopted, the formula must be explained as taken over from Josephus’ source, probably Nicolas of Damascus. ° At this point the parallels with B./J. are resumed ; the 412 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 371-375 Demetrius and Philip, as has been related else- where.? (5) °As for Alexander, his own people revolted against him—for the nation was aroused against him —at the celebration of the festival,’ and as he stood beside the altar and was about to sacrifice, they pelted him with citrons, it being a custom among the Jews that at the festival of Tabernacles everyone holds wands made of palm branches and citrons— these we have described elsewhere’; and they added insult to injury by saying that he was descended from captives and was unfit to hold office’ and to sacrifice ; and being enraged at this, he killed some six thousand of them, and also placed a wooden barrier about the altar and the temple as far as the coping (of the court) which the priests alone were permitted to enter, and by this means blocked the people’s way to him.’ He also maintained foreign troops of Pisidians and Cilicians, for he could not use Syrians, being at war with them. And after sub- duing the Arabs of Moab and Galaaditis, whom he forced to pay tribute, he demolished Amathis, as Theodorus did not venture to meet him in the field.” details of §§ 372-373, however, are not found in B.J. For rabbinic parallels to this story and other traditions concern- ing Alexander Jannaeus see Derenbourg, pp. 96-101. 4 Variant ‘‘ a festival,” as in B.J.: Lat. ‘the festival of Tabernacles.” “ The festival” would correspond exactly to the rabbinic Heb. term he-hag, indicating the festival of Tabernacles as the festival par excellence. 4 Ant. iii. 245. t As high priest, cf. § 292. σ The allusion to the barrier is puzzling, since such a barrier (called γείσιον or θριγκός) had been built by Solomon, according to Josephus, Ant. viii. 95, and was presumably found in the second temple, as in Herod’s temple, ¢f. B.J. v. 226. Ἀ Cf. 88 356-357. 413 Alexander Jannaeus oppresses his Jewish adversaries. 376 377 378 JOSEPHUS ᾿᾽Οβέδαν τὸν ᾿Αράβων βασιλέα καὶ πεσὼν εἰς ἐνέδραν ἐν χωρίοις τραχέσι καὶ δυσβάτοις, ὑπὸ πλήθους καμήλων εἰς βαθεῖαν κατερράχθη φάραγγα κατὰ Γάραδα' κώμην τῆς Tavdavidos* καὶ μόλις αὐτὸς διασώζεται, φεύγων δ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν εἰς Ἵερο- σόλυμα παραγίνεται. καὶ πρὸς τὴν κακοπραγίαν αὐτοῦ ἐπιθεμένου τοῦ ἔθνους, πολεμήσας πρὸς αὐτὸ ἔτεσιν ἕξ ἀναιρεῖ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων οὐκ ἔλαττον πέντε μυριάδας. παρακαλοῦντος δὲ παῦσαι τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν δυσμένειαν, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐμίσουν αὐτὸν διὰ τὰ συμβεβηκότα. πυνθανομένου δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὸ ὀφεῖλον καὶ τί βούλονται γενέσθαι, πάντες" ἐβόησαν ἀπο- θανεῖν αὐτόν, καὶ πρὸς Δημήτριον τὸν Ακαιρον ἔπεμψαν, παρακαλοῦντες ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν. (χῖν. 1) Ὃ δὲ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐλθὼν καὶ παρα- λαβὼν τοὺς ἐπικαλεσαμένους, περὶ Σίκιμα πόλιν ἐστρατοπέδευσεν. ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ μετὰ μισθοφό- ρων ἑξακισχιλίων καὶ διακοσίων, ᾿Ιουδαίων τε περὶ δισμυρίους οἱ ἐφρόνουν τὰ ἐκείνου παραλαβών, ἀντεπήει τῷ Δημητρίῳ. τούτῳ δ᾽ ἦσαν ἱππεῖς μὲν τρισχίλιοι, πεζῶν δὲ τέσσαρες μυριάδες. πολλὰ μὲν οὖν ἑκατέροις -ἐπράχθη, τοῦ μὲν ἀποστῆσαι τοὺς μισθοφόρους ὡς ὄντας “EAAnvas πειρωμένου, τοῦ 1 γὰρ ἀδρα L+ Tadapa PFV: χαράδρα W. 2 Ῥαυλανίδος ex B.J. coni. Niese : *Tovdavid0s Ῥ : TaAaadiridos rell. 3 τὸ ὀφεῖλον. . . πάντες] Coni.: τὸ ὀφεῖλον γενέσθαι πάντες FLAMVW: τί βούλονται πάντες γενέσθαι P: τί δεῖ γενέσθαι πάντες EF. @ Variants ‘‘ Gadara,” ‘‘ Charadra.’’ The fact that the place is a village makes the reading “ Gadara”’ (a city) doubtful. See next note. > Emended, with Schiirer, Niese and others, from B.J/.: 414 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 375-378 Then he engaged in battle with Obedas, the king of the Arabs, and falling into an ambush in a rough and dificult region, he was pushed by a multitude of camels into a deep ravine near Garada," a village of Gaulanis,’ and barely escaped with his own life, and fleeing from there, came to Jerusalem. But when the nation attacked him upon this misfortune, he made war on it and within six years slew no fewer than fifty thousand Jews. And so when he urged them to make an end of their hostility toward him, they only hated him the more on account of what had happened. And when he asked what he ought to do and what they wanted of him,’ they all cued out, “to die’’; and they sent to Demetrius Akairos, asking him to come to their assistance.@ (xiv. 1) Thereupon Demetrius came with his army, and taking along those who had summoned him, encamped near the city of Shechem. And Alexander on his side took six thousand two hundred mercen- aries and about twenty thousand Jews who favoured his cause, and went out to meet Demetrius, who had three thousand horse and forty thousand foot.¢ Now there was much activity in both camps, the one side attempting to cause Alexander’s mercenaries to desert because they were Greeks, while the other one ms. “ Iidanis,” the rest ‘‘ Galaadetis.’”’ From the de- scription of the locality Abel, GP ii. 149 n. 3, conjectures that it is the mod. Sqijfiye, c. a mile E. of the Sea of Galilee, N.E. of Hippos. ° Text slightly emended. 4 C. 88 B.c.; cf. Schiirer i. 282 n. 19 and Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 261. 4 These numbers differ from those of B.J. i. 93, which gives: for Alexander, 9000 mercenaries (1000 horse +8000 foot) and 10,000 Jews; for Demetrius, 3000 horse and 14,000 foot. 415 Demetrius Akairos defeats Alexander Jannaeus. 379 380 381 JOSEPHUS Ν \ A / > / ’ "ἢ δὲ τοὺς σὺν Δημητρίῳ ᾿Ιουδαίους. μηδετέρου δὲ - / > > > / / πεῖσαι δυνηθέντος, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς μάχην συμβαλόντων, ~ / ‘ > , \ e332 νικᾷ Δημήτριος, καὶ ἀποθνήσκουσι μὲν ot ᾿Αλεξ- “ " ἄνδρου μισθοφόροι πάντες, πίστεώς τε ἅμα καὶ 5 / > / / \ \ \ ~ ἀνδρείας ἐπίδειξιν ποιησάμενοι, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν Δημητρίου στρατιωτῶν. > > (2) Duyovros δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου εἰς τὰ ὄρη, κατ οἶκτον τῆς μεταβολῆς συλλέγονται παρ᾽ αὐτῷ" 3 / ¢ / \ / \ ὃ , ε Ἰουδαίων ἑξακισχίλιοι. καὶ τότε μὲν δείσας ὑπο- A ~ « 7 χωρεῖ Δημήτριος. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ot ᾿Ιουδαῖοι > λέ 3 λ / ὃ \ / λλ \ > ἐπολέμουν ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ, Kai νικώμενοι πολλοὶ ἀπ- ἔθνησκον ἐν ταῖς μάχαις. κατακλείσας δὲ τοὺς δυνατωτάτους αὐτῶν ἐν Βεθομᾶς" πόλει ἐπολιόρκει, λαβὼν δὲ τὴν πόλιν καὶ γενόμενος ἐγκρατὴς αὐτῶν ἀπήγαγεν" εἰς ‘lepoodAvpa, καὶ πάντων ὠμότατον » 5 3 ᾽ὔ ἔργον ἔδρασεν: ἑστιώμενος γὰρ ἐν ἀπόπτῳ μετὰ τῶν παλλακίδων ἀνασταυρῶσαι προσέταξεν αὐτῶν ὡς ὀκτακοσίους, τοὺς δὲ παῖδας αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἔτι ζώντων παρὰ τὰς ἐκείνων ὄψεις ἀπ- , a ecs \ a »O7 > , » ἔσφαττεν, ὑπὲρ μὲν ὧν ἠδίκητο ἀμυνόμενος, ἄλλως δὲ ὑπὲρ ἄνθρωπον ταύτην εἰσπραττόμενος τὴν δίκην, εἰ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα, ὅπερ ἦν εἰκός, ἐταλαι- πωρήθη τοῖς πρὸς αὐτοὺς" πολέμοις καὶ εἰς Tov- σχατον ἧκε κινδύνου ψυχῆς τε πέρι καὶ βασιλείας, 1 παρ᾽ αὐτὸν A: παρ᾽ αὐτῶν FLW: παρὰ τῶν P. 2 βαιθομμει P: Βεθωμᾶς L: Βεθόμας AM: Βεθόμῃ V: Βαι- θόμῃ F: Βεθόμαις E: Bethomis Lat. 3 ἀνήγαγεν P. 4 ἐπέσφαττεν ed. pr. πρὸς αὐτοὺς P Lat.: παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ F: πρὸ αὐτοῦ rell.: πρὸς αὐτὸν ed. pr. α §§ 379-389 have only partial parallels in B.J. i. 95-99. 416 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 378-381 made the same appeal to the Jews who were with Demetrius. But as neither side could persuade the other, they engaged in battle, and Demetrius was victorious, while all the mercenaries of Alexander met death after giving proof of their loyalty and courage. Many of Demetrius’ soldiers, however, also died. (2) * Alexander thereupon fled to the mountains, where out of pity for him at this reverse six thousand Jews gathered to his side. And at this Demetrius withdrew in alarm.” But later on the Jews fought against Alexander and were defeated, many of them dying in battle. The most powerful of them, how- ever, he shut up and besieged in the city of Bethoma,’ and after taking the city and getting them into his power, he brought them back to Jerusalem; and there he did a thing that was as cruel as could be : while he feasted with his concubines in a conspicuous place, he ordered some eight hundred of the Jews to be crucified, and slaughtered their children and wives before the eyes of the still living wretches. This was the revenge he took for the injuries he had suffered ; but the penalty he exacted was inhuman for all that, even though he had, as was natural, gone through very great hardships in the wars he had fought against them, and had finally found himself in danger? of losing both his life and his throne, for they were not » Probably because he was now at war with his brother Philip, cf. § 384. ¢ B,J. has ‘* Bemeselis."’ Klein, in Tarbiz i. (1929/30), 157, corrects the spelling to Bemelchis=Heb. Bet ha- Melek. The city is probably mod. Misilye, c. 10 miles N.E. of Samaria (Sebaste), cf. Avi Yonah, p. 26, Abel, ΟΡ ii. 173. 4 A Thucydidean phrase, cf. ἐπὶ τὸ ἔσχατον ἀγῶνος ἐλθεῖν, Thue. iv. 92. 4. VOL. VII 02 417 Alexander Jannaeus’ excessive cruelty toward the Jews. JOSEPHUS οὐκ ἀρκουμένων ἀγωνίζεσθαι κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτούς, 382 ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀλλοφύλους ἐπαγόντων, καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον εἰς τοῦτο ἀνάγκης ἀγόντων ὥστε ἣν κατεστρέψατο ἘΣ ΎΤΕΙΣ \ , Abeer Sg > AL γῆν ἐν Μωαβίτιδι καὶ Γαλααδίτιδι καὶ τὰ ἐν αὐτῇ χωρία τῶν ᾿Αράβων τῷ βασιλεῖ παραδοῦναι, ὅ ὅπως ἂν μὴ ξυνάρηται σφίσι τὸν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ πόλεμον, ἄλλα τε μυρία εἰς ὕβριν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐπήρειαν πρα- 383 ξάντων: ἀλλ᾽ οὖν οὐκ᾽ ἐπιτηδείως δοκεῖ" ταῦτα δρᾶσαι, ὥστε διὰ τὴν τῆς ὠμότητος ὑπερβολὴν > ~ > v = \ ~ > / ,ὔ ἐπικληθῆναι αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων Θρακίδαν. οἱ δ᾽ ἀντιστασιῶται αὐτοῦ, τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες περὶ ὀκτακισχιλίους, φεύγουσι νυκτός, καὶ παρ᾽ ὃν ἔζη χρόνον ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἦσαν ἐν τῇ φυγῇ. καὶ οὗτος μὲν ἀπηλλαγμένος τῆς ἐκ τούτων ταραχῆς μετὰ πάσης τὸ λοιπὸν ἠρεμίας ἐβασίλευσεν. 884 (8) Δημήτριος δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας ἀπελθὼν εἰς Βέροιαν ἐπολιόρκει τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Φίλιππον, ὄντων αὐτῷ πεζῶν μὲν μυρίων, χιλίων δὲ ἱππέων. Στράτων δὲ ὁ τῆς ἜΣ ΠΡ τύραννος Φιλίππῳ συμμαχῶν ᾿Αζιζον' τὸ ᾿Αράβων φύλαρχον ἐπ- εκαλεῖτο καὶ Μιθριδάτην τὸν Σινάκην τὸν Ilap- 385 θυαίων ὕπαρχον" ὧν ἀφικομένων μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως καὶ πολιορκούντων Δημήτριον ἐντὸς τοῦ χαρακώματος, εἴσω τοῖς τε τοξεύμασι καὶ τῇ δίψῃ 1 ἐν αὐτῇ om. P. 2 οὖν οὐκ om. P Lat. 3 P: δοκεῖν rell. ὁ ex Diod. Sic. Niese: Δεῖζον P: Ζίζον rell. Lat. 5 ἔπαρχον E. @ Again a Thucydidean phrase, Thue. i. 49. 7. > i.e. the Arab king. * Variant “ seems to have done this thing deliberately.” 4 The Thracians had a reputation for great ferocity. 418 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 381-385 satisfied to carry on the struggle by themselves but brought foreigners as well, and at last reduced him to the necessity % of surrendering to the king of the Arabs the territory which he had conquered in Moab and Galaaditis and the strongholds therein, in order that he’ might not aid the Jews in the war against him ; and they committed countless other insulting and abusive acts against him. But still he seems to have done this thing unnecessarily,’ and as a result of his excessive cruelty he was nicknamed Thrakidas (the “ Cossack ’’) by the Jews.“ Then his opponents, numbering in all about eight thousand, fled by night and remained in exile so long as Alexander lived.@ And he, being rid of the trouble they had caused him, reigned thereafter in complete tranquillity. (3) Now when Demetrius returned from Judaea to Beroea 7 he besieged his brother Philip with ten thou- sand foot and a thousand horse. ‘Thereupon Straton, the ruler of Beroea, allied with Philip, called in Azizus,’ the phylarch” of the Arabs, and Mithridates Sinakes, the governor of the Parthians.* And so they came with a large force and besieged Demetrius in his barricaded camp, and under pressure of arrows 4 It is thought by some scholars that this exile is alluded to in Megillath Ta‘anith under date of the 17th of Adar, where the scholiast connects the text with Alexander Jannaeus. Some scholars also believe that the flight and exile of Alexander’s Jewish opponents is to be connected with the founding of the sect that produced the so-called Covenant of Damascus. See the works cited in Appendix k. 7 Mod. Aleppo (Haleb), c. 60 miles E. of Antioch. 9 Emended from Diodorus Siculus (x]. la, b): one ms. * Deizus,”’ the rest ‘‘ Zizus.” ” i.e. tribal chief (sheikh). * Probably governor of Mesopotamia, cf. Bevan, ἢ]. Sel. ii. 261, Debevoise, p. 49. 419 Demetrius Akairos is exiled to Parthia. 386 387 388 JOSEPHUS συνέχοντες αὐτὸν ἠνάγκασαν τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ σφᾶς παραδοῦναι. λαφυραγωγήσαντες δὲ τὰ ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ τὸν Δημήτριον παραλαβόντες, τὸν μὲν τῷ Μιθριδάτῃ τῷ τότε βασιλεύοντι Πάρθων ἔπεμψαν, τῶν δ᾽ αἰχμαλώτων ὅσους ᾿Αντιοχέων εἶναι πολίτας συνέβαινε' τούτους προῖκα τοῖς ᾿Αντιοχεῦσιν ἀπ- ἔδωκαν. Μιθριδάτης δὲ ὁ τῶν Πάρθων βασιλεὺς τὸν Δημήτριον εἶχεν ἐν τιμῇ τῇ πάσῃ μέχρι νόσῳ / vp Ay y / ἔ “" \ > a κατέστρεψε Δημήτριος tov βίον. Φίλιππος δὲ ἀπὸ -“ / > \ AA 3..9 / > \ \ τῆς μάχης εὐθὺς ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αντιόχειαν ἐλθὼν καὶ KaTa- σχὼν αὐτὴν ἐβασίλευσε τῆς Συρίας. (xv. 1) "ἔπειτα ᾿Αντίοχος ὁ κληθεὶς Διόνυσος," 3 \ nn / ~ > ~ > ͵ὔ ἀδελφὸς ὧν Φιλίππου, τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀντιποιούμενος εἰς Δαμασκὸν παραγίνεται, καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ πραγ- μάτων ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος ἐβασίλευσεν. ἐκστρα- "4 > > ~ ἈΠ | \ ” / δ τεύσαντος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τοὺς "ApaBas Φίλιππος ὁ 3 \ ~ > / ee \ s ἀδελφὸς ταῦτα ἀκούσας ἐπὶ Δαμασκὸν ἦλθεν. Μιλησίου δ᾽, ὃς κατελέλειπτο τῆς ἄκρας φύλαξ καὶ τῶν Δαμασκηνῶν, παραδόντος αὐτῷ τὴν πόλιν, ἀχάριστος εἰς αὐτὸν γενόμενος καὶ μηδὲν ὧν " ΄ὔ “7 ria , > \ A > ἐλπίσας ἐδέξατο αὐτὸν παρασχών, ἀλλὰ τῷ παρ αὐτοῦ φόβῳ βουληθεὶς δοκεῖν παραλαβεῖν τὴν πόλιν 7) τῇ χάριτι τῇ Μιλησίου δωρούμενος" αὐτὸν οἷς ἐχρῆν, ὑπωπτεύετο καὶ πάλιν ἐκπίπτει τῆς Δα- 389 packod: ἐξορμήσαντα γὰρ αὐτὸν εἰς ἱππόδρομον 1 αἰχμαλώτων. .. συνέβαινε] ᾿Αντιοχέων ὅσους αἰχμαλώτους εἶναι συνέβαινε V. 2 Διονύσιος LAMWE: liber pater Lat. 3 simul cum Lat.: pera Hudson: μετὰ καὶ Holwerda: 560]. Ibbetson, Naber: καὶ post ὃς tr. Warmington. 4 μὴ δωρούμενος AM. 420 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 385-389 and thirst they compelled the men inside with him to surrender. ‘Then they carried off the spoil of the country, and taking Demetrius with them, sent him to Mithridates, who was then reigning over the Parthians,” while those captives who happened to be citizens of Antioch they restored without ransom to the Antiochians. But Mithridates, the king of Parthia, held Demetrius in the greatest honour until Demetrius’ life came to an end through ill- ness. Philip, however, immediately after the battle marched on Antioch, and after seizing it, became king of Syria. (xv. 1) Then Antiochus, called Dionysus,’ who was a brother of Philip and had designs on the throne, came to Damascus, and getting the government of the city into his hands, became king.“ But when he set out on a campaign against the Arabs, his brother Philip heard of it and marched on Damascus. There- upon Milesius, who had been left to guard the citadel and? the Damascenes, delivered up the city to him ; but as he showed himself ungrateful to Milesius and gave him none of the things which Milesius had hoped for when he admitted him, but on the contrary tried to make it seem as if he had taken the city through the fear inspired by him instead of rewarding Milesius as he ought for his services, he became an object of suspicion and was again driven out of Damascus ; for once, when he had set out for the hippodrome, 4 Mithridates II, who reigned c. 123 to 88/87 B.c., ef. Debevoise, p. 50 n. 79. "» Variant “ὁ Dionysius.” This was Antiochus XII Dionysus Epiphanes Philopator Callinicus, the youngest son of Antiochus VIII Grypus. 5 In 86/5 B.c., according to the coins. 4 Perhaps we should read “‘ of.” 421 Antiochus Dionysos invades Judaea, but is slain by the Arabs. JOSEPHUS ἀπέκλεισεν ὁ Μιλήσιος, καὶ τὴν Δαμασκὸν ᾽᾿Αν- / / ¢€ \ > "A A ΑΔ ‘ τιόχῳ διεφύλαξεν. ὁ δὲ ἀκούσας τὰ περὶ τὸν Φίλιππον ὑπέστρεψεν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αραβίας, στρατεύεται > > \ > \ > \ \ > / ig / \ δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἐλθὼν ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ὁπλίταις μὲν 400 ὀκτακισχιλίοις, ἱππεῦσι δὲ ὀκτακοσίοις. δείσας δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτοῦ τάφρον ὀρύττει c= ry ἔνι = r Al , At Gn βαθεῖαν, ἀπὸ τῆς Χαβαρσαβᾶ' καταρξάμενος, ἣ νῦν ᾿Αντιπατρὶς καλεῖται, ἄχρι τῆς εἰς ᾿Ιόππην θαλάοσ- σης, ἧ καὶ μόνον ἦν ἐπίμαχον" τεῖχός τε ἐγείρας καὶ πύργους ἀναστήσας ξυλίνους καὶ μεταπύργια" ἐπὶ σταδίους ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα" τὸν ᾿Αντίοχον 391 ἐξεδέχετο. ὁ δὲ ταῦτα πάντα ἐμπρήσας διεβίβαζε ταύτῃ τὴν δύναμιν ἐ ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αραβίαν. ,ἀναχωροῦν- τος δὲ τοῦ "Αραβος τὰ πρῶτα, ἔπειτα μετὰ μυρίων ἱππέων ἐξαίφνης ἐπιφανέντος, ὑπαντήσας τούτοις ᾿Αντίοχος καρτερῶς ἐμάχετο, καὶ δὴ νικῶν ἀπέθανε παραβοηθῶν τῷ πονοῦντι" μέρει. πε- σόντος δ᾽ ᾿Αντιόχου καὶ τὸ στράτευμα φεύγει εἰς Κανὰ κώμην, ἔνθα τὸ πλεῖστον αὐτῶν λιμῷ φθείρεται. 392 (9) Βασιλεύει δὲ μετὰ τοῦτον τῆς κοίλης Συρίας ᾿Αρέτας, κληθεὶς εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν ὑπὸ τῶν τὴν 1 Χαβερσαβᾶ P: Χαρζαβὰ FV: Cafarsaba Lat. 2 μεσοπύργια FV E. 3 ἑξήκοντα P. 4 γικοῦντι P. * According to B.J. i. 99, Antiochus Dionysus was merely passing through Judaea to attack the Arabs. » Here is resumed the close parallelism with B.J., down to § 395. ° Cf. Ant. xiv. 142. More exactly Chabarsaba (Heb. K *pharsaba, mod. Kefr Saba) lay near Antipatris, ef. Klein, EY 79 and Abel, GP ii. 245; the latter locates Chabarsaba c. 10 miles N.E. of Joppa, and identifies Antipatris with mod. Fejja c. 6 miles further south. 422 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 3389-392 Milesius shut the gates on him and kept Damascus safe for Antiochus. And when Antiochus heard of Philip’s experience, he returned from Arabia and at once took the field, marching on Judaea? with eight thousand heavy-armed soldiers and eight hundred horse. Thereupon? Alexander, who feared an in- vasion by him, dug a deep trench, beginning at Chabarsaba, which is now called Antipatris,° as far as the sea at Joppa, where alone it was possible to attack ; and he erected a wall and set up wooden towers and firing-platforms’ for a distance of a hundred and fifty stades,? and then awaited Anti- ochus’s attack. But Antiochus burned all these constructions and so made his army pass through this way to Arabia.f At first the Arab king re- treated but afterward suddenly appeared with ten thousand horse, and though Antiochus on meeting them fought valiantly, he was killed just as he was gaining the victory aud was coming to the aid of part of his army that was in difficulties.’ And when Antiochus fell, his army fled to the village of Kana,” where the greatest part of it perished of hunger. (2) After his death Aretas began to reign over Coele-Syria,’ being called to the throne by those who 4 Lit. ‘““spaces between the towers’’ for artillery, cf. B.J. iii. 80. They are not mentioned in the parallel, B.J. i. 99. ¢ One ms. “ sixty.”” 150 stades=c. 17 miles. ’‘ The Nabataean Arabs under Aretas III had pushed on to the S. and E. of Judaea, and soon held Transjordan as far north as Damascus, cf. below, § 392. 2 One ms. “ was victorious.’’ The battle took place c. 85 B.C. * Not the bibl. Cana in Galilee but mod. Qina, a few miles E. of the southern end of the Dead Sea, according to Abel, GP ii. 149. * Here =the region about Damascus. 423 Aretas invades Judaea. JOSEPHUS Δαμασκὸν ἐχόντων διὰ τὸ πρὸς [Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Μενναίου μῖσος. στρατεύσας δ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ τὴν 3 ,ὔ \ ‘ Μ / 4 / Ἰουδαίαν καὶ περὶ "Adida χωρίον μάχῃ νικήσας ᾿Αλέξανδρον, ἐπὶ συνθήκαις ἀνεχώρησεν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας. (3) ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ ἐλάσας αὖθις ἐπὶ Δίον' πόλιν αἱρεῖ ταύτην, καὶ στρατεύεται ἐπὶ "ἔσσαν," οὗ τὰ q , ΝΜ) / / . ‘ A πλείστου ἀξια Zijvwv συνέβαινεν εἶναι, καὶ τρισὶν \ , 7 \ , > 13 Oh \ μὲν περιβάλλει τείχεσιν TO χωρίον, ἀμαχὶ" δὲ λαβὼν A / > \ 7 \ 7 > 4 τὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ Γαύλαναν καὶ Σελεύκειαν ἐξώρμησεν. 394 παραλαβὼν δὲ καὶ ταύτας, προσεξεῖλε καὶ τὴν 3 / / / \ / ‘ Αντιόχου λεγομένην φάραγγα καὶ Tapyada τὸ φρούριον. ἐγκαλῶν δὲ πολλὰ Δημητρίῳ τῷ τῶν τόπων ἄρχοντι περιέδυσεν αὐτόν, καὶ τρίτον ἤδη πεπληρωκὼς ἔτος τῆς στρατείας εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ς / Δ 8, \ ~ > / A A ὑπέστρεψε, προθύμως αὐτὸν τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων διὰ τὴν εὐπραγίαν δεχομένων. 395 (4) Κατὰ τοῦτον δὲ τὸν καιρὸν ἤδη τῶν Σύρων καὶ ᾿Ιδουμαίων καὶ Φοινίκων πόλεις εἶχον of ᾿Ιουδαῖοι, πρὸς θαλάσσῃ μὲν Στράτωνος πύργον 393 1 Hudson: Δίαν codd.: Adav Syncellus: Πέλλαν B.J. 2 Essamon Lat.: Τέρασαν B.J. 3 μάχῃ FLA1VW Lat.: cf. διὰ μάχης B.J. @ King of Calchis in the Lebanon region. > Mod. el-Haditha, c. 4 miles N.E. of Lydda, ef. § 203 note αὶ ° Gr. “ Dion,” a city of the Decapolis, perhaps mod. Tell el-AX‘ari, as suggested by Schwartz, ap. Abel, GP ii. 307. For “ὁ Dium ”’ B.J. i. 104 has “ Pella.” 4 For “ὁ Essa ”’ we should read ‘** Gerasa ’’ with B.J. i. 104, It is the mod. Jerash on the Jabbok river in the Decapolis. Its antiquities are well known through the excavations of Yale University, cf. C. Kraeling (ed.), Gerasa, 1938. 424 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 392-395 held Damascus because of their hatred of Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus.* From there he marched on Judaea and defeated Alexander in a battle near the fortress of Adida,”? but after coming to terms with him, withdrew from Judaea. (3) Thereupon Alexander once more marched on the city of Dium® and captured it, and then led his army against Essa,? where Zenon’s® most valuable possessions were, and surrounded the place with three walls ; and after taking the city without a battle’ he set out against Gaulana and Seleucia.’ After taking these cities as well, he captured in addition the Valley of Antiochus,” as it is called, and the fortress of Gamala.* And having serious ground for complaint against Demetrius, the governor of these districts, he deprived him of office, and having spent three whole years in the field’ returned to his own country, where the Jews welcomed him eagerly because of his successes. (4) * Now at this time the Jews held the follow- ing cities of Syria, Idumaea and Phoenicia’: on * Ruler of nearby Philadelphia, cf. ὃ 325. B.J. i. 104 has “Theodorus, ” the son of Zenon, cf. § 356. 7 Variant “in battle.” In B.J. διὰ μάχης “ in battle ” is emended by some scholars to δίχα μάχης “* without a battle.” 9 Mod. Seligiye, c. 10 miles S.E. of Lake Hialeh. » Apparently in Gaulanitis. * Mod. Jamle, c. 12 miles E. of the Sea of Galilee, men- tioned frequently in Vita. 7. C. 83 to 80 B.c. * The following sections, to § 407, except for a few words in §§ 398 and 404, have no parallels in B.J/. ' As Reinach, following Tuch, notes, a list of cities similar to the following is given by Syncellus i. 558 ed. Dindorf ; see also Ant, xiv. 18 for other cities conquered by Alexander Jannaeus. 425 Alexander Jannaeus’ victories in Trans- jordan. The extent of Jewish territory under Alexander Jannaeus, 396 397 398 JOSEPHUS ᾿Απολλωνίαν ᾿Ιόππην ᾿Ιάμνειαν "Alwrov Γάζαν ᾿Ανθηδόνα ‘Padiav “Ρινοκορούραν, ἐν δὲ τῇ μεσο- γαίᾳ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ιδουμαίαν “Adwpa καὶ Μάρισαν ἣν o > , " / / καὶ ὅλην ᾿Ιδουμαίαν καὶ Σαμάρειαν, KapyrAov ὄρος καὶ τὸ ᾿Ιταβύριον ὄρος, Σκυθόπολιν Vadapa,” Γαυλανίτιδας" Σελεύκειαν Τάμαλα, Μωαβίτιδας ᾿Εσσεβὼν Μήδαβα Λεμβὰ ᾿ΟὍρωναιμ ᾿᾽Αγαλαιν Θωναῦ Ζόαρα" Κιλίκων αὐλῶνα Πέλλαν (ταύτην δὲ κατέσκαψαν ody® ὑποσχομένων τῶν ἐνοικούντων > \ / ~ 5 / μὴ - ἐς τὰ πάτρια τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔθη μεταβαλεῖσθαμ), ἄλλας τε πόλεις πρωτευούσας τῆς Συρίας at ἦσαν κατεστραμμέναι. (5) Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐκ μέθης εἰς νόσον καταπεσὼν καὶ τρισὶν ἔτεσιν τεταρταίῳ πυρετῷ συσχεθεὶς οὐκ ἀπέστη τῶν 1 Ρινοκόρουρα P: ‘Pwoxovpovpav LAMV: Ῥινοκολούραν F (?). 2 V Lat.: “Adapa P: Γάζαρα rell. ® Tuchk inawAavbrise codd. Lat. 4 'Tuch cum Hudson: Γάβαλα codd. "Opwrayz . . . Owva Niese duce Tuch: ορωναιμαγελεθων aut ΟΣ ΤΣ codd.: Oronemegaeton Lat. Ζαρὰ FLAMV: Zapa W: Zora Lat. κατέσκαψεν PLAM Lat. οὐχ om. P Lat. cod. Neap. aliique. o ru oe « Of. § 324. » Mod. Arsif, between Joppa and Straton’s Tower. CF S§'215, 261. @ Cf. § 215. * Cf. §§ 99 ff. I ΩΣ § 361. g CF § 357. ΟΣ 8557: * Mod. el-‘ Aris on the border of Palestine and Petes 9 Cf. § 257. BC fi S 2D bn Cf. § 280. m Variants ‘* Adara,”’ “‘ Gazara’’; cf. § 356. π Cf. § 393. ° Conjectured from ms. ‘‘ Gabala”’; ef. § 394. 4.26 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 395-398 the sea-coast, Straton’s Tower,’ Apollonia,’ Joppa,® Jamneia,? Azotus,® Gaza,’ Anthedon,? Raphia” and Rhinocorura?; in the interior, toward Idumaea, Adora/ and Marisa,® and the whole of Idumaea and Samaria and Mount Carmel and Mount Tabor and Seythopolis’ and Gadara™; in Gaulanitis they had Seleucia” and Gamala®; and in Moab, Essebon,? Medaba,? Lemba,” Oronaim,’ Agalain,! Thona,* Zoara,” the Valley of the Cilicians” and Pella 7— this last city Alexander’s men demolished because the inhabitants would not agree to adopt the national customs of the Jews—, and others of the principal cities of Syria which had been subdued. (5) But after these conquests King Alexander fell atexander ill from heavy drinking, and for three years” he was peer afflicted with a quartan fever, but still he did not deathbed i ioni i i " +, advises give up campaigning until, being exhausted from his ("Sh to : k » Bibl. Heshbon of Moab, mod. Heshan, c. 12 miles E. of withthe | the N. end of the Dead Sea. Pharisees. « Of. § 255. ’ Called Libba in Ant. xiv. 18; it is mod. Khirbet Libb, c. 8 miles S.W. of Medaba. 5 The reading of the next three names is doubtful here as in the parallel, Ant. xiv. 18. The following identifications are based on Abel, GP ii. 149. Oronaim is bibl. Horonaim, mod. el-‘Araq, c. 6 miles E. of the S. end of the Dead Sea. * Bibl. Eglaim, mod. Rujm el-Jilimeh, c. 10 miles N.E. of Horonaim. 4 Mod. eth-Theniyeh, c. 3 miles S.E. of Eglaim. » Bibl. Zoar, in the Gor Safiyeh, c.2 miles S. of the S. end of the Dead Sea. Ὁ Apparently in the Decapolis; cf. Klein in MGWJ 59 (1915), 169. * Cf. BJ. i. 104; it is Talmudic Pahel, mod. Fihl or Fahil, c. 8 miles S.E. of Seythopolis (Beisan) and 3 miles E. of the Jordan. ¥ 79 to 76 B.c. 427 JOSEPHUS ~ - - al / > ‘ 3 , στρατειῶν, ἕως οὗ τοῖς πόνοις ἐξαναλωθεὶς ἀπέθα- νεν ἐν τοῖς Γερασηνῶν ὅροις, πολιορκῶν ‘PayaBa ~ ~ > 399 φρούριον πέραν τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου. ὁρῶσα δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἡ βασίλισσα πρὸς τῷ τελευτᾶν ὄντα καὶ μηδεμίαν ὑπογράφοντα μηκέτι" σωτηρίας ἐλπίδα, κλαίουσα καὶ κοπτομένη τῆς μελλούσης ἐρημίας αὑτήν τε καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἀπωδύρετο, καὶ “tin καταλείπεις οὕτως ἐμέ τε καὶ τὰ τέκνα τῆς παρ᾽ ἄλλων βοη- θείας δεόμενα ᾿᾿ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔλεγεν “ καὶ ταῦτ᾽ > Ν ~ / \ / ~ ‘ ” ” εἰδὼς πῶς διάκειται πρὸς σέ δυσμενῶς τὸ ἔθνος. « \ / > ~ / \ by «ς / 400 ὁ δὲ συνεβούλευεν αὐτῇ πείθεσθαι μὲν οἷς ὑποθή- / - σεται πρὸς τὸ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀσφαλῶς κατέχειν μετὰ τῶν τέκνων, κρύψαι δὲ τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας, ἕως ἂν ἐξέλῃ τὸ χωρίον. ’ “ > « 401 ἔπειτα ὡς ἀπὸ νίκης" λαμπρᾶς" εἰς τὰ “Ιεροσόλυμα παραγενομένην τοῖς Φαρισαίοις ἐξουσίαν τινὰ a » ~ παρασχεῖν: τούτους yap ἐπαινοῦντας αὐτὴν ἀντὶ τῆς τιμῆς εὔνουν καταστήσειν αὐτῇ τὸ ἔθνος, δύνασθαι δὲ πολὺ παρὰ τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις τούτους ἔφασκε βλάψαι τε μισοῦντας καὶ φιλίως" διακει- ~ 4, 402 μένους ὠφελῆσαι: μάλιστα yap πιστεύεσθαι παρὰ τῷ πλήθει περὶ ὧν κἂν φθονοῦντές" τι χαλεπὸν λέγωσιν, αὐτόν τε προσκροῦσαι τῷ ἔθνει διὰ τού- » « / ¢ > > ~ ce \ / ” 403 Tous ἔλεγεν ὑβρισθέντας ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. “ σὺ τοίνυν, A 5 εἶπεν, “᾿ἐν τοῖς “Ἱεροσολύμοις γενομένη μετά- 1 monte Lat. 2 μηκέτι om. LAMWE. 8 ἀπὸ νίκης E: ἀπὸ νικήσει P: ἂν νικήσῃ rell.: victrix Lat. 4 Naber: λαμπρῶς codd. 5 Ernesti: φίλους codd. 8 φθονῶσι PELW. * Heb. Ragab or Regeb (Mishnah), identified by Abel, GP ii. 427, as by some earlier scholars, with mod. Rajib, 4.28 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 398-403 labours, he met death in the territory of the Gerasenes while besieging Ragaba,“ a fortress across the Jordan. And when the queen saw that he was on the point of death and no longer held® to any hope of recovery, she wept and beat her breast, lamenting the bereave- ment that was about to befall her and her children, and said to him, “To whom are you thus leaving me and your children, who are in need of help from others, especially when you know how hostile the nation feels toward you!” ‘Thereupon he advised her to follow his suggestions for keeping the throne secure for herself and her children and to conceal his death from the soldiers until she had captured the fortress. And then, he said, on her return to Jerusalem as from a splendid victory, she should yield a certain amount of power to the Pharisees, for if they praised her in return for this sign of regard, they would dis- pose the nation favourably toward her.° These men, he assured her, had so much influence with their fellow-Jews that they could injure those whom they hated and help those to whom they were friendly ; for they had the complete confidence of the masses when they spoke harshly of any person, even when they did so out of envy; and he himself, he added, had come into conflict with the nation because these men had been badly treated by him. “ And so,” he said, ‘‘ when you come to Jerusalem, send for their c. 8 miles E. of the Jordan and 14 miles W. of Jeras (Gerasa). Schiirer, i. 284 n. 26, had earlier doubted this, on the ground that this site must already have been in Alexander’s hands, being so near Amathis ; but this assumption is by no means necessary. » Variant ‘*‘ did not hold.” ° For the rabbinic traditions concerning Alexander’s re- lations with the Pharisees see Derenbourg, pp. 96-101. 4.29 JOSEPHUS πεμψαι μὲν τοὺς στασιώτας" αὐτῶν, ἐπιδείξασα δὲ τὸ σῶμα τοὐμὸν ἐκείνοις, ὅπως μοι βούλονται χρῆσθαι μετὰ πολλῆς ἀξιοπιστίας ἐπίτρεπε, εἴτε καθυβρίζειν ἀταφίᾳ μου θελήσουσι τὸν νεκρὸν ὡς πολλὰ πεπονθότες ἐξ ἐμοῦ, εἴτ᾽ ἄλλην τινὰ κατ᾽ ὀργὴν αἰκίαν τῷ σώματι προσφέρειν. ὑπόσχου τε καὶ μηδὲν δίχα. τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ 404 διαπράξεσθαι." ταῦτά σου πρὸς αὐτοὺς “εἰπούσης ἐγώ τε λαμπροτέρας ἀξιωθήσομαι πρὸς αὐτῶν κηδείας ἧς ἂν ἔτυχον ἐκ σοῦ, μηδὲν διὰ τὸ ἐξεῖναι ποιεῖν μου κακῶς τὸν νεκρὸν διαθεῖναι θελησάντων, σύ τε βεβαίως ἄρξεις. ταῦτα παραινέσας τῇ γυναικὶ τελευτᾷ βασιλεύσας ἔτη ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι, βιώσας δ᾽ ἑνὸς δέοντα' πεντήκοντα. 405 (xvi. 1) Ἢ δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρα τὸ φρούριον ἐξελοῦσα κατὰ τὰς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ὑποθήκας τοῖς τε Φαρισαίοις διελέχθη καὶ πάντα ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνοις θεμένη τά τε περὶ τοῦ νεκροῦ καὶ τὰ περὶ τῆς βασιλείας, τῆς μὲν ὀργῆς αὐτοὺς τῆς πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἔπαυσεν, εὖ- 406 vous δ᾽ ἐποίησε καὶ φίλους. οἱ δ᾽ εἰς τὸ πλῆθος παρελθόντες ἐδημηγόρουν, Tas πράξεις τὰς ᾿Αλεξ- ἄνδρου διηγούμενοι, καὶ ὅτι δίκαιος αὐτοῖς ἀπό- λοιτο βασιλεύς, καὶ τὸν δῆμον εἰς πένθος καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ κατήφειαν ἐξεκαλέσαντο τοῖς ἐπαίνοις, ὥστε καὶ λαμπρότερον ἢ τινα τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ 407 βασιλέων αὐτὸν ἐκήδευσαν. δύο μέντοι ye? υἱοὺς ᾿Αλέξανδρος κατέλιπεν, ‘Ypxavov καὶ ᾿Αριστό- βουλον, τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδραν ἢ Niese: στρατιώτας codd. Lat.: πρώτους E: πρωτεύοντας ed. pr. 9 « / Ys -- ε / 5) « - ll 2 ὑπόσχου τε Niese: ὑπόσχωνται P: ὑπισχνοῦ rell. 3 FE: διαπράξασθαι codd. GES δέ a \ P ἑνὸς δέοντα] ἕν καὶ P, 480 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 403-407 partisans,’ and showing them my dead body, permit them, with every sign of sincerity, to treat me as they please, whether they wish to dishonour my corpse by leaving it unburied because of the many injuries they have suffered at my hands, or in their anger wish to offer my dead body any other form of in- dignity. Promise them also that you will not take any action, while you are on the throne, without their consent. If you speak to them in this manner, I shall receive from them a more splendid burial than I should from you ; for once they have the power to do so, they will not choose to treat my corpse badly, and at the same time you will reign securely.” With this exhortation to his wife he died, after reigning twenty-seven years,” at the age of forty-nine. (xvi. 1) Thereupon Alexandra, after capturing the The _ fortress,° conferred with the Pharisees as her husband ee had suggested, and by placing in their hands all that aera concerned his corpse and the royal power, stilled their anger against Alexander, and made them her well-wishers and friends. And they in turn went to the people and made public speeches in which they recounted the deeds of Alexander, and said that in him they had lost a just king, and by their eulogies they so greatly moved the people to mourn and lament that they gave him a more splendid burial than had been given any of the kings before him. Now? although Alexander had left two sons, Hyr- Queen canus and Aristobulus, he had bequeathed the royal A\ggna" ” 4 Conjectured for mss. “‘ soldiers”; the Epitome and ed. τ γεθαποῦ ἢ pr. have “ chiefs.” and Aristo- > 103 to 76 B.c. © Of Ragaba, cf. § 398. bulus 11. 4 §§ 407-411 have partial parallels in B.J. i. 109-114. 6 ye om. FAMVWE. 431 408 409 410 41] JOSEPHUS , a \ ͵ oy ‘ ‘ > κι - διέθετο. τῶν δὲ παίδων “Ὑρκανὸς μὲν ἀσθενὴς ἦν πράγματα διοικεῖν καὶ βίον ἡσύχιον μᾶλλον ἠγα- ’ὔ « ‘ / > ‘ Ά , πηκώς, ὃ δὲ νεώτερος ᾿Αριστόβουλος δραστήριός τε ἦν καὶ θαρσαλέος. ἐστέργετο μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ τοῦ , ε \ \ \ in Tei. Nite Spaced πλήθους ἡ γυνὴ διὰ TO δοκεῖν ἐφ᾽ ols ὁ ἀνὴρ αὐτῆς ἐξήμαρτε δυσχεραίνειν. « ‘ > / \ > / « ‘ (2) Ἣ δὲ ἀρχιερέα μὲν ἀποδείκνυσιν “Ὑρκανὸν διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, πολὺ μέντοι πλέον διὰ τὸ ἄπραγμον αὐτοῦ, καὶ πάντα τοῖς Φαρισαίοις ἐπιτρέπει ποιεῖν, οἷς καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐκέλευσε πειθαρχεῖν, KOneiaane Kal τῶν νομίμων “Ὑρκανὸς ὁ πενθερὸς αὐτῆς κατέλυσεν ὧν εἰσήνεγκαν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι κατὰ τὴν πατρῴαν παράδοσιν, τοῦτο πάλιν ἀποκατέστησεν. τὸ μὲν οὖν «ὄνομα τῆς βασιλείας εἶχεν αὐτή, τὴν δὲ δύναμιν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι: καὶ γὰρ φυγάδας οὗτοι κατῆγον καὶ δεσμώτας ἔλυον καὶ καθάπαξ οὐδὲν δεσποτῶν διέφερον. ἐποιεῖτο μέντοι καὶ ἡ γυνὴ τῆς βασιλείας πρόνοιαν καὶ πολὺ μισθοφορικὸν , \ \ 27 , ek ἢ συνίστησι καὶ τὴν ἰδίαν δύναμιν ἀπέδειξε' διπλα- σίονα," ὡς καταπλῆξαι τοὺς πέριξ τυράννους καὶ « - bes et ὅμηρα αὐτῶν. ἠρέμει δὲ ἡ χώρα πᾶσα πάρεξ τῶν Φαρισαίων" οὗτοι γὰρ ἐπετάραττον τὴν βασίλισσαν, πείθοντες ὡς κτείνειε τοὺς ᾿Αλεξ- ἄνδρῳ παραινέσαντας ἀνελεῖν τοὺς ὀκτακοσίους. εἶτα αὐτοὶ τούτων ἕνα σφάττουσι Διογένην καὶ 5 τ ‘ »Μ » > »” [2 4 ε \ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἄλλους ἐπ᾽ ἄλλοις, ἕως, ot δυνατοὶ 1V: ἐπέδειξε rel]. Lat. 2 P Lat.: πλείονα rell. 3 βασιλεῖαν P. 4 οὗ Ρ. 2 The contrast between τὸ δραστήριον and τὸ ἄπραγμον is Thucydidean (Thue. ii. 63. 2), and occurs again in Ant. xiv, 18 : τὸ δραστήριον alone occurs in B.J. i. 283 and elsewhere. 432 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 407-411 power to Alexandra. Of these sons the one, Hyr- canus, was incompetent to govern and in addition much preferred a quiet life, while the younger, Aristobulus, was a man of action? and high spirit. As for the queen herself, she was loved by the masses because she was thought to disapprove of the crimes committed by her husband. (2) Alexandra then appointed Hyrcanus as high priest because of his greater age but more especially because of his lack of energy%; and she permitted the Pharisees to do as they liked in all matters, and also commanded the people to obey them ; and whatever regulations, introduced by the Pharisees in accord- ance with the tradition of their fathers, had been abolished by her father-in-law Hyrcanus, these she again restored.” And so, while she had the title of sovereign, the Pharisees had the power. For ex- ample, they recalled exiles, and freed prisoners, and, in a word, in no way differed from absolute rulers. Nevertheless the queen took thought for the welfare of the kingdom and recruited a large force of mer- cenaries and also made her own force twice as large, with the result that she struck terror into the local rulers round her and received hostages from them. And throughout the entire country there was quiet except for the Pharisees ; for they worked upon the feelings of the queen and tried to persuade her to kill those who had urged Alexander to put the eight hundred to death.” Later they themselves cut down 4 one of them, named Diogenes, and his death was followed by that of one after the other, until the > See Derenbourg. pp. 102-113. According to B.J.i. 111, the Pharisees “ took advantage of her simplicity.” © Cf. above, § 380. 4 Lit. ** slaughtered.” 433 The power of the Pharisees under Alexandra. The leading Jews protest against the ruthlessness of the Pharisees, JOSEPHUS λθό > ‘ / \ > ᾽ - παρελθόντες εἰς τὸ βασίλειον καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν My, A Αριστόβουλος (ἐῴκει yap τοῖς γινομένοις δυσ- ανασχετῶν καὶ δῆλος ἦν, καθάπαξ εἰ ἀφορμῆς > ~ λάβοιτο, μὴ ἐπιτρέψων TH μητρί) ἀνεμίμνησκον ὅσα , A 7 > 2 \ , κατωρθώσαντο τοῖς" κινδύνοις, δι’ ὧν τὸ βέβαιον τῆς ἐν σφίσι πίστεως πρὸς τὸν δεσπότην ἐπεδεί- ἔαντο, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ μεγίστων ἠξιώθησαν. 412 καὶ ἐδέοντο μὴ ἄχρι τοῦ παντὸς ἔμπαλιν τρέψαι τὰ σφίσι τὰς ἐλπίδας: ἀποφυγόντας γὰρ τὸν ἐκ πο- λεμίων κίνδυνον ἐν τῇ οἰκείᾳ ὑπὸ ἐχθρῶν δίκην ΄ / βοσκημάτων κόπτεσθαι," μηδεμιᾶς τιμωρίας οὔσης. 413 ἔλεγόν τε ὡς, εἰ μὲν ἀρκεσθεῖεν τοῖς a ένοις « γ , \ \ \ i / 5 ’ οἱ ἀντίδικοι, διὰ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς δεσπότας γνήσιον / ” \ 0 > δ᾽ “ “λλ μετρίως οἴσειν τὰ ξυμβάντα, εἰ αὖ μέλλοιεν ταὐτὰ" μετιέναι, ἠτοῦντο μάλιστα μὲν δοθῆναι σφίσιν ἀπαλλαγήν: οὐ γὰρ ἂν ὑπομεῖναι χωρὶς ~ / αὐτῆς πορίσασθαί τι σωτήριον, ἀλλ᾽ aopevilew a \ A θνήσκοντες πρὸς Tots βασιλείοις, ὡς μὴ avyyvotev® 414 ἀπιστίαν" αὑτοῖς. αἶσχός τε εἶναι σφίσι καὶ τῇ \ ΄ ΄- βασιλευούσῃ," εἰ πρὸς αὐτῆς ἀμελούμενοι ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐκδεχθείησαν: ἀντὶ παντὸς γὰρ ν᾿ ΄, 12 9 , ΝΑ tot \ \ av τιμήσασθαι" ᾿Αρέταν te τὸν Αραβα καὶ τοὺς μονάρχους, εἰ ἀποξενολογήσαιεν᾽" τοσούσδε ἄνδρας, 1 θ ΄ - ΄ θ ΄ Ῥ KATWPUWOAVTO τοῖς] κατωρύὕωσαν τοσοῦτοις I. 2 κόψεσθαι PAM. 3 ὡς secl. Dindorf. 4 A’: ταῦτα A corr., rell. 5 ed. pr.: μετεῖναι codd. ὁ οὐδὲ P. 7 70 P. 8 Dindorf: συγγνῶεν codd. ® ἀπιστίαν om. FLAMVW. 10 coni.: αὐτοῖς codd. 11 βασιλίσσῃ V. 2 ἂν τιμήσασθαι Vi: τιμήσασθαι P: ἂν τιμήσεσθαι FLAMW. 18 ὑποξενολογήσαιεν Naber. 484 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 411-414 leading citizens came to the palace, Aristobulus among them—for he was obviously resentful of what was taking place, and let it be plainly seen that if only he should get the opportunity, he would not leave his mother any power at all—, and they re- minded her of all that they had achieved in the face of danger, whereby they had shown their unwavering @ loyalty to their master ἢ and had therefore been judged worthy by him of the greatest honours. And they begged her not to crush their hopes completely,’ for, they said, after escaping the dangers of war, they were now being slaughtered at home like cattle by their foes, and there was no one to avenge them. They also said“ that if their adversaries were to be contented with those already slain, they would bear with equanimity what had taken place, out of genuine devotion to their masters ; but if, on the other hand, these men were to continue in the same course, let them, they begged, at least be given their freedom ; for they would never bring themselves to seek any means of safety but what should come from her, and would welcome death in her palace so long as they might not have disloyalty on their conscience.® It would be disgraceful both for them and for her who ruled as queen, they added, if, being abandoned by her, they should be given shelter by the enemies of her husband; for Aretas the Arab and the other princes would consider it of the utmost value to @ Lit. “ firmness of,” also a Thucydidean phrase (Thue. ii. 89. 4), found elsewhere in Josephus, ¢.g. Ant. xv. 193, B.J. vii. 139. » Alexander Jannaeus. © Lit. “ turn their hopes completely back.” 4 88 412-418 have no parallels in B.J. * Text slightly uncertain. 435 415 416 417 418 JOSEPHUS rye , 1 \ »” 13 οἷς ἦν τάχα που φρικῶδες" καὶ τοὔνομα πρὶν ἀκουσθῆναι. εἰ δὲ μή, τό γε δεύτερον, εἰ τοὺς Φαρισαίους αὐτῇ προτιμᾶν ἔγνωσται, κατατάξαι ἕκαστον αὐτῶν ἐν τοῖς φρουρίοις" εἰ γὰρ ὧδε δαίμων τις ἐνεμέσησε τῷ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου οἴκῳ, αὑτούς" γε μὴν ἂν ἀποδεῖξαι καὶ ἐν ταπεινῷ σχήματι βιο- τεύοντας." (3) Πολλὰ τοιαῦτα λεγόντων καὶ εἰς οἶκτον τῶν A μ᾽ ~ / \ > τεθνεώτων Kal τῶν κινδυνευόντων τοὺς ᾿Αλεξ- ἄνδρου δαίμονας ἐπικαλουμένων, ἅπαντες οἵ περιεστῶτες ὥρμησαν εἰς δάκρυα: μάλιστα δὲ > / Ὁ“ Μ 7 > / AAG Δριστόβουλος ὅπως ἔχοι γνώμης ἐδήλου, πολλὰ τὴν μητέρα κακίζων. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν αἴτιοι σφίσιν αὐτοῖς" τῶν συμφορῶν ἐγένοντο, κατὰ φιλ- αρχίαν ἐκλελυσσηκυίᾳ γυναικὶ παρὰ τὸ εἰκὸς βασιλεύειν, γενεᾶς ἐν ἀκμῇ" οὔσης, ἐπιτρέψαντες" ἡ δὲ οὐκ ἔχουσα ὃ τι πράξειε μετὰ τοῦ εὐπρεποῦς, τὴν φυλακὴν τῶν χωρίων σφίσιν ἐπίστευσεν," ὅτι fu Oe / ADD, , \ ~ μὴ ‘“Ypxavias καὶ ᾿Αλεξανδρείου καὶ Μαχαιροῦντος, ἔνθα τὰ πλείστου ἄξια ἣν αὐτῇ. καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ \ e\ > / \ ~ 7 tov υἱὸν ᾿Αριστόβουλον μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐξέπεμψεν “- , ἐπὶ Δαμασκὸν κατὰ [Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Μενναίου 1 που om. FLAMVW. 2 + αὐτῶν P. 3 τὸ πρὶν P. 4 Richards et Shutt: αὐτοὺς codd. 5 post βιοτεύοντας lacunam indicavit Bekker: verba τὴν πίστιν τηροῦντας excidisse coni. Richards et Shutt. 6 σφίσιν αὐτοῖς V: σφίσιν rell. 7 ἐν ἀκμῇ] ἕνεκα μὴ ΕἸ ΟΝ. 8 ἐπέτρεψεν P. — α The text is clearly defective, but the context makes it probable that the word “ loyal ”’ or the like is to be supplied. δ Mod. Khirbet Mird, c. 8 miles S.E. of Jerusalem, according to Abel, GP ii. 350. 436 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 414-418 enlist such men as mercenaries, whose very name, they might say, had caused these princes to shudder before they had heard it (spoken aloud). But if this could not be, and she had determined to favour the Pharisees above all others, let her, as the next best thing, station each of them in one of the garrisons, for, if some evil genius were thus wroth with the house of Alexander, they at least would show them- selves (loyal) * even though living in humble circum- stances. (3) Speaking in this vein at great length, they called upon the shades of Alexander to take pity on ! those who had been killed and those who were in danger, whereupon all the bystanders burst into tears. And Aristobulus in particular made plain his sentiments by denouncing his mother bitterly. But still they themselves were to blame for their mis- fortunes, in allowing a woman to reign who madly desired it in her unreasonable love of power, and when her sons were in the prime of life. And so the queen, not knowing what to do consistent with her dignity, entrusted to them the guarding of the fortresses with the exception of Hyrcania,’? Alex- andreion © and Machaerus,’ where her most valuable possessions were. Απα not long afterward she sent out her son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus,’ as he was © Talmudic Sartaba, mod. Qarn Sartabeh, c. 3 miles S.W. of the confluence of the Jabbok and Jordan rivers; cf. Abel, GP ii. 241 f. and BASOR 62 (April 1936), 14 ff. 4 Mod. Khirbet Mukdwer, c. 5 miles E. of the Dead Sea, in the latitude of Bethsur; cf. Abel, GP ii. 371 f. and Glueck in BASOR 65 (Feb. 1937), 25. * §§ 418-421 have partial parallels in B,J. i. 115-116, t Cf. § 392. 437 Aristobulus I denounces his mother for support- ing the Pharisees. JOSEPHUS λεγομένου, ds βαρὺς ἦν τῇ πόλει γείτων. ἀλλ᾽ δ' μὲν οὐδὲν ἐργασάμενος" σπουδῆς ἀξιον ὑπέστρεψεν ὃ 419 (4) Κατὰ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἀγγέλλεται Τι- γράνης ὁ τῶν ᾿Αρμενίων βασιλεὺς" στρατοῦ μυ- ριάσι τριάκοντα ἐμβεβληκὼς εἰς τὴν Συρίαν καὶ ΒΝ \ > / > / ~ a 7. ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἀφιξόμενος. τοῦτο ὥσπερ εἰκὸς ἐφόβησε τὴν βασίλισσαν καὶ τὸ ἔθνος. δῶρα δὴ \ \ / ΝΜ / > ~ A / πολλὰ καὶ λόγου ἄξια πέμπουσιν αὐτῷ καὶ πρέσβεις 420 πολιορκοῦντι" ΠΠτολεμαΐδα. βασίλισσα γὰρ Σελήνη ἡ καὶ Κλεοπάτρα καλουμένη, τῶν ἐν τῇ Συρίᾳ κατῆρχεν, ἣ καὶ ἐνήγαγεν τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας ἀπο- κλεῖσαι Τιγράνην: συνετύγχανον οὖν αὐτῷ καὶ > / οἷ \ ~ / A ~ ἐδέοντο χρηστὰ περὶ τῆς βασιλίσσης Kal τοῦ ἔθνους / «ες δὲ 3 ὃ / > \ ~ > 42] συγγινώσκειν. ὁ δὲ ἀποδεξάμενος αὐτοὺς τῆς ἐκ , " > , vy , διαστήματος θεραπείας ἐλπίδας ὑπέθετο χρηστάς. ἄρτι δὲ τῆς Πτολεμαΐδος ἑαλωκυίας ἀγγέλλεται Τιγράνῃ Λεύκολλον διώκοντα Μιθριδάτην ἐκείνου μὲν διαμαρτεῖν εἰς τοὺς Ἴβηρας ἀναφυγόντος, τὴν TOLLE 2 ἐργασάμενοι Ῥ. 3 ὑπέστρεψαν P: ἀνέστρεψε(ν) LAMW: ἀνέστρεψαν E. 46... βασιλεὺς om. PE Lat. δ᾽ πεντήκοντα FLAMVW. 6 + δὲ FLVW. 7 λεγομένη FXLAMW. 8 V: κατέχειν Ὁ: κατ᾽ εἰρήνην rell. 9 ἣ καὶ οι. FLAMW. 458 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 413-421 called, who was a troublesome neighbour to their city. He® returned, however, without having ac- complished anything noteworthy. (4) About this time news came that Tigranes, king of Armenia,’ with an army of three hundred thousand ° men had invaded Syria and was coming against Judaea.? This naturally frightened the queen and her people. And so they sent many valuable gifts and envoys to him as he was besieging Ptolemais. For Queen Selene, also called Cleopatra,’ was then ruling over Syria and she induced the inhabitants to shut their gates against Tigranes. The envoys therefore met with him and asked him to grant favourable terms to the queen and her people. Thereupon he commended them for coming so great a distance to do homage to him, and gave them reason to hope for the best. But hardly had Ptolemais been captured when news came to Tigranes that Lucullus, who was pursuing Mithridates,’ had failed to catch him, as he had fled to the Iberians,” and had therefore ravaged @ One ms. “‘ they.” > The variant omits “ἡ king of Armenia.” © Variant “ five hundred thousand.” 4 Tigranes first invaded Syria in 83 B.c. and held a large part of the country until he was finally driven out by the Romans in 69 B.c. * Daughter of Ptolemy Physcon and Cleopatra III; she was married successively to Ptolemy Soter, Antiochus Grypus, Antiochus Cyzicenus and Antiochus Eusebes; cf. Strabo xvi. 749, Appian, Syr. 69 and Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 304. 7 Lucius Licinius Lucullus, Roman consul in 74 B.c. and commander of the army in the east during the next five years. 9 Mithridates VI Eupator, king of Pontus 115 to 63 B.c., one of Rome’s most formidable adversaries. * In the Caucasus. According to Appian, Mithr. 83, and other sources, Mithridates fled to Tigranes in Armenia, after his defeat by Lucullus at Cabeira in 72 B.c. 439 Alexandra bribes Tigranes to leave Judaea in peace. JOSEPHUS δὲ ’Appeviay πορθήσαντα πολιορκεῖν. Τιγράνης δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ἐπιγνοὺς ἀνεχώρει τὴν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου. 422 (5) Μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τῆς βασιλίσσης εἰς νόσον χαλεπὴν ἐμπεσούσης, δόξαν ᾿Αριστοβούλῳ τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐπιτίθεσθαι, τῆς νυκτὸς ὑπεξελθὼν μεθ᾽. ἑνὸς τῶν θεραπόντων ἤει ἐπὶ τὰ φρούρια, ἵνα οἱ 423 πατρῷοι κατετάχθησαν αὐτῷ φίλοι. πάλαι γὰρ ἀχθόμενος οἷς ἔπραττεν ἡ μήτηρ τότε" πολὺ μᾶλλον ἔδεισε μὴ ἀποθανούσης € ἐπὶ τοῖς “Φαρισαίοις τὸ πᾶν γένος αὐτοῖς ὑπάρξειεν" ἑώρα γὰρ τὸ ἀδύνατον τοῦ 424 μέλλοντος, διαδέχεσθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀδελφοῦ. ξυνήδει δὲ 7 γυνὴ μόνη τῇ πράξει, ἣν κατέλιπεν αὐτόθι μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς. καὶ πρῶτον ἀφικόμενος εἰς ΓΑγαβα, ἔνθα 1]αλαιστὴς᾽ ἦν τῶν δυνατῶν, ὑπ- / \ > “ > € / \ ” / 425 εδέχθη πρὸς αὐτοῦ. μεθ ἡμέραν δὲ αἴσθησις ἯΙ: νεται τῇ βασιλίσσῃ τῆς ᾿Αριστοβούλου φυγῆς, καὶ μέχρι τινὸς ᾧετο γεγονέναι τὴν ἀναχώρησιν οὐκ ἐπὶ νεωτερισμῷ" ὡς μέντοι ἧκον ἀπαγγέλλοντες" ἄλλοι ἐπ᾽ ἄλλοις ὅτι κατειλήφει τὸ πρῶτον χωρίον καὶ τὸ δεύτερον καὶ ξύμπαντα (εὐθὺς γὰρ ἑνὸς ἀρξαμένου πάντα ἠπείγετο" πρὸς τὸ ἐκείνου βούλημα), τότε δὴ 1 Τιγράνης δὲ καὶ om. Lat.: Τιγρανόκερτα Niese. * τότε ex Lat. ins. Herwerden. ἕ “AyoBay LAMW: “AyaBpa E: Gabatha Lat. 4 Tadaiorns ed. pr.: Galestis Lat. 5 P: ἀγγέλλοντες rell. 8 ὑπήγετο EVE. —— ‘ “In the Gr. there is no object for the verb “* was besieging,’’ which can hardly be taken to govern the pre- ceding noun ‘‘ Armenia.” As the text stands, the city of Tigranocerta must be meant, even if we do not adopt Niese’s conjecture, reading “* 'Tigranocerta”’ for “ and Tigranes ”’ in the following sentence. For this siege see H. A. Ormerod in CAH ix, 365-367. 44.0 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 421-425 Armenia and was besieging (the capital).? And when Tigranes learned of this, he withdrew to his own country. (5) °Some time after this the queen was stricken by a serious illness, whereupon Aristobulus decided to make an attempt to seize power, and slipped away by night with one of his servants, and went to the fortresses where his father’s friends had been stationed. For while he had long resented the things his mother was doing, he was just then especi- ally fearful that on her death their whole family might come under the rule of the Pharisees, for he saw the incapacity of his brother, who was destined to succeed to the throne. The only one informed of his deed was his wife, whom he had left in the city with their children.“ And he first came to Agaba,’ where he found Palaestes,’ one of the lead- ing men, and was given shelter by him. Now on the next day the queen became aware of Aristobulus’ flight, and for a time she believed that his departure was not for the purpose of beginning a revolt. But when successive messengers came to report that he had captured the first fortress, and after that the second, and after that all of them—for when once the first had made a beginning they all hastened " The following sections, to the end of the book, have partial parallels in B.J. i. 117-119. ¢ Two sons and two daughters, cf. Ant. xiv. 79. 4 Lat. ““Gabatha.”’ Reinach hesitantly suggests ‘‘ Gaba,” a place near Carmel. Perhaps we should read “ἡ Ragaba,” the fortress captured by Alexander and Alexandra in Transjordan, cf. §§ 398, 405. This region seems to be indicated as Aristobulus’ first base of operations by the later battle at Jericho, Ant. xiv. 4 (=B.J. i. 120). ¢ Ed. pr. and Lat. ‘‘ Galestes,” cf. W. Otto, ABAW, N.F. 17 (1938), 36-39. VOL. VII Ρ 441 Alexandra and the Pharisees are alarmed by Aristo- bulus II’s prepara- tions for Seizing power. 426 427 428 JOSEPHUS ἐν μεγίσταις ταραχαῖς ὑπῆρχεν ἡ τε βασίλισσα καὶ τὸ ἔθνος. ἤδεισαν γὰρ οὐ πόρρω τοῦ δύνασθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν αὑτῷ κρατῦναι τὸν ᾿Αριστόβουλον ὄντα᾽ μάλιστα δ᾽ ἔδεισαν' μὴ ποινὴν εἰσπράξαιτο ὧν ἐς > , παρῴνησαν αὐτῷ τὸν οἶκον. δόξαν οὖν τήν τεῦ γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ καὶ γενεὰν εἰς τὸ ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ΄ὔ ΄, > / \ « nn ? φρούριον κατέθεσαν. ᾿Αριστοβούλῳ δὲ ws ἂν ἐκ A \ , oS pS) ie \ \ ΄ πολλῶν συχνὰ συνανηνέχθη, ἀφ᾽ ὧν δὴ καὶ κόσμος ἤδη βασίλειος περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν: σχεδὸν γὰρ ἐν ἡμέραις δεκαπέντε χωρίων ἐκράτησεν εἰκοσιδύο, ὅθεν ἀφορ- μὰς ἔχων στρατιὰν ἤθροιζεν ἀπό τε Λιβάνου καὶ Τράχωνος καὶ τῶν μονάρχων᾽ οἱ γὰρ ἄνθρωποι τῷ πλείονι ὑπαγόμενοι ῥᾳδίως ὑπήκουον" ἄλλως tet νομίζοντες, εἰ i δὴ ξυλλάβοιεν αὐτῷ, τῶν προσῳκειω- μένων" οὐχ ἧσσον. ΤΡ ΉΤΕ ἡ τὴν βασιλείαν ὡς αὐτοὶ τοῦ κρατῆσαι πρόφασις γενηθέντες. τῶν δὲ ᾿Ιουδαίων οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ “Υρκανὸς εἰσ- ἥεσαν ὡς τὴν βασίλισσαν καὶ ἐδέοντο ὑποθέσθαι γνώμην περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων' τὸν γὰρ ᾿Αριστό- βουλον τῶν πάντων σχεδὸν ἤδη κυριεύειν, ὁπότε χωρίων τοσούτων κρατήσειεν" ἄτοπον δέ, εἰ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα κάμνοι, περιούσης αὐτῆς κατὰ σφᾶς βου- λεύεσθαι:" περιεστάναι δὲ τὸν κίνδυνον οὐ διὰ > μακροῦ σφίσιν. ἡ δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευσε πράττειν 6 1 δείσαντες FLAMW: ἐδεδείεσαν δὲ (Om. μάλιστα) P. Σὲ: δύο. rell, 3 συχνὰ συνανηνέχθη Hudson: συχνὰ ἀνήχθη P: συνανηνέχθη PV W : συνήχθη L: συχνὰ ἀνηνέχθη AM: συχνὰ συνήχθη EF. ᾿Ξ συνήχθη χνὰ ἀνηνέχθη χνὰ συνήχθη 4 Naber: δὲ codd. 5 μὴ προσωκειομένων Holwerda: μὴ προσδοκωμένων (P) PLVW: φὠκειωμένων AM. ὁ καρπώσασθαι PLW. * The Baris, later called Antonia, as Josephus explains in B.J. i. 1183 ef. above, § 307 note a. 442 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 425-429 to submit to his will—, then at last both the queen and her people were in the greatest dismay. For they knew that Aristobulus was not far from being able to seize the throne for himself, and they were very much afraid that he might exact satisfaction for the excesses which they had practised on his house. They therefore decided to place his wife and children in the fortress overlooking the temple.? And Aristobulus received such large contributions from many sources? that there was already a veritable royal train about him. For in barely fifteen days he had occupied twenty-two fortresses, and obtaining resources from these, he gathered an army from Lebanon, Trachonitis and the local princes. These men readily submitted to him, being drawn to the stronger side, and at the same time believing that if they aided Aristobulus they could exploit his king- dom no less than those who were closely related to him,” on the ground that they had been the means of his conquering it. Meanwhile the elders of the Jews and Hyrcanus went to the queen and begged her to give them some counsel about the present situation. For, they said, Aristobulus was already master of almost the entire country by virtue of having occupied so many fortresses ; but it was not their ‘place, however seriously ill she might be, to make plans by themselves while she was still alive ; and yet the danger was not at all far off.4 Thereupon she told them to do whatever they thought expedient, > Text slightly uncertain. © Or “no less than the lands acquired by them,” ef. above, §319; text slightly emended ; most mss. have “‘ those not expected,” which is meaningless. 4 This last clause is Thucydidean, ef. Thue. iv. 34. 3 and vi. 91.3; it has a parallel in Ant. xvii. 5. 443 430 431 432 JOSEPHUS τι δοκοῦσι χρήσιμον εἶναι: πολλὰς δὲ ἀφορμὰς αὐτοῖς λείπεσθαι, τὸ ἔθνος ἐρρωμένον καὶ τὴν δύναμιν καὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς γαζοφυλακίοις χρήματα" αὐτῇ μὲν γὰρ μικρὸν ἔτι μέλειν; τῶν πραγμάτων ὡς" ὑπολείποντος ἤδη τοῦ σώματος. (6) Ταῦτ᾽ εἰποῦσα μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ ἐτελεύτησε, βασιλεύσασα ἔτη ἐννέα, τὰ δὲ σύμπαντα βιώσασα τρία καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα, γυνὴ τῷ ἀσθενεῖ τοῦ φύλου κατ᾽ οὐδὲν χρησαμένη" δεινὴ γὰρ εἰς τὸ φίλαρχον ἐν ταῖς μάλιστα γενομένη διήλεγξεν ἔργοις τό τε πρακτικὸν τῆς ἐν αὐτῇ γνώμης καὶ τὸ ἀσύνετον τῶν ἀεὶ πταιόντων" περὶ τὰς δυναστείας ἀνδρῶν" τὸ γὰρ παρὸν κρεῖττον ἀξιοῦσα τοῦ μέλλοντος καὶ πάντα δεύτερα τιθεμένη τοῦ ἐγκρατῶς ἄρχειν, οὔτε καλοῦ οὔτε δικαίου ἕνεκά γε τούτων ἐπεστρέφετο. εἰς γοῦν τοῦτο τῷ οἴκῳ ἀτυχίας τὰ πράγματα περιέστησεν, ὥστε ἣν μετὰ πλείστων κινδύνων καὶ ταλαιπωρίας περιεκτήσατο᾽ δυναστείαν ἐπιθυμίᾳ τῶν μὴ προσηκόντων γυναικί, χρόνοις οὐ πολλοῖς ὕστερον ἀφαιρεθῆναι, τοῖς μὲν δυσμενῶς ἔχουσιν πρὸς τὸ γένος αὐτῶν τὴν αὐτὴν γνώμην προθεῖσα," τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν ἔρημον τῶν προκηδομένων " ποιησα- μένη. καὶ ξυμφορῶν δὲ ἐνέπλησε καὶ ταραχῆς, ἐξ 1V: μέλοι P: μέλλειν rell. 2 + ἄν. 3 ἀεὶ πταιόντων] ἐν ἀκμῇ παρόντων coni. Havercamp. 4 περιεκτήσαντο LAMW. 5 προσθεῖσα P: τὴν αὑτῆς γνώμην προσθεῖσα coni. Post. Dindorf: προσκηδομένων AM: προσηγεμόνων P: προηγε- μόνων FLW: προηγουμένων V: potentium amicorum guber- natione Lat. 444 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 429-432 saying that there were many resources left to them, namely a nation in a sound condition, an army, and money in the various treasuries. As for herself, she was no longer greatly concerned about affairs of state, as her physical strength was almost spent. (6) Not long after she had spoken these words, she died, having reigned nine years” and having lived seventy-three years in all. She was a woman who showed none of the weakness of her sex; for being one of those inordinately desirous of the power to rule, she showed by her deeds the ability to carry out her plans, and at the same time she exposed the folly of those men who continually fail to maintain sovereign power.’ For she valued the present more than the future, and making everything else second- ary to absolute rule,? she had, on account of this, no consideration for either decency or justice. At least matters turned out so unfortunately for her house that the sovereign power which it’ had acquired in the face of the greatest dangers and difficulties was not long afterward taken from it because of her desire for things unbecoming a woman, and because she expressed the same opinions as did those 7 who were hostile to her family, and also because she left the kingdom without anyone who had their interests at heart.’ And even after her death she caused the 2 76 to 67 B.c. >» Compare §§ 408 ff. © Apparently this means “ who never have enough power in their grasp”’; conj. “ who are at the height of their power.” 4 ἐγκρατῶς ἄρχειν is also Thucydidean, cf. Thue. i. 76. 1. ¢ Or “ she”’; variant “‘ they.” ‘ Prof. Post conjectures, “‘she lent the weight of her authority to those who,” ete. 9 Text slightly emended ; some mss. have to guide it (i.e. the kingdom).”’ ““ without any 445 The death and charace ter of Queen Alexandra, JOSEPHUS ΄ ~ > / \ \ \ λ A ‘ ὧν ζῶσα ἐπολιτεύσατο, καὶ μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν TO βασίλειον: οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καίπερ οὕτως ἄρξασα ἐν a? Ὑ{4 αἰ ον ΄ \ \ > ἢ εἰρήνῃ τὸ ἔθνος διεφύλαξεν. τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδραν" τοῦτο εἶχε τὸ τέλος .ὃ 1 καὶ ἀταραξίᾳ P. τ + τὴν βασίλισσαν P. 3 post τέλος verba ἔρχομαι δὲ λέξων τὰ τοῖς υἱέσιν αὐτῆς συμβεβηκότα ᾿Αριστοβούλῳ καὶ Ὑρκανῷ μετὰ τὴν ἐκείνης τελευ- τὴν ἐν τῇ μετὰ ταύτην μου βίβλῳ add. P. 446 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII. 432 palace to be filled with misfortunes and disturbances which arose from the public measures taken during her lifetime. Nevertheless, in spite of reigning in this manner, she had kept the nation at peace. Such, then, was the end of Alexandra. 2 One ms. (P) adds, “In the following book I shall proceed to relate what befell her sons Aristobulus and Hyrcanus after her death.” 447 BIBAION IA (i. 1) Τῶν δὲ περὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδραν τὴν βασίλισσαν καὶ τὸν θάνατον αὐτῆς ἐν τῇ πρὸ ταύτης ἡμῖν βίβλῳ δεδηλωμένων, τὰ τούτοις ἀκόλουθα Kal | προσεχῆ νῦν ἐροῦμεν, οὐκ ἄλλου τινὸς ἢ τοῦ μηδὲν παραλιπεῖν τῶν πραγμάτων ἢ δι ἄγνοιαν ἢ διὰ κάματον τῆς μνήμης προμηθούμενοι.' τὴν γὰρ ἱστορίαν καὶ τὴν μήνυσιν τῶν ἀγνοουμένων τοῖς πολλοῖς πραγμάτων διὰ τὴν ἀρχαιότητα δεῖ μὲν" καὶ τὸ τῆς ἀπαγγελίας" κάλλος, ὅσον δὴ τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν ἔκ τε τῶν ὀνομάτων καὶ τῆς τούτων ap- μονίας καὶ ὅσα πρὸς τούτοις συμβάλλεται “κόσμον τῷ λόγῳ, τοῖς ἀναγνωσομένοις ἔχειν, ὡς ἂν μετὰ χάριτός τινος καὶ ἡδονῆς τὴν ἐμπειρίαν παρα- λαμβάνοιεν, πάντων δὲ μᾶλλον τῆς ἀκριβείας τοὺς συγγραφεῖς στοχάζεσθαι," μηδὲν τοῦ τἀληθῆ λέ- ” ᾽ A / yew τοῖς περὶ ὧν οὐκ ἴσασιν αὐτοὶ πιστεύειν αὐτοῖς μέλλουσιν προτιμῶντας ." 1 προθυμούμενοι PE. 2 δεῖ μὲν P Lat.: δίϊμεν rell. 3 P: ἐπαγγελίας rell. 4 + δεῖ FLVW et Lat. vid.: + δεῖν AM. 5 καὶ FLAMVW. 8 προτιμῶντας om. LAMVW. 2 Variant “* to be accurate and speak.” Ὁ For similar observations on the duty of the historian see ὦ. i. 16, Ant. i. 4 et al. Reinach stresses the fact that 448 BOOK XIV (i. 1) Havine related the history of Queen Alexandra and her death in the preceding book, we shall now speak of the events that followed immediately there- after, keeping in mind one thing above all else, which is not to omit anything whether through ignorance or fault of memory. For while the relation and re- cording of events that are unknown to most people because of their antiquity require charm of exposi- tion, such as is imparted by the choice of words and their proper arrangement and by whatever else contributes elegance to the narrative, in order that readers may receive such information with a certain degree of gratification and pleasure, nevertheless what historians should make their chief aim is to be ac- curate and hold everything else of less importance than speaking® the truth to those who must rely upon them in matters of which they themselves have no knowledge.? with Book XIV Josephus begins to use Nicolas of Damascus as his chief source (continuing to Ant. xvii. 206), but it should be noted that Josephus has freely drawn on Nicolas in the preceding book as well, as some of the notes indicate ; see also the Appendix on sources in the last volume of this translation. ‘The reader may also be referred to the detailed but often speculative study of the parallelism between Ant. xiv. and B.J. i. by R. Laqueur in Der jiidische Historiker Flavius Josephus, 1920, pp. 128-221. VOL. VII Pp 2 449 Introduc- tion to Book XIV. JOSEPHUS 4 (2) IlapadaBovros yap τὴν βασιλείαν' “Ὑρκανοῦ ~ ~ ~ ‘ τῷ τρίτῳ ἔτει τῆς ἑβδόμης Kal ἑβδομηκοστῆς πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατὸν ὀλυμπιάδος, ὑπατεύοντος “Ῥωμαίων r r A Kvivrov ‘Oprnaiov καὶ Κυίντου Μετέλλου, ὃς δὴ \ κ᾿ > - / > \ > / καὶ Κρητικὸς ἐπεκαλεῖτο, πόλεμον εὐθὺς ἐκφέρει πρὸς αὐτὸν ᾿Αριστόβουλος, καὶ τῆς μάχης αὐτῷ γενομένης πρὸς “ἱεριχοῦντι πολλοὶ τῶν στρατιω- δ τῶν αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτομολοῦσιν. οὗ γενομένου φεύγει πρὸς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν “YpKavos, » , a 2 eee, ΄ ἔνθα συνέβαινε κατεῖρχθαι; τὴν ᾿Αριστοβούλου γυ- ναῖκα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ ὑπὸ τῆς μητρός, καθὼς προειρήκαμεν" καὶ τοὺς ἀντιστασιώτας δὲ > A ~ € ~ - καταφυγόντας εἰς τὸν τοῦ ἱεροῦ περίβολον αἱρεῖ 6 προσβαλών. καὶ λόγους ποιησάμενος πρὸς τὸν 3 \ \ / / \ ” ἀδελφὸν περὶ συμβάσεως καταλύεται τὴν ἔχθραν aA ~ ΄ A > / > A A ἐπὶ τῷ βασιλεύειν μὲν ᾿Αριστόβουλον, αὐτὸν δὲ ζῆν ἀπραγμόνως, καρπούμενον ἀδεῶς τὴν ὑπάρ- ἡ χουσαν αὐτῷ κτῆσιν. ταῦτα ἐπὶ τοῖς" ἐν τῷ 1 παραλαβόντος... βασιλείαν PE: ἀρξαμένου τοίνυν τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης rell., om. Lat. κρατεῖσθαι LAM WE marg. post προειρήκαμεν lacunam statuit Niese. + 8€ LAMWE: καθὼς... προσβαλών om. Lat. τούτοις Hudson. οι & & @ ξᾷ 4-8 have partial parallels in B.J. i. 120-123. > Variant “the high priesthood.”’ The reading “ royal power” (βασιλείαν) is supported by B.J. i. 120 and other passages, referred to in the following notes. ¢ The Olympiad and consular years correspond to 70/69 p.c.; thus Hyreanus would have assumed royal power two years before the death of Alexandra, if she died in 67 B.c., as is most probable. Moreover we are told in Ant. xiv. 97 and xx. 244 that Aristobulus reigned 3 years and 450 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 4-7 (2) *Now when Hyrcanus assumed royal power,’ in Hyrcanus 1) the third year of the hundred and seventy-seventh put Raat Olympiad, the Roman consuls being Quintus Hor- make an : . agreement tensius and Quintus Metellus, the same who was whereby surnamed Creticus,° Aristobulus promptly declared Aristobulus = becomes war on him, and in the battle which he fought near king. Jericho many of the soldiers of Hyrcanus deserted to his brother. Upon this he fled to the citadel, where Aristobulus’ wife and children had been confined by his mother, as we have said before.? And those of the opposite faction who had taken refuge in the pre- cincts of the temple he attacked and seized. And after proposing to his brother that they come to an agreement, he ended hostilities on the terms that Aristobulus should be king, while he himself should live without taking part in public affairs, and be un- disturbed in the enjoyment of the possessions that he then had.’ This pact they made under the auspices 6 months, and in Ant. xv. 180 that after Alexandra’s death Hyreanus was king 3 months; this makes a total of 3 years and 9 months for the two reigns; reckoning back from 63 B.c., when Pompey ended Aristobulus’s reign, we arrive at 67 B.c. for the accession of Hyrcanus. Schiirer, i. 256 n. 1, is probably right in assuming that Josephus has here relied on a chronological hand-book and has given a date incon- sistent with native tradition. 4 Ant. xiii. 426. * B.J. i. 120 says more concretely that Hyrcanus seized Aristobulus’ wife and children as hostages. 7 Josephus here and in the parallel, B.J. i. 121, does not make it clear whether Hyrcanus gave up the high priesthood as well as the throne to Aristobulus, though the language in both passages (especially Ant. xiv. 7) suggests that he did. However, in Ant. xiv. 41, 97 and xx. 243-244 Josephus says plainly that Aristobulus became high priest in place of Hyreanus. ‘There is therefore no reason to assume, as some scholars do, that Hyrcanus continued as high priest between 67 and 63 B.c. See further A. Schalit, BJPOS 6 (1939), 145-148. 451 JOSEPHUS « ~ / \ a \ - / ἱερῷ συνθέμενοι καὶ ὅρκοις καὶ δεξιαῖς πιστωσά- μενοι τὰς ὁμολογίας καὶ κατασπασάμενοι τοῦ πλήθους παντὸς ὁρῶντος ἀλλήλους ἀνεχώρησαν, ὁ \ > Ἁ ,ὕ « ‘ > « > / μὲν εἰς τὰ βασίλεια, “Ypxavos δ᾽ ὡς ἰδιώτης ΄ὕ i 195 \ ἈΠΕ 16 \ > ΄ τυγχάνων, εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν τὴν ᾿Αριστοβούλου. 8 (8) Φῶος δέ τις “Ὑρκανοῦ ᾿Ιδουμαῖος, ᾿Αντί- πατρος λεγόμενος, πολλῶν μὲν εὐπορῶν χρημάτων, δραστήριος δὲ τὴν φύσιν ὧν καὶ στασιαστής, ἀλλοτρίως εἶχε πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αριστόβουλον καὶ διαφό- A \ \ A « \ » / 9 pws διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν ‘YpKavoy εὔνοιαν. Νικόλαος μέντοι φησὶν ὁ Δαμασκηνὸς τοῦτον εἶναι γένος ἐκ τῶν πρώτων ᾿Ιουδαίων τῶν ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος εἰς τὴν > , > / ~ \ / / Ἰουδαίαν ἀφικομένων. ταῦτα δὲ λέγει χαριζό- « / ~ \ > ~ A ~ > μενος Ηρώδῃ τῷ παιδὶ αὐτοῦ, βασιλεῖ τῶν lov- δαίων ἐκ τύχης τινὸς γενομένῳ, περὶ οὗ κατὰ 10 καιρὸν δηλώσομεν. οὗτος τοίνυν ὁ ᾿Αντίπατρος ᾿Αντίπας τὸ πρῶτον ἐκαλεῖτο, καὶ τῷ πατρὶ αὐτοῦ ~ 2 κ5 1» aa, ΄ὔ A , τοῦτο" ἦν τὸ ὄνομα, ὃν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ στρατηγὸν ἀποδειξάντων ν ~ > / / , ‘ \ ὅλης τῆς ᾿Ιδουμαίας, ποιήσασθαι φιλίαν πρὸς τοὺς 1 τυγχάνων om. FLAMVWE. 5. + yap P. « Laqueur, pp. 134-136, pointing out that Ant. gives Hyrcanus a less important position than B.J. (which says that ‘‘ Hyreanus, while abdicating the throne, should enjoy all his other honours as the king’s brother ”’), attributes this slight difference, as similar ones, to Josephus’ altered attitude toward the Herodians, whose ancestor Antipater was re- sponsible for Hyrcanus’ later triumph over Aristobulus. » Justin Martyr, Dial. c. Tryph. 52, says that Antipater was an Ascalonite; Julius Africanus, ap. Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. i. 7. 11, says that Antipater’s father Herod was a temple-slave of Apollo at Ascalon and that Antipater was 452 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 7-10 of the temple, and after confirming their agreement by oaths and pledges and embracing one another in the sight of all the people, they withdrew, Aristobulus to the palace, and Hyrcanus, as one who was now a private citizen,* to the house of Aristobulus. (3) But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumaean called Antipater, who, having a large fortune and being by nature a man of action and a trouble-maker, was unfriendly to Aristobulus and quarrelled with him because of his friendliness toward Hyreanus. Nicolas of Damascus, to be sure, says that his family belonged to the leading Jews who came to Judaea from Babylon.’ But he says this in order to please Antipater’s son Herod, who became king of the Jews by a certain turn of fortune, as we shall relate in the proper place. This Antipater, it seems, was first called Antipas, which was also the name of his father,? whom King Alexander? and his wife appointed governor of the whole of Idumaea, and they say that he made friends of the neighbouring carried off by Idumaean robbers as a boy; see further next note. ¢ In Ant. xv. In B.J. i. 123 Josephus says merely tha Antipater was an Idumaean by race and that “ his ancestry, wealth and other advantages put him in the front rank of his nation.”” For a discussion of Josephus’ varying attitude toward the father of Herod the Great and his apologist, Nicolas of Damascus, see Schiirer i. 292 n. 3, Laqueur, pp. 136-139, Otto, Her. pp. 15, 17-18 and Jacoby, FGH ii. 381 and Commentary to fr. 96, p. 255. The latter argues that Nicolas really did invent a Babylonian Jewish ancestry for Herod, and that Hélscher, in PW ix. 1971 f., is wrong in believing that a Jewish polemicist has falsified Nicolas’ account. 4 According to Julius Africanus (see above, note ὃ), Antipater’s father was named Herod. “ Jannaeus. 453 The rise of the Idumaean Antipater. 11 i4 JOSEPHUS e ~ ~ ὁμοροῦντας αὐτῷ “ApaBas καὶ Γαζαίους καὶ ᾿Ασ- / / -“ 4 \ ‘ , καλωνίτας λέγουσι, πολλαῖς αὐτοὺς Kal μεγάλαις > / a \ > a > /, ἐξιδιωσάμενον δωρεαῖς. τὴν οὖν τοῦ ᾿Αριστοβού- λου δυναστείαν ὁ νεώτερος ᾿Αντίπατρος ὑφορώ- \ ‘\ / / \ \ \ > ‘ μενος, καὶ δεδιὼς μή τι πάθῃ διὰ TO πρὸς αὐτὸν μῖσος, ἐπισυνιστᾷ κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ κρύφα διαλεγόμενος τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων τοὺς δυναστεύοντας, ἀδικον εἶναι λέ “- > /, > / ΝΜ A ἔγων περιορᾶν ᾿Αριστόβουλον ἀδίκως ἔχοντα τὴν > / ‘ \ \ > \ / > / ἀρχήν, καὶ Tov μὲν ἀδελφὸν ταύτης ἐκβεβληκότα ,ὔ πρεσβύτερον ὄντα, κατέχοντα δ᾽ αὐτὴν οὖσαν ἐκεί- A ~ A νου διὰ TO πρεσβεῖον. τούτους de’ συνεχῶς πρὸς ‘ « \ / / A / " τὸν “ρκανὸν ποιούμενος διετέλει τοὺς λόγους, καὶ σ if ‘ ~ > \ / a ὅτι κινδυνεύσει TO ζῆν, εἰ μὴ φυλάξαιτο ποιήσας « ΝΣ δ > / \ \ / ΝΥ 3 αὑτὸν" ἐκποδών: τοὺς γὰρ φίλους τοὺς ᾿Αριστο- / / ΄ \ ΝΜ βούλου μηδένα παραλείπειν καιρὸν ἔλεγε συμβου- / ΣῚ \ > A ic / / a λεύοντας αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν ws τότε βεβαίως ἕξοντα τὴν ἀρχήν. τούτοις ‘YpKavos ἠπίστει τοῖς λόγοις, / | Ἂ \ \ > > / » φύσει χρηστὸς ὧν καὶ διαβολὴν δι᾿ ἐπιείκειαν οὐ > προσιέμενος padiws. ἐποίει δ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸ ἄπραγμον καὶ τὸ παρειμένον τῆς διανοίας τοῖς ὁρῶσιν ἀγεννῆ \ ΝΜ - ΄- = > , , > καὶ ἄνανδρον δοκεῖν: τῆς δ᾽ ἐναντίας φύσεως ἦν > / / \ / \ Αριστόβουλος, δραστήριος καὶ διεγηγερμένος τὸ φρόνημα. > \ / e32 , ᾽ / (4) ᾿Επειδὴ τοίνυν 6 ᾿Αντίπατρος οὐ προσέχοντα Ἐ 2 aA / A ey / > / ¢ Ψ' ἑώρα τοῖς λόγοις τὸν ‘Y pKavov, οὐ διέλιπεν ἑκάστης € δ / \ / \ ᾽ " ἡμέρας πλαττόμενος καὶ διαβάλλων πρὸς αὐτὸν ΤΕ PFV. 2 Niese: αὐτὸν codd. E, 4.54 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 10-14 Arabs and Gazaeans and Ascalonites, and completely won them over by many large gifts. Now the younger Antipater looked jealously on Aristobulus’ power, and fearing that he might suffer harm because of his hatred for him, he stirred up the powerful? Jews against him in secret conversations, saying that it was wrong to ignore the fact that Aristobulus wrongly held royal power and had driven his brother from the throne although he was the elder, and now occupied it though it belonged to the other by right of seniority. These were the arguments he unceasingly continued to address to Hyrcanus, adding that he was in danger of losing his life unless he insured his safety by taking himself out of his way.” For Aristobulus’ friends, he said, were losing no opportunity of advising him to do away with Hyrcanus, as he would then hold power securely. But Hyrcanus gave no credence to these words, for he was naturally a decent man and because of his kindliness did not readily listen to slander. But his ineffectualness © and weakness of will made him seem ignoble and unmanly to those who observed him. Aristobulus, however, was of the opposite nature, being a man of action” and alert spirit. (4) 4And so when Antipater saw that Hyrcanus was paying no attention to what he said, he did not let a day go by without bringing false charges against Aristobulus before him, and standering him by saying ® Gr. δυναστείαν... δυναστεύοντας. ‘Two similar repeti- tions of a root occur in this section: ἄδικον. . . ἀδίκως and πρεσβύτερον. . . πρεσβεῖον. ® Text slightly emended. mss.: “ putting him (Aristo- bulus) out of the way.” © On this Thucydidean contrast of τὸ ἄπραγμον and dpac- τήριος see Ant, xiii. 408 note a. 4 §§ 14-19 have partial parallels in B.J. i. 124-126. 455 Antipater persuades Hyrcanus to seek help from the Arab king Aretas against Aristobulus, JOSEPHUS A ‘ tov ᾿Αριστόβουλον ὡς ἀποκτεῖναι θέλοντα, Kat 5A > ,ὔ ψ' ‘A > , ᾽ ~ μόλις ἐγκείμενος πείθει πρὸς ᾿Αρέταν αὐτῷ συμβου- - ,ὔ λεύσας φυγεῖν τὸν ᾿Αράβων βασιλέα: πεισθέντι - ε 15 γὰρ ἔσεσθαι καὶ αὐτὸς σύμμαχος ὑπισχνεῖτο. ὁ ~ > ~ ‘ δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούων συμφέρειν, ἦν' ἐπὶ τῷ" πρὸς τὸν A / > ~ »Μ) A σ΄ ~ , 16 γενόμενον. λαβὼν δὲ τὰς πίστεις ὁ ᾿Αντίπατρος ig / A € \ ἢ « ,ὔ Α ὑπέστρεψε πρὸς ‘Ypxavov εἰς “ἱεροσόλυμα, καὶ > ~ μετ᾽ od πολὺ παραλαβὼν αὐτὸν καὶ τῆς πόλεως ly \ / A x 5 / « , ὑπεξελθὼν νύκτωρ καὶ πολλὴν ἀνύσας ὁδόν, ἧκεν A ἄγων αὐτὸν eis τὴν καλουμένην Πέτραν, ὅπου τὰ 17 βασίλεια ἢν τοῦ ᾿Αρέτα. μάλιστα δὲ ὧν φίλος τῷ A ,ὔ βασιλεῖ κατάγειν τὸν “Ὑρκανὸν εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ~ ~ A παρεκάλει: καὶ τοῦθ᾽ ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ποιῶν Kal oe ‘ οὐκ avieis, ἀλλὰ Kal δωρεὰς προϊέμενος, πείθει τὸν 3 / 3 A > 3, ‘\ « ‘ € , 1s ᾿Αρέταν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ‘Ypkavos ὑπέσχετο αὐτῷ καταχθεὶς καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν κομισάμενος ἀποδώσειν τήν τε χώραν καὶ τὰς δώδεκα" πόλεις ~ ~ > , ds ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ τῶν ᾿Αράβων ἀφείλετο. ἦσαν δ᾽ αὗται Μήδαβα, Λίββα, Δα- 1 συμφέρειν ἦν P; : ἔλεχει σύμφορον (συμφέρον V) εἶναι rell. 3 ἐπὶ τῷ] ἐπὶ τὸ FL: τὸ V. 3. decem Lat. 2 Aretas IIL; cf. Ant. xiii. 360 note e δ Cf. Ant. xiii. 391 note f. © Petra is more than a hundred miles from Jerusalem as the crow flies. For a convenient account of the Hellenistic 4.56 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 14-18 that he wished to kill Hyrcanus; and by dint of constant pressure he persuaded him to take his advice and flee to Aretas,* the Arab king, promising that if he followed his advice, he too would be his ally. When Hyrcanus heard that this would be to his advantage, he was ready to flee to Aretas, for Arabia borders on Judaea.? However, he first sent Antipater to the Arab king to receive sworn assurances that if he came to him as a suppliant, Aretas would not deliver him up to his enemies. When Antipater had received these sworn assurances, he returned to Hyrcanus at Jerusalem ; and not long afterward he slipped out of the city by night, taking Hyrcanus with him, and after travelling a great distance,’ brought him to the city called Petra, where the palace of Aretas was. Being a very good friend of the king, he urged him to bring Hyrcanus back to Judaea ; and as he did this every day without intermission and offered him gifts in addition, he finally persuaded Aretas.?7_ Moreover Hyrcanus also promised him that if he were restored and received his throne, he would return to him the territory and the twelve cities which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabs.@ These were Medaba, Libba,’ Dabaloth,” Ara- city see G. Robinson, The Sarcophagus of an Ancient Civilization, 1930. 4 Antipater also used flattery, according to B.J. i. 124-126. “ Some of the cities (which are not mentioned in B.J/.) had been captured by Hyrcanus I. The correct forms of some of the names are very doubtful; cf. the list in Ant. xiii. 395. t Cf. Ant. xiii. 255. 9 Variants ‘‘ Libanthra,”’ ‘** Livias.”’ * Conjectured, by Abel, GP ii. 148, for ms. ‘“* Nabaloth,” ‘“Naballo”; it is prob. bibl. Beth Diblathaim, mod. Deleilat, c. 5 miles N.E. of Libba. 457 JOSEPHUS Baddé,* ᾿Αράβαθα, "Ayadda, ᾿Αθώνη, Zaapa, ᾿᾽Ωρωναΐν, ToBodis, “Apvdda,* ”AAovaa,’ "QpuBda.° 19. (ii. 1) Τούτων αὐτῷ τῶν ὑποσχέσεων γενομένων ᾿Αρέτας ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αριστόβουλον μετὰ πέντε μυριάδων ἑ ἱπποτῶν ἅμα καὶ πεζῆς στρατιᾶς, καὶ νικᾷ τῇ μάχῃ. πολλῶν δὲ μετὰ τὴν νίκην πρὸς Ὑρκανὸν αὐτομολησάντων μονωθεὶς ὁ ᾿Αρι- 20 στόβουλος ἔφυγεν εἰς “Ἱεροσόλυμα. ὁ δὲ τῶν ᾿Αράβων βασιλεὺς πᾶσαν τὴν στρατιὰν ἀγαγὼν καὶ προσβαλὼν τῷ ἱερῷ τὸν ᾿Αριστόβουλον ἐπολι- όρκει, προστιθεμένου καὶ τοῦ δήμου τῷ “ἵρκανῷ καὶ συμπολιορκοῦντος αὐτῷ, μόνων δὲ τῶν ἱερέων 2] τῷ ᾿Αριστοβούλῳ προσμενόντων. ὁ μὲν οὖν ᾿Αρέτας ἑξῆς βαλόμενος στρατόπεδα τῶν ᾿Αράβων καὶ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων᾽ ἰσχυρῶς ἐνέκειτο τῇ πολιορκίᾳ. τούτων δὲ γινομένων κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τῆς τῶν ἀζύμων ἑορτῆς, ἣν φάσκα" λέγομεν, οἱ δοκιμώτατοι τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἐκλιπόντες τὴν χώραν εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἔφυγον. ᾿Ονίας δέ τις ὄνομα, δίκαιος ἀνὴρ καὶ 1 Λίββα Δαβαλώθ Abel: Λίββα Naga P: Ναβαλλὼ Λιβ- βανθρα I’: Ναβαλλὼ Λιβίας LAMVYV 5. ῬῬαβαθά 1": Βαρβαθα L: opaBube A! M!: @apaBaoa V: Θαραβαθὰ W. Β Τάλαν Θώνη P: Ταλανθῶν F. 4 ᾽Ορωναΐν, Τοβολίς, "Apvdda Niese: ᾿ὨΩρωναιδιγωβασιλισ- σαρυδδα P: ᾿Ορωναὶ Τ᾽οβολὸς Σαρυδδά F: ορων Λιγμων ‘Pvdda L: ᾽Ορὼν Λιγμὼ(ν) Μάρι(σ)σα rell. 5 Λοῦσα LA1W: Λούσσα V: om. M. 8 “OpuBa LAMVW. 7 Ἰδουμαίων P. 8 πάσχα PFE. ~~] 22 @ Variants ‘‘ Rabatha,” ‘‘ Barbatha,” “‘ Tharabatha ”’ ; it is bibl. Rabbath Moab, mod. Rabba, c. 15 miles E. of the Dead Sea and S. of its centre. > Variant “ Galan”; cf. Ant. xiii. 397 note ¢. 458 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 18-22 batha,? Agalla,? Athone,’ Zoara,? Oronain,’ Gobolis,f Arydda,? Alusa” and Orybda.* (ii. 1) Because of these promises which were made Aretas ° . ° . h to him, Aretas marched against Aristobulus with an Seana of army of fifty thousand horsemen and footsoldiers as ἩΥΤΟΒΙΌΒ well, and defeated him in battle. After his victory Aristobulus Ὁ = in the many deserted to Hyrcanus, and Aristobulus, being eae left alone, fled to Jerusalem. Thereupon the Arab during king took his whole army and attacked the temple, EReSON ers where he besieged Aristobulus ; and the citizens, joining Hyrcanus’ side, assisted him in the siege, while only the priests remained loyal to Aristobulus. And so Aretas placed the camps of the Arabs and Jews* next to one another, and pressed the siege vigorously. But as this action took place at the time of observing the festival of Unleavened Bread, which we call Phaska,' the Jews of best repute left the country and fled to Egypt. Now there was a certain Tee Onias,” who, being a righteous man and dear to God, ope but is ¢ Variant “ Thone”; ef. Ant. xiii. 397 note τε. He @ Cf. Ant. xiii. 397 note v. Sica is ¢ The following three names are restored by Niese. On Oronain cf. Ant. xiii. 397 note s. 7 According to Abel, GP ii. 148, this is Gabalos, mod. el- Jebalin, c. 6 miles E. of Zoara; cf. also Ant. ii. 6 note o. 9 'The mss. have ‘‘ Sarydda,” “‘ Rydda,” “* Marisa.’ Abel locates Arydda near mod. Nagb el-‘ Arad in the Negeb. » Variant ‘‘ Lus(s)a.”’ Elusa, mod. Ahalasa, was an im- portant city of the Negeb in Roman and Byzantine times. { Variant ‘‘ Oryba.” Abel, GP ii. 148, suggests mod. *Abda, c. 20 miles S.E. of Elusa. 7 BJ. i. 126, “ fifty thousand, both horsemen and _foot- soldiers.” * Variant ‘“‘ [dumaeans.”’ 4 Variant ‘‘ Pascha,” cf. Ant. ix. 263 note a. This Pass- over must have fallen in April 65 5.6... see below, § 25. ™ For the rabbinic parallel to the following story of Onias see Derenbourg, pp. 112-113. 459 JOSEPHUS θεοφιλής, ὃ ὃς ἀνομβρίας ποτὲ οὔσης ηὔξατο τῷ θεῷ λῦσαι τὸν αὐχμὸν καὶ γενόμενος ἐπήκοος ὁ θεὸς ὗσεν, “ἔκρυψεν ἑαυτὸν διὰ τὸ τὴν στάσιν ὁρᾶν ἰσχυρὰν ἐπιμένουσαν, ἀναχθέντα δ᾽ εἰς τὸ στρα- τόπεδον τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἠξίουν ὡς ἔπαυσε τὴν ἀνομβρίαν εὐξάμενος, ἵν᾽ οὕτως ἀρὰς θῇ κατὰ ᾿Αριστοβούλου καὶ τῶν συστασιαστῶν' αὐτοῦ. 28 ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀντιλέγων. καὶ παραιτούμενος ἐβιάσθη ὑπὸ 24 τοῦ πλήθους, στὰς μέσος αὐτῶν εἶπεν: “᾿ὦ θεὲ βασιλεῦ τῶν ὅλων, ἐπεὶ οἱ μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ νῦν ἑστῶτες σὸς δῆμός ἐστι καὶ οἱ πολιορκούμενοι δὲ ἱερεῖς ί, δέομαι μήτε κατὰ τούτων ἐκείνοις ἐπακοῦσαι μήτε κατ᾽ ἐκείνων ἃ οὗτοι παρακαλοῦσιν εἰς τέλος ἀγαγεῖν. καὶ τὸν μὲν ταῦτα εὐξάμενον περι- στάντες OL πονηροὶ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων κατέλευσαν. 25 () ὋὉ δὲ θεὸς ταύτης αὐτοὺς παραχρῆμα ἐτι- μωρήσατο τῆς ὠμότητος, καὶ δίκην εἰσεπράξατο τοῦ ᾽Ονώου φόνου τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ: πολιορκου- μένων τῶν ἱερέων καὶ τοῦ ᾿Αριστοβούλου συνέβη τὴν ἑορτὴν ἐπιστῆναι τὴν καλουμένην φάσκα, καθ᾽ 26 ἣν ἔθος ἐστὶν ἡμῖν πολλὰ θύειν τῷ θεῷ. ἀπορ- οῦντες δὲ θυμάτων οἱ περὶ τὸν ᾿Αριστόβουλον ἠξίωσαν αὐτοῖς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους παρασχεῖν, χρή- ματα λαβόντας ἀντὶ τῶν θυμάτων ὅσα θέλουσιν. τῶν δέ, εἰ βούλονται λαβεῖν, χιλίας δραχμὰς ὑπὲρ ἑκάστης κεφαλῆς καταβαλεῖν κελευόντων, προ- θύμως ὅ τε ᾿Αριστόβουλος καὶ οἱ ἱερεῖς ὑπέστησαν, καὶ διὰ τῶν τειχῶν καθιμήσαντες ἔδωκαν αὐτοῖς 9] τὰ χρήματα. κἀκεῖνοι λαβόντες οὐκ ἀπέδωκαν τὰ 1 στρατιωτῶν LAMW. 4 This second mention of Passover (cf. § 21) and the two 460 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 22-2 had once in a rainless period prayed to God to end the drought, and God had heard his prayer and sent rain; this man hid himself when he saw that the civil war continued to rage, but he was taken to the camp of the Jews and was asked to place a curse on Aristobulus and his fellow-rebels, just as he had, by his prayers, put an end to the rainless period. But when in spite of his refusals and excuses he was forced to speak by the mob, he stood up in their midst and said, “Ὁ God, king of the universe, since these men standing beside me are Thy people, and those who are besieged are Thy priests, I beseech Thee not to hearken to them against these men nor to bring to pass what these men ask Thee to do to those others.”” And when he had prayed in this manner the villains among the Jews who stood round him stoned him to death. (2) But God straightway punished them for this God savagery, and exacted satisfaction for the murder of punishes Onias in the following manner. While the priests and Aristobulus were being besieged, there happened to come round the festival called Phaska, at which it is our custom to offer numerous sacrifices to God. But as Aristobulus and those with him lacked victims, they asked their countrymen to furnish them with these, and take as much money for the victims as they wished. And when these others demanded that they pay a thousand drachmas for each animal they wished to get, Aristobulus and the priests willingly accepted this price and gave them the money, w hich they let down from the walls by a rope. Their different reasons given, in §§ 25 and 28, for the divine visita- tion show that Josephus has been careless in combining his sources. 461 the Jews for killing Onias. JOSEPHUS , > Wee, a , = σ΄ θύματα, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τοῦτο πονηρίας ἦλθον ὥστε παρα- βῆναι τὰς πίστεις καὶ ἀσεβῆσαι εἰς τὸν θεόν, τὰ πρὸς τὴν θυσίαν μὴ παρασχόντες τοῖς δεομένοις. 28 παρασπονδηθέντες δὲ οἱ ἱερεῖς ηὔξαντο τῷ θεῷ δίκην αὐτῶν εἰσπράξασθαι παρὰ τῶν ὁμοφύλων, ὁ \ +) > / \ / > \ “- 4 δὲ οὐκ ἀνεβάλετο τὴν τιμωρίαν, ἀλλὰ πνεῦμα πολὺ καὶ βίαιον ἐπιπέμψας τὸν καρπὸν ἁπάσης τῆς χώρας διέφθειρεν, ὡς τὸν μόδιον τοῦ σίτου τότε αὐτοὺς" ἐξωνεῖσθαι δραχμῶν ἕνδεκα. 929 (8) Ἔν τούτῳ πέμπει Kal? Σκαῦρον εἰς Συρίαν Πομπήιος, αὐτὸς ὧν ἐν ᾿Αρμενίᾳ καὶ πολεμῶν ἔτι ’, « \ > / 3 \ / Τιγράνῃ. ὁ δὲ ἀφικόμενος εἰς Δαμασκὸν Λόλλιον δ κα \ Ν / \ \ / ε / prev? καὶ Μέτελλον νεωστὶ τὴν πόλιν ἡρηκότας 80 εὑρὼν αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἠπείγετο. παρα- γενομένου δὲ πρέσβεις ἧκον πρὸς αὐτὸν παρά τε > , we A Aigl. 43 , Αριστοβούλου καὶ ‘Ypxavod, συμμαχεῖν' ἀξιούν- των ἑκατέροις. ὑπισχνουμένου δὲ ᾿Αριστοβούλου μὲν τετρακόσια δώσειν τάλαντα, τοῦ δὲ “YpKavod τούτων οὐκ ἐλάττονα παρέξειν, προσδέχεται τὴν 31 ᾿Αριστοβούλου ὑπόσχεσιν: καὶ γὰρ εὔπορος χρη- μάτων καὶ μεγαλόψυχος ἦν καὶ μετριωτέρων ἠξίου τυγχάνειν, ὁ δὲ καὶ πένης ἦν καὶ γλίσχρος καὶ περὶ 1 A: αὐτοῖς rell. E. 2 καὶ om. P. 5 μὲν om. P. 4 συμμαχίαν P: εἰ βούλοιτο συμμαχεῖν FLAMW. α In the rabbinic story the besiegers send up a pig for sacrifice. > Graetz, ap. Derenbourg, p. 114 n. 3, in this connexion cites a passage from Dio Cassius, xxxvil. 11, concerning an earthquake in Asia in 64 B.c. © The modius=c. } bushel. On the price of wheat in this period see Ant. xii. 140 note a and, further, F. Heichelheim, 462 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 27-31 countrymen, however, after receiving the money did not deliver the victims, but went to such lengths of villainy that they violated their pledges and acted impiously toward God by not furnishing the sacri- ficial victims to those who were in need of them.* But the priests, on suffering this breach of faith, prayed to God to exact satisfaction on their behalf from their countrymen ; and He did not delay their punishment, but sent a mighty and violent wind to destroy the crops of the entire country, so that people at that time had to pay eleven drachmas for a modius of wheat.° (3) ¢Meanwhile Pompey sent Scaurus also’ to Syria, as he himself was in Armenia, still making war on Tigranes.f And when Scaurus came to Damascus, he found that Lollius and Metellus had just taken the city, and so he hurried on to Judaea. On his arrival envoys came to him from both Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, each of whom asked him to come to his aid. Aristobulus offered to give him four hundred 9 talents ; and though Hyrcanus promised him no less a sum, he accepted the offer of Aristobulus, for he was both wealthy and generous and asked for more moderate terms, whereas Hyrcanus was poor and “ Syria,” in T. Frank, An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, vol. iv. 1938. 4 §§ 29-34 have partial parallels in B.J. i. 127-131. ¢ i.e. in addition to Gabinius. One ms. omits “ also.” ‘ Tigranes surrendered to Pompey in the autumn of 66 8.c. Scaurus was sent to Damascus the following spring. M. Cary in CA ix. 381 n. 1 states that “ The chronology of the Roman occupation of Syria as given in Josephus’ Jewish Antiquities (§§ 34-36 as against 29-33) is sadly con- fused.”’ He does not make clear, however, wherein the confusion lies. 9 300, according to B.J. i. 128. 463 The Roman general Scaurus favours Aristobulus and forces Aretas to raise the siege of the temple. 33 34 JOSEPHUS μειζόνων τὴν ἄπιστον προύτεινεν ἐπαγγελίαν. οὐ γὰρ ἴσον ἦν βίᾳ πόλιν ἑλεῖν ἐν ταῖς μάλιστα ὀχυρὰν καὶ δυνατήν, ἢ φυγάδας ἐκβαλεῖν μετὰ τοῦ Ναβα- ταίων πλήθους οὐκ εὖ πρὸς πόλεμον διακειμένων. τούτῳ τοίνυν προσθέμενος διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας, λαβὼν τὰ χρήματα λύει τὴν πολιορκίαν, κελεύσας ἀναχωρεῖν τὸν ᾿Αρέταν 1 ἢ πολέμιον αὐτὸν ἀποδειχθήσεσθαι Ρωμαίων. καὶ Σκαῦρος μὲν εἰς Δαμασκὸν πάλιν ἀνεχώρησεν, ᾿Αριστόβουλος δὲ μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως ἐπί τε ᾿Αρέταν καὶ Ὑρ- κανὸν ἐστράτευσε, καὶ συμβαλὼν αὐτοῖς περὶ" τὸν καλούμενον Ilarup@va* νικᾷ τῇ μάχῃ καὶ κτείνει περὶ ἑξακισχιλίους τῶν πολεμίων, μεθ᾽ ὧν ἔπεσε καὶ Φαλλίων" ὁ ᾿᾿Αντιπάτρου ἀδελφός. (iii. 1) Mev ov πολὺ δὲ Πομπηίου εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἀφικομένου καὶ κοίλην Ne” ἐπιόντος ἧκον παρ᾽ αὐτὸν πρέσβεις ἐξ ὅλης Σ Συρίας καὶ Αἰγύπτου καὶ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας- ἔπεμψε γὰρ αὐτῷ μέγα δῶρον ᾿Αριστόβουλος, ἄμπελον χρυσῆν ἐκ πεντακοσίων ταλάντων. μέμνηται δὲ τοῦ δώρου καὶ Στράβων ὁ Καππάδοξ, λέγων οὕτως: “ἦλθε δὲ καὶ ἐξ Αἰγύπτου πρεσβεία καὶ στέφανος ἀπὸ χρυσῶν τετρακισχιλίων καὶ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας εἴτε ἄμπελος 1 PE: ἐπὶ rell. * Capiron Lat. =m καὶ Θαλλίων] Κεφαλλίων LA*: Κεφαλίων A1'WE: Cephalon at. 2 B.J. i. 128 has “ Three hundred talents offered by Aristobulus outweighed considerations of justice.’’ Laqueur, pp. 143-145, attributes the more favourable attitude toward Aristobulus and the criticism of Hyreanus in Ant. to Josephus’ later anti-Herodian bias. » Schlatter, p. 393 ἢ. 1, conjectures that this place, other- wise unknown, was somewhere near Jericho. 464 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 31-35 niggardly and held out untrustworthy promises for greater concessions.*_ Nor was it as easy to take by force a city which was among the most strongly forti- fied and powerful, as to drive out some fugitives together with the host of Nabataeans, who were not well fitted for warfare. And so he took Aristobulus’ side for the reasons mentioned above, and accepting the money, put an end to the siege by commanding Aretas to withdraw or else be declared an enemy of the Romans. Then Scaurus again withdrew to Damascus, while Aristobulus with a large force marched against Aretas and Hyrcanus, and on en- gaging them at a place called Papyron,’ defeated them in battle and killed some six thousand of the enemy, among the fallen being Phallion,’ the brother of Antipater. (iii. 1) When Pompey not long afterward came to Damascus and was advancing into Coele-Syria,? there came to him envoys from all of Syria and Egypt and Judaea. Aristobulus, for example, sent him a fine gift, which was a golden vine worth five hundred talents. This gift is also mentioned by Strabo of Cappadocia in the following words. “ There also came from Egypt an embassy and a crown worth four thousand pieces of gold, and from Judaea © Variant ‘‘ Cephalion.” He is not mentioned elsewhere, except in B.J., which has “ Phallion.” 4 Note that 88 34-36 refer to the spring of 63 B.c., while §§ 37 ff. (also from Strabo) go back to the autumn of 64 B.c. Josephus has again been careless in combining his new source, Strabo, with his earlier source in B.J/., namely Nicolas of Damascus. Pompey’s relations with the Jewish factions are also described in Diodorus xl. 2. Cf. further Laqueur, pp. 145-148, who conjectures that the common source of Strabo and Diodorus was Theophanes of Mytilene, the friend and biographer of Pompey. 465 Pompey at Damascus receives gifts from the Jews. 36 37 38 JOSEPHUS εἴτε κῆπος" τερπωλὴν ὠνόμαζον τὸ δημιούργημα. τοῦτο μέντοι τὸ δῶρον ἱστορήκαμεν καὶ ἡμεῖς ἀνακείμενον ἐν «Ῥώμῃ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ K / > a! ” > / 1 ~ απετωλίου, ἐπιγραφὴν ἔχον ᾿Αλεξάνδρου; τοῦ ~ > / / > ΄ \ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων βασιλέως. ἐτιμήθη δὲ εἶναι πεντα- κοσίων ταλάντων. ᾿Αριστόβουλον μὲν οὖν τοῦτο λέγεται πέμψαι τὸν ᾿Ιουδαίων δυνάστην. (2) Μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ δὲ ἧκον πάλιν πρέσβεις πρὸς > δ 4.9 , \ ig \ ἢ ~ / 3 αὐτὸν" ᾿Αντίπατρος μὲν ὑπὲρ “Ypxavod, Νικόδημος \ «ς \ > / Δ \ " / ~ δὲ ὑπὲρ ᾿Αριστοβούλου, ὃς δὴ Kal κατηγόρει TOV λαβόντων χρήματα TaBwiov μὲν πρότερον UKavpov δὲ ὕστερον, τοῦ μὲν τριακόσια τοῦ δὲ τετρακόσια A " τάλαντα, πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ τούτους ἐχθροὺς αὑτῷ κατασκευάζων. κελεύσας δὲ ἥκειν τοὺς διαμφισβητοῦντας, ἐνισταμένου τοῦ ἔαρος ἀναλα- βὼν τὴν δύναμιν ἐκ τῶν χειμαδίων ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ 1 ᾿Αριστοβούλου Τ᾿: Aristoboli filii Alexandri Lat. 2 πρὸς τὸν Tloumniov L: πρὸς αὐτὸν Πομπήϊον AM. 3. Nicomedes Lat. 4 δεύτερον LAMW. 5 ad Damascum venire Lat. * From the description of the object as a vine or garden it may be conjectured that its Heb. name was ‘éden= “ delight.” δ Does the citation from Strabo end with the preceding sentence, as Naber assumes, or continue to the words “ five hundred talents,’’ as Niese assumes, or further, to the words “ruler of the Jews,’ as Reinach and, apparently, Schiirer assume ? On this depends the answer to the problem who is meant by “‘ we ourselves.” Schiirer, i. 295 n. 12, points out that if Josephus were here writing in the first person he would have mentioned the burning of the temple of Jupiter in a.p. 69. Reinach, moreover, argues that the phrase τὸν ᾿Ιουδαίων δυνάστην, ‘ruler of the Jews,” is not in the style of either Josephus or Nicolas. Though this is not 4.66 es JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 35-38 either a vine or garden; terpolé (delight)? is what they called this work of art. Moreover we our- selves ὃ have examined this gift, which has been set up in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus at Rome, and has an inscription reading, ‘ From Alexander,’ the king of the Jews.’ It was valued at five hundred talents. And it is said to have been sent by Aristobulus, the ruler of the Jews.” (2) And not long afterward? envoys again came to him, Antipater on behalf of Hyrcanus, and Nico- demus® on behalf of Aristobulus; the latter, in- deed, also accused Gabinius’ and Scaurus of taking money from him, Gabinius first getting three hundred talents, and Scaurus later tour hundred talents ; and so Aristobulus made these men his enemies in ad- dition to the others he had. Pompey thereupon told the disputants to come to him,’ and at the beginning of spring, took his force from their winter quarters, and set out for the region of Damascus. certain, so far as Nicolas is concerned, it must be admitted that it is more in the style of Strabo. For these reasons I also have assumed that ‘‘ we ourselves ἢ means Strabo. © The Epitome has “ Aristobulus,” Lat. has “* Aristobulus, son of Alexander’; these are probably scribal corrections. It is quite possible that Aristobulus presented a gift with the name of his father Alexander (Jannaeus) inscribed on it, the gift having originally been meant for presentation by Alexander. One may also render the Gr. here, “ἡ having an inscription of Alexander, the king of the Jews,” i.e. Alexander’s name may not have appeared as that of the donor. See Reinach, Tevtes, p. 93 n. 3. 1 In the autumn of 64 B.c. (see ὃ 34 note d), when Pompey was at Aspis (exact location unknown) in Syria, according to Dio Cassius xxxvii. 7. ¢ Lat. “ Nicomedes.”’ " Gabinius has not been mentioned before; cf. § 29 note δ. 5 Lat. “ to come to Damascus.” 467 Pompey, after cam- paigning in Syria, hears the charges of the Jews against Hyrcanus and Aristo- bulus. JOSEPHUS ~ ~ > \ τῆς Δαμασκηνῆς. καὶ THY τε ἄκραν ἐν παρόδῳ τὴν > DA f, / ψ' Δ « K C ‘ ? / ev ᾿Απαμείᾳ κατέσκαψεν, ἣν ὁ Κυζικηνὸς ἐτείχισεν 89 ᾿Αντίοχος, καὶ τὴν []τολεμαίου τοῦ Μενναίου χώραν κατεπόνησεν, ἀνδρὸς πονηροῦ καὶ οὐδὲν ἐλάττονος" Διονυσίου τοῦ Τριπολίτου τοῦ πελε- κισθέντος, ὅσπερ καὶ κηδεύων ἐτύγχανεν αὐτῷ, χιλίοις μέντοι ταλάντοις ἐξωνησαμένου τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων τιμωρίαν, οἷς [Πομπήιος τοὺς / = / > cal \ \ / 40 στρατιώτας ἐμισθοδότησεν. ἐξεῖλε δὲ καὶ Λυσιάδα / e ΄΄ = SUA « ok ὃ - ὃ χωρίον, οὗ τύραννος ἦν Σίλας 6 ᾿Ιουδαῖος. δι- ελθὼν δὲ τὰς πόλεις τήν τε ᾿Ἡλιούπολιν καὶ τὴν YS / \ \ “- wv « \ \ / Χαλκίδα καὶ τὸ διεῖργον ὄρος ὑπερβαλὼν τὴν κοίλην προσαγορευομένην Συρίαν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀλλης" εἰς 41 Δαμασκὸν ἧκεν. ἔνθα δὴ καὶ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων δι- ἤκουσε καὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων αὐτῶν, ot πρός τε ἀλλήλους διεφέροντο ὅ τε “ἵρκανὸς καὶ ᾿Αριστό- βουλος, καὶ τὸ ἔθνος πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους, τὸ μὲν οὐκ ἀξιοῦν βασιλεύεσθαι: πάτριον γὰρ εἶναι τοῖς ἱερεῦσι τοῦ τιμωμένου παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς θεοῦ πειθαρχεῖν, ὄντας δὲ τούτους ἀπογόνους τῶν ἱερέων εἰς ἄλλην μετ- ἄγειν ἀρχὴν τὸ ἔθνος ζητῆσαι, ὅπως καὶ δοῦλον 42 γένοιτο. “ἵρκανὸς δὲ κατηγόρει ὅτι πρεσβύτερος 1 Dindorf: κατενόησεν codd. E. 2 ἔλαττον Niese cum EF. 3 Τ]έλλης FLAMYV: Πέλλεις W. 4 καὶ τὸ. .. ἧκεν] in medio positum montem ascendit et ad inferiorem Syriam Damascumque pervenit Lat. « Text slightly emended. > Cf. Ant. xiii. 392, 418. ° Possibly to be identified with the Bacchius Judaeus men- 408 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 38—42 And on the way he demolished the citadel at Apamea, which Antiochus Cyzicenus had built, and he also devastated® the territory of Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus,” a worthless fellow, no less than was Dionysius ° of Tripolis, a relative of his by mar- riage, who was beheaded; but Ptolemy escaped punishment for his sins by paying a thousand talents, with which Pompey paid the wages of his soldiers. He also destroyed the fortress of Lysias,? of which the Jew Silas was lord. And passing the cities of Heliopolis and Chalcis, he crossed the mountain that divides the region called Coele-Syria from the rest of Syria,? and came to Damascus. Here he heard the case of the Jews and their leaders, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were quarrelling with one an- other, while the nation was against them both and asked not to be ruled by a king, saying that it was the custom of their country to obey the priests of the God who was venerated by them, but that these two, who were descended from the priests, were seeking to change their form of government in order that they might become a nation of slaves. As for Hyreanus, he charged that though he was the elder tioned on a coin of A. Plautius, aedile in 54 B.c., as suggested by Reinach, ap. Schiirer i. 295 n. 14. 4 Exact site unknown, but somewhere in the Lebanon region. ¢ The variant “ Pella’’ is excluded by the context. Pompey marched from N. to S.—Apamea to Heliopolis to Chalcis to Damascus. The distinction between Coele- Syria = Palestine and Transjordan and the rest of Syria = Northern Syria is also made in § 79 (if we accept Niese’s reading) and Philo, Leg. ad Gaiuwm 36, as earlier com- mentators have pointed out. The mountain referred to is Anti-Lebanon. For Talmudic reference to this mountainous country see Derenbourg, p. 100 ἡ. 469 Hyrcanus and Aristobulus accuse each other before Pompey. JOSEPHUS ὧν ἀφαιρεθείη τὸ πρεσβεῖον ὑπὸ ᾿Αριστοβούλου, καὶ μικρὸν ἔχοι μέρος τῆς χώρας ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ, τὴν δὲ 43 ἄλλην βίᾳ λαβὼν ᾿Αριστόβουλος" τάς τε κατα- δρομὰς τὰς ἐπὶ τοὺς ὁμόρους καὶ τὰ πειρατήρια τὰ ἐν τῇ θαλάττῃ τοῦτον εἶναι τὸν συστήσαντα διέβαλεν, οὐκ ἂν οὐδ᾽ ἀποστῆναι λέγων τὸ ἔθνος αὐτοῦ, εἰ μὴ βίαιός Te’ καὶ ταραχώδης ὑπῆρχεν. συνηγόρουν δὲ αὐτῷ ταῦτα λέγοντι πλείους ἢ χίλιοι τῶν δοκιμωτάτων. ᾿Ιουδαίων ᾿Αντιπάτρου παρα- σκευάσαντος. ὁ δὲ τοῦ μὲν ἐκπεσεῖν αὐτὸν τῆς ἀρχῆς τὴν ἐκείνου φύσιν ἠτιᾶτο, ἄπρακτον οὖσαν καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ εὐκαταφρόνητον, αὐτὸν δὲ ἔλεγε φόβῳ᾽ τοῦ μὴ πρὸς ἄλλους μεταστῆναι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐξ ἀνάγκης αὐτὴν ὑπελθεῖν, προσαγορεύεσθαι. δὲ αὐτὸν τοῦτο ὅπερ καὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρον τὸν πατέρα. 45 καὶ δὴ μάρτυρας τούτων ἐκάλει τοὺς νέους καὶ / ec > / \ ," σοβαρωτέρους, ὧν ἐβδελύττοντο τὰς πορφυρίδας καὶ τὰς κόμας καὶ τὰ φάλαρα καὶ τὸν ἄλλον / “A -“ > / « / > > ¢ > κόσμον, ὃν ὥσπερ οὐ δίκην ὑφέξοντες, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς εἰς πομπὴν προϊόντες περιέκειντο ὃ (3) Πομπήιος δὲ τούτων ἀκούσας καὶ καταγνοὺς >A / / / \ ¥ \ > / ριστοβούλου βίαν, τότε μὲν αὐτοὺς ἀπέπεμψε \ / > \ > > a / > ~ διαλεχθεὶς mpaws, ἐλθὼν δ᾽ εἰς τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν ” / Ὁ“ 4 > \ \ ~ ἔλεγε διατάξειν ἕκαστα, ἐπειδὰν ta τῶν Ναβα- ταίων πρῶτον ἴδῃ. τέως δὲ ἐκέλευσεν ἡσυχίαν ΕΣ ἸῈΣ 2 non tantum pro regni ambitione quantum metu Lat. 3 ὑπέκειντο FLVW. ᾿ 4 + καλῶς LAMW. 4 46 ς * Probably in Idumaea, where Antipater was strongest. δ We do not know what part Aristobulus played in the pirate raids which were a great menace in the early part of 470 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 42-46 brother, he had been deprived of his rights as first- born by Aristobulus, and that he had but a small part of the country under his rule,* while Aristobulus had the rest, which he had taken by force. He also denounced him as the one who had instigated the raids against neighbouring peoples and the acts of piracy at sea,? and added that the nation would not have rebelled against him if he had not been a man given to violence and disorder. In making these accusations he was supported by more than a thou- sand of the most reputable Jews, whom Antipater had provided for that purpose. Aristobulus, on the other hand, blamed Hyrcanus’ fall from power on his own character, which was ineffectual and therefore invited contempt; as for himself, he said that he had of necessity taken over the royal power for fear® that it might pass into the hands of others, and that his title was exactly the same as that of his father Alexander. He then called, as witnesses to these statements, some young swaggerers, who offensively displayed their purple robes, long hair, metal ornaments and other finery, which they wore as if they were marching in a festive procession instead of pleading their cause.4 (8) When Pompey had heard these claims, he con- demned Aristobulus for his violence, but for the moment dismissed the claimants with a courteous speech, saying that he would settle all these matters ¢ when he came to their country, after he had first seen how things were with the Nabataeans. Until the Ist century B.c., especially off the coast of Cilicia, and which Pompey was appointed to suppress in 67 B.c. © Lat. “ποῖ so much out of desire to reign as for fear.” 4 Cf. the description of Herod’s appearance on a similar oceasion in § 173. ¢ The variant adds “ satisfactorily.” 471 Pompey defers his decision. Aristobulus prepares to resist. JOSEPHUS »Μ / “ ‘ > / \ \ ἄγειν, θεραπεύων ἅμα tov ᾿Αριστόβουλον, μὴ τὴν χώραν ἀποστήσῃ καὶ διακλεισθῆ, τῶν παρόδων. 41 ἔτυχε μέντοι τοῦτο ἐξ ᾿Αριστοβούλου γενόμενον" οὐ γὰρ ἀναμείνας οὐδὲν ὧν διελέχθη πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Πομπήιος, εἰς Δῖον" πόλιν ἦλθε, κἀκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἀπῆρεν. 48 (4) ᾿Οργίζεται δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις Πομπήιος, καὶ τὴν Der \ / > A A 4 Μ ἐπὶ τοὺς Ναβαταίους ἀναλαβὼν στρατιὰν ἔκ τε Δαμασκοῦ καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Συρίας ἐπικουρίαν, σὺν τοῖς ὑπάρχουσιν αὐτῷ Ῥωμαίων τάγμασιν ἐ- / > \ \ > / « \ 49 στράτευσεν ἐπὶ TOV Ἀριστόβουλον. ὡς δὲ παρ- αμειψάμενος Πέλλαν καὶ Σκυθόπολιν εἰς Κορέας ἧκεν, ἥτις ἐστὶν ἀρχὴ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας διεξιόντι τὴν μεσόγειον, ἐνταῦθα εἴς τι περικαλλὲς ἔρυμα ἐπ᾽ » ἐν ¢ , > , 4? ἄκρου τοῦ ὄρους ἱδρυμένον ᾿Αλεξάνδρειον' ᾿Αριστο- βούλου" συμπεφευγότος, πέμψας ἐκέλευσεν ἥκειν 50 πρὸς αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ παραινούντων πολλῶν μὴ πο- λεμεῖν “Ρωμαίοις κάτεισι, καὶ δικαιολογησάμενος \ \ > \ \ ~ > ~ / > A πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς, πάλιν εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἀναβαίνει ᾿Ϊομπηίου συγχωρήσαντος. 51 καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐποίησε δὶς καὶ τρίς, ἅμα μὲν κολακεύων 1 Niese: διακλεισθείη codd. EK. ex B.J. Spanheim: Δεῖλον P: Δήλιον rell. στρατείαν Lat. 4 VE: ᾽᾿Αλεξάνδριον rell. εἰς 6 (6 om. ΝΥ) ᾿Αριστοβούλου FLAMVW Lat. vid.: εἴσω ᾿Ἀριστοβούλου Gutschmid. on ὦ ι « Conjectured from B.J. (Διοσπόλεως) for ms. Deilum or Delium. On the site of Dium ef. Ant. xiii. 393 note ec. Some scholars take B.J. i. 132 to mean that Pompey led Aristo- bulus from Damascus to Dium before the latter set out for Judaea. But this is a doubtful interpretation. 472 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 46-51 then he told them to keep the peace ; at the same time he treated Aristobulus with deference for fear that he might incite the country to rebellion and block his passage through it. This, however, was, as it happened, the very thing which Aristobulus did, for without waiting for any of the things to be done of which Pompey had spoken to him, he came to the city of Dium,? and from there set out for Judaea. (4) °But Pompey, who was angered by this action, took the army that he had prepared against the Nabataeans, and the auxiliaries from Damascus and the rest of Syria, as well as the Roman legions already at his disposal, and marched against Aristobulus. After passing through Pella and Seythopolis, he came to Coreae,° which is the beginning of Judaea as one goes through the interior, and from there sent to Aristobulus, who had taken refuge in Alexandreion,? a very beautiful® stronghold situated on the top of a mountain, and commanded him to come to him. Thereupon Aristobulus, whom many of his men urged not to make war on the Romans,‘ came down and after arguing with his brother about his right to the throne, again went up to the citadel with Pompey’s consent ; and this he did two or three times, for on » On the parallelism between §§ 48-56 and B.J. i. 133-140 see Laqueur, pp. 158-161. © Mod. Tell Mazar near Qarawd, c. 3 miles N.W. of the confluence of the Jabbok and Jordan rivers, and the same distance N.E. of Alexandreion; cf. Abel, GP ii. 301 and Moulton in BASOR 62 (April 1936), 14. 4 Mod. Qarn Sartabeh, cf. Ant. xiii. 417 note c. ¢ BJ.“ lavishly equipped.” 7 B.J. mentions “ the irresistible might of the Romans.” Laqueur thinks that this phrase is omitted in Ant. because Josephus ‘‘ had freed himself from the official Roman Politik.” But cf. § 72 note ὁ (p. 484). VOL. VII Q 473 Pompey orders Aristobulns to yield, and is unwillingly obeyed. JOSEPHUS τὴν' am αὐτοῦ περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐλπίδα Kal πρὸς ἕκαστον ὧν κελεύσειε ᾿]ομπήιος ὑπακούειν ὑπο- κρινόμενος, ἅμα δὲ ἀναχωρῶν εἰς τὸ ἔρυμα" ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ καταλύειν αὑτὸν καὶ πρὸς τὸ πολεμεῖν ἀφορμὴν αὑτῷ" παρασκευαζόμενος, δεδιὼς μὴ τὴν 52 ἀρχὴν" εἰς “Ὑρκανὸν περιστήσῃ. κελεύοντος δὲ Πομπηίου παραδιδόναι τὰ ἐρύματα καὶ τοῖς φρουρ- άρχοις ἐπιστέλλειν τῇ ἑαυτοῦ χειρί (παραδέχεσθαι δὲ ἄλλως ἀπείρητο), πείθεται μέν, δυσανασχετῶν δὲ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς ᾿Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ ἐν παρασκευῇ 53 τοῦ πολεμεῖν ἐγίνετο. καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ ]ομπηίῳ στρατιὰν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἄγοντι καθ᾽ ὁδὸν ἀφικόμενοί τινες ἐκ [Πόντου τὴν Μιθριδάτου τελευτὴν ἐμήνυον τὴν ἐκ Φαρνάκου τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτῷ γενομένην. 54 (iv. 1) Στρατοπεδευσάμενος δὲ περὶ ἹἹεριχοῦντα, οὗ τὸν φοίνικα τρέφεσθαι συμβέβηκε καὶ τὸ ὁπο- βάλσαμον μύρων ἀκρότατον, ὃ τῶν θάμνων τεμνομένων ὀξεῖ λίθῳ ἀναπιδύει ὥσπερ ὁπός, 55 ἕωθεν ἐπὶ ἹἹεροσολύμων ἐχώρει. καὶ μετανοήσας ᾿Αριστόβουλος ἀφικνεῖται πρὸς [ἰομπήιϊιον, καὶ χρήματα διδοὺς καὶ τοῖς “Ἱεροσολύμοις αὐτὸν εἰσδεχόμενος παρεκάλει παύσασθαι τοῦ πολέμου καὶ πράττειν μετ᾽ εἰρήνης ὅ τι βούλεται. συγγνοὺς διὰ τὴν Gutschmid. τὰ ἐρύματα LAMW Lat. A: αὐτὸν rell. 4A: αὐτῷ rell. post ἀρχὴν verba ἑαυτὸν ἀφελόμενος excidisse coni. Richards et Shutt. 8 τὴν ἐκ PE: διὰ rell. α Conjectured variant ‘‘ he flattered him (Pompey) because of the hope.”’ » Variant ‘* strongholds.” © It has been conjectured that the words ‘‘ depose him 47 4 oo ὦ wb μ᾿ JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 51-55 the one hand he cherished the hope @ that he would obtain the kingdom from Pompey, and so feigned obedience to everything he commanded, and on the other hand, he retired to the stronghold ὃ in order not to weaken his force and to prepare for himself sup- plies for making war, as he feared that Pompey might transfer® the royal power to Hyrcanus. Pompey, however, commanded him to deliver up his strong- holds and give the orders therefor to his garrison commanders in his own handwriting—for they had been forbidden to accept orders in any other form,— and so he obeyed, but retired resentfully to Jerusalem and set about preparing for war. And not long after- ward Pompey led his army against him ; and on the way there came to him messengers from Pontus, who informed him of the death of Mithridates at the hands of his son Pharnaces.4 (iv.1) He then encamped near Jericho,’ where they cultivate the palm tree and opobalsamum, that most excellent of ointments, which, when the shrubs are cut with a sharp stone, oozes out like sap, and at dawn set out for Jerusalem.f And Aristobulus, think- ing better of his plan,’ came to Pompey and promis- ing to give him money and admit him into Jerusalem, begged him to stop the war and do as he liked peace- and” have fallen out before “ transfer.”’ Ant. is rather fuller on the subject of Aristobulus’ motives than the parallel in BJ. 4 In the spring of 63 B.c. Appian, Mithr. 111-112, says that Mithridates was killed, at his own request, by one of his bodyguard after his son’s revolt. * According to B.J. i. 138 the news of Mithridates’ death reached Pompey near Jericho. ΤᾺ full description of Jericho and its vegetation is given in BJ. iv. 459-475. 9 He was “‘ terrified,” according to B.J. i. 139. 475 Aristo bulus fails to carry out his agree- ment with Pompey and is placed under arrest. 56 57 58 59 60 JOSEPHUS δὲ « Il ΄ > ~ ὃ ,ὔ / he ’ ‘ € ὁ Πομπήιος αὐτῷ δεομένῳ, πέμπει Γαβίνιον καὶ στρατιώτας ἐπί τε τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὴν πόλιν. οὐ \ > / 0 ΄ὔ 3 > > ~ « / μὴν ἐπράχθη τι τούτων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπανῆλθεν ὁ [Γαβίνιος τῆς τε πόλεως ἀποκλεισθεὶς καὶ τὰ χρήματα μὴ λαβών, τῶν ᾿Αριστοβούλου στρατιωτῶν' οὐκ ἐπι- τρεψάντων τὰ συγκείμενα γενέσθαι. ὀργὴ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοις ΙΪομπήιον λαμβάνει, καὶ τὸν ᾿Αριστό- βουλον ἐν φυλακῇ καταστήσας αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἔρχεται, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα πάντα οὖσαν ὀχυράν, μόνῳ δὲ τῷ βορείῳ μέρει φαύλως ἔχουσαν: περιέρχεται \ \ /, al \ “ > \ yap αὐτὴν φάραγξ εὐρεῖά τε καὶ βαθεῖα, ἐντὸς ἀπολαμβάνουσα τὸ ἱερόν, λιθίνῳ περιβόλῳ καρ- pe pov, υ περιβόλῳ Kap τερῶς πάνυ τετειχισμένον. Ἅν᾿ ΕἾ ~ > 7 » / > (2) Ἢν δὲ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἔνδον στάσις ody ὁμονοούντων περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων, ἀλλὰ τοῖς μὲν > / / / A / ς \ \ ἐδόκει παραδιδόναι Πομπηίῳ τὴν πόλιν, οἱ δὲ τὰ 3 / ~ > / \ Ap.otoBovrAov φρονοῦντες ἀποκλείειν τε καὶ πο- - / ~ > A ” / λεμεῖν παρήνουν τῷ κἀκεῖνον ἔχεσθαι δεδεμένον. φθάσαντες δὲ οὗτοι τὸ ἱερὸν καταλαμβάνουσι, καὶ τὴν τείνουσαν ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ γέφυραν εἰς τὴν πόλιν » ΡῚ > / > δ « δὲ ἔκοψαν, εἰς πολιορκίαν εὐτρεπιζόμενοι. οἱ δὲ ἕτεροι δεξάμενοι τὴν στρατιὰν ἐνεχείρισαν Ἰομ- / 7 / \ \ / / A πηίῳ τήν τε πόλιν Kal τὰ βασίλεια. [Πομπήιος δὲ Πείσωνα τὸν ὑποστράτηγον πέμψας σὺν στρατιᾷ τήν τε πόλιν καὶ τὰ βασίλεια ἐφρούρει, καὶ τὰς οἰκίας τὰς πρὸς τῷ ἱερῷ καὶ ὅσα ἦν ἔξω περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ὠχύρου. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον λόγους συμ- 1 στασιωτῶν Niese. 2 ἔκοψαν om. PE Lat. α Conjectured variant ‘ partisans,’ which would agree more closely with B.J. i. 140. 476 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 55-60 ably. On his making this request Pompey pardoned him and sent Gabinius and some soldiers to get the money and take over the city. None of these promises was carried out, however, and Gabinius returned after being shut out of the city and failing to receive the money ; for Aristobulus’ soldiers * had not permitted the agreement to be carried out. And? Pompey, being seized with anger at this, placed Aristobulus under arrest, and himself went to the city, which was strongly fortified on all sides except on the north, where it was weak. For it is sur- rounded by a broad and deep ravine which takes in the temple, and this is very strongly protected by an encircling wall of stone.° (2) But among the men within the city there was dissension, for they were not of one mind concerning their situation ; to some it seemed best to deliver the city to Pompey, while those who sympathized with Aristobulus urged that they shut Pompey out and make war on him because he held Aristobulus prisoner. It was this party that made the first move and occupied the temple, and cutting the bridge that stretches from it to the city,’ prepared themselves for a siege. But those of the other faction admitted Pompey’s army and handed .over to him the city and the palace. Pompey thereupon sent his legate Piso with an army to guard the city and the palace,? and fortified the houses adjoining the temple and the places round the temple outside. His first step was to > §§ 57-79 have parallels in B,J. i. 141-158; on the parallel- ism see Laqueur, pp. 161-163. © See the fuller description of Jerusalem and its natural divisions in B.J. v. 136-141. 4 The Upper City, on the western hill. * Of the Hasmonaeans, cf. B.J. ii. 344, 477 The partisans of Aristobulus in Jerusalem prepare to resist Pompey. JOSEPHUS βατηρίους τοῖς ἐντὸς προσέφερεν, οὐχ ὑπακουόντων δὲ εἰς ἃ προεκαλεῖτο᾽ τὰ πέριξ ἐτείχιζε" χωρία, πρὸς ἅπαντα “Ypxavot προθύμως ὑπηρετοῦντος. Πομπήιος δὲ ἕωθεν" στρατοπεδεύεται κατὰ τὸ βό- 6] ρειον τοῦ ἱεροῦ μέρος, ὅθεν ἦν ἐπίμαχον. ἀν- εστήκεσαν δὲ καὶ ἐνταῦθα μεγάλοι πύργοι καὶ / > / ‘ , / / τάφρος Te ὀρώρυκτο καὶ βαθείᾳ περιείχετο φά- ραγγι: ἀπερρώγει γὰρ καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν (τῆς ΄ > , 5 Ne , \ γεφύρας ἀνατετραμμένης) ἐφ᾽ οὗ δὴ Πομπήιος Kat τὸ χῶμα ὁσημέραι ταλαιπώρως" ἐγήγερτο, τεμνόν- \ / Ld «ς / \ > \ mes? 62 των τὴν πέριξ ὕλην Ρωμαίων. καὶ ἐπειδὴ TOOT « ~ / / ~ / \ εἶχεν ἱκανῶς, μόλις πλησθείσης τῆς τάφρου διὰ βάθος ἄπειρον, προσβαλὼν μηχανὰς καὶ ὄργανα ἐκ Τύρου κομισθέντα ἐπιστήσας κατήρασσε τὸ ἱερὸν 63 τοῖς πετροβόλοις. εἰ δὲ μὴ πάτριον ἦν ἡμῖν ἀργεῖν \ c / « / ’ μὴ » / \ ~ τὰς ἑβδομάδας ἡμέρας, οὐκ ἂν ἠνύσθη τὸ χῶμα κωλυόντων ἐκείνων: ἄρχοντας μὲν γὰρ μάχης καὶ / > ΄ὔ tA « / Μ / τύπτοντας ἀμύνασθαι δίδωσιν ὃ νόμος, ἄλλο δέ τι δρῶντας τοὺς πολεμίους οὐκ ἐᾷ. 64. (8) Ὃ δὴ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι συνιδόντες, κατ᾽ ἐκείνας τὰς ἡμέρας, ἃς δὴ σάββατα καλοῦμεν, οὔτ᾽ ἔβαλλον E: προσεκαλεῖτο codd. ἐτείχισε FLAMVW. P Lat.: ἔσωθεν rell. Εἰ : ἔξωθεν Dindorf. ἐφ᾽ od δὴ P: ἐφ᾽ od διῆγε rell.: in qua valle Lat. ταλαιπωρούμενος P: ταλαιπωρούμενον FLV: ταλαιπωρου- μένοις E. 2 A Thucydidean phrase (Thue. y. 76. 1). The parallel in B.J. i. 144 has λόγοις συμβῆναι. A variation of the Thucydi- dean phrase is λόγων συμβατικῶν in Ant. xviii. 102. 478 oO ὦ ὦ bw » JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 60-64 offer conciliatory terms ὅ to those within, but as they would not listen to his proposals, he fortified the sur- rounding places with walls, with Hyrcanus willingly assisting him in all ways. And at dawn?’ Pompey pitched his camp on the north® side of the temple, where it was open to attack. But even here stood great towers,’ and a trench had been dug, and the temple was surrounded by a deep ravine ; for there was a steep slope on the side toward the city after the bridge was destroyed, and at this spot Pompey by great labour day by day had caused earthworks to be raised, for which the Romans cut down the timber round about. And when these were high enough, though the trench was filled up with difficulty because of its immense depth, he moved up and set in place the siege engines and instruments of war that had been brought from Tyre, and began to batter the temple with his catapults. But if it were not our national custom to rest on the Sabbath day, the earthworks would not have been finished, because the Jews would have prevented this ; for the Law per- mits us to defend ourselves against those who begin a battle and strike us, but it does not allow us to fight against an enemy that does anything else.® (3) 4 Of this fact the Romans were well aware, and on those days which we call the Sabbath, they did : Variant ‘within’? (the city): conjectured variant ** without.” “ΟἹ. §57. What follows here indicates that Pompey attacked the temple from the west as well as north. 4 The towers are not mentioned in B.J. They were probably those of the Hasmonaean fortress N.W. of the temple (the later Antonia), cf. Ant. xiii. 307 note. ¢ Cf. Ant. xii. 277 (and note) for a different formulation of this principle. 4 §§ 64-68 have only a few verbal parallels in B.J, i. 146-148, 479 Pompey captures Jerusalem. The heroisia of the Jewish priests. 66 67 JOSEPHUS ‘ > , » 5 > a as τᾶς Διε)χῇ τους Ιουδαίους OUT eye. χειρας Ὁ ΟΝ ial “atten χοῦν δὲ καὶ πύργους ἀνίστασαν καὶ τὰ μηχανήματα \ Tpoonyov, ὥστε αὐτοῖς εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἐνεργὰ δ ταῦτα εἶναι. μάθοι δ᾽ av τις ἐντεῦθεν τὴν ὑπερ- βολὴν ἧς ἔχομεν περὶ τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβείας καὶ τὴν φυλακὴν τῶν νόμων, μηδὲν ὑπὸ τῆς πολιορκίας διὰ φόβον. ἐμποδιζομένων πρὸς τὰς ἱερουργίας, ἀλλὰ δὶς τῆς ἡμέρας πρωΐ τε καὶ περὶ ἐνάτην ὥραν ἱερουργούντων ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ, καὶ μηδ᾽ εἴ τι περὶ τὰς προσβολὰς δύσκολον εἴη τὰς θυσίας παριέντων." καὶ γὰρ ἁλούσης τῆς πόλεως περὶ τρίτον μῆνα τῇ τῆς νηστείας ἡμέρᾳ κατὰ τὴν ἐνάτην καὶ ἑβδομη- κοστὴν καὶ ἑκατοστὴν ὀλυμπιάδα ὑπατευόντων Γαΐου ᾿Αντωνίου καὶ Μάρκου Τυλλίου" Κικέρωνος, οἱ πολέμιοι μὲν εἰσπεσόντες ἔσφαττον τοὺς ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ, οἱ δὲ πρὸς ταῖς θυσίαις οὐδὲν ἧττον ἱερουρ- γοῦντες διετέλουν, οὔτε ὑπὸ τοῦ φόβου τοῦ περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς οὔτε ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἤδη φονευο- μένων ἀναγκασθέντες ἀποδρᾶναι, πᾶν δ᾽ ὅ τι δέοι παθεῖν τοῦτο παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὑπομεῖναι τοῖς βωμοῖς κρεῖττον εἶναι νομίζοντες ἢ παρελθεῖν τι τῶν 1 παυόντων P. 2 TvAatov P: Τουλίου FLAMW. ?3p.m. On these daily sacrifices see Ant. iii. 237 note d. > Not the third month of the Jewish year (roughly June) but the third month of the siege, as we are told in BJ. i. 149 ; see next note. © The 179th Olympiad (first year) extended from July 64 to July 63 s.c.; the consulship of Antonius and Cicero was in 63 βιοὺς the combination of the two dates gives us the first half of 63 5.6. for the capture of the city. This date cannot be harmonized with the mention of the Fast Day, if by this Josephus means the Day of Atonement, which falls on the 10th of ‘Tishri (roughly October). A plausible ex- 480 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 64-67 not shoot at the Jews or meet them in hand to hand combat, but instead they raised earthworks and towers, and brought up their siege-engines in order that these might be put to work the following day. And one may get an idea of the extreme piety which we show toward God and of our strict observance of the laws from the fact that during the siege the priests were not hindered from performing any of the sacred ceremonies through fear, but twice a day, in the morning and at the ninth hour,’ they per- formed the sacred ceremonies at the altar, and did not omit any of the sacrifices even when some diffi- culty arose because of the attacks. And indeed when the city was taken, in the third month,’ on the Fast Day, in the hundred and seventy-ninth Olympiad, in the consulship of Gaius Antonius and Marcus Tullius Cicero,’ and the enemy rushed in and were slaughter- ing the Jews in the temple, those who were busied with the sacrifices none the less continued to perform the sacred ceremonies ; nor were they compelled, either by fear for their lives or by the great number of those already slain, to run away, but thought it better to endure whatever they might have to suffer there beside the altars than to neglect any of the planation of the difficulty was given long ago by Herzfeld (cited by Schiirer i. 298 n. 23 and Reinach). Josephus is here supplementing Nicolas’ account from those of Strabo and other historians, who, like many pagan writers, erroneously referred to the Sabbath as a fast day; cf. Strabo xvi. 763, who says Pompey took Jerusalem “ἡ on a fast day, they say, when the Jews refrain from all work,’ and Dio Cassius xxvii. 16, who says that the city was taken δ on the day of Kronos’? (=the Sabbath). The city probably fell about July 63 b.c. if, as Josephus (or Nicolas) says, the siege lasted three months, since Pompey apparently started operations in the spring of 63 B.c. (¢f. § 53 note d). VOL. VII Q2 481 JOSEPHUS ς , “ \ > , A , αἱ δὰ 68 νομίμων. ὅτι δὲ οὐ λόγος ταῦτα μόνον ἐστὶν 09 70 7 =I 1 - / > > > / ἐγκώμιον ψευδοῦς εὐσεβείας ἐμφανίζων, ἀλλ᾽ ἀλή- - >’ / θεια, μαρτυροῦσι πάντες οἱ tas Kata [loumiov LE > {ψ, > 4 \ ΡΣ ip \ πράξεις ἀναγράψαντες, ev ols καὶ Στράβων καὶ Ν 5A \ \ 5 ~ Te Ad ε ~ ικόλαος Kal πρὸς αὐτοῖς Τίτος Λίβιος ὁ τῆς ᾿ “A € “Ῥωμαϊκῆς ἱστορίας συγγραφεύς. (4) ᾿Επεὶ δὲ τοῦ μηχανήματος προσαχθέντος σεισθεὶς ὁ μέγιστος τῶν πύργων κατηνέχθη καὶ παρέρρηξέν τι χωρίον, εἰσεχέοντο μὲν οἱ πολέμιοι, πρῶτος δὲ αὐτῶν Κορνήλιος Φαῦστος Σύλλα παῖς σὺν τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ στρατιώταις ἐπέβη τοῦ τείχους, μετὰ δὲ αὐτὸν Φούριος ἑκατοντάρχης ἅμα τοῖς ἑπομένοις κατὰ θάτερον μέρος, διὰ μέσων δὲ / Φάβιος καὶ αὐτὸς ἑκατοντάρχης σὺν στίφει Kap- τερῷ. φόνου δ᾽ ἦν πάντα ἀνάπλεα. καὶ τῶν 3 zi / ¢ \ ¢€ ,¢ / ¢ ὃ \ « ne > ΡΨ Ιουδαίων οἱ μὲν ὑπὸ Ρωμαίων, οἱ δὲ ὑπ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἀνῃροῦντο, εἰσὶν δ᾽ οἱ καὶ κατὰ κρημνῶν ἑαυτοὺς ἐρρίπτουν καὶ πῦρ ἐνιέντες εἰς τὰς οἰκίας ἐνεπίμ- πραντο, τὰ γινόμενα καρτερεῖν οὐχ ὑπομένοντες. ~ > / δ ἔπεσον δὲ τῶν μὲν ᾿Ιουδαίων εἰς μυρίους" καὶ δισχιλίους, Ρωμαίων δὲ πάνυ ὀλίγοι. ἐλήφθη δὲ > bs \ > tA 0 - “ \ αἰχμάλωτος Kat ᾿Αψάλωμος, θεῖος ἅμα Kal πεν- \ 3 / / \ ? 3 θερὸς ᾿Αριστοβούλου. παρενομήθη δὲ οὐ μικρὰ \ δ \ Μ / a” > ~ \ / περὶ τὸν ναὸν ἄβατόν τε ὄντα ἐν τῷ πρὶν χρόνῳ \ > ~ Kal ἀόρατον: παρῆλθε yap εἰς τὸ ἐντὸς ὁ Πομπήιος καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν οὐκ ολίγοι, καὶ εἶδον ὅσα μὴ 1 ed. pr. Lat.: Φρουρίας P: Φρούριος rell. > δισμυρίους LAMW Lat. « That is, by Jews of the opposite faction, as we are told ἵν 8. blew loOs 482 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 68-72 ordinances. And that this is not merely a story to set forth the praises of a fictitious piety, but the truth, is attested by all those who have narrated the exploits of Pompey, among them Strabo and Nicolas and, in addition, Titus Livius, the author of a History of Rome. (4) Now when the siege-engine was brought up, the Romans the largest of the towers was shaken and fell, making setter a breach through which the enemy poured in ; first fenders of among them was Cornelius Faustus, the son of Sulla, JUSTO: who with his soldiers mounted the wall, and after him the centurion Furius, with those who followed him, on the other side, and between them Fabius, another centurion, with a strong and compact body of men. And there was slaughter everywhere. For some of the Jews were slain by the Romans, and others by their fellows’; and there were some who hurled themselves down the precipices,’ and setting fire to their houses, burned themselves within them, for they could not bear to accept their fate. And so of the Jews there fell some twelve thousand,° but of the Romans only a very few.? One of those taken captive was Absalom, the uncle and at the same time father-in-law of Aristobulus.¢ And not light was the sin committed against the sanctuary,’ which before that time had never been entered or seen. For ἘΠΕ Pompey and not a few of his men went into it and respects the « sanctity of ἱ i y = ᾿ς the temple. » A Thucydidean phrase (Thue. vii. 44. 8), also found in oor the parallel in B.J. © Variant ‘“‘ twenty-two thousand”; B.J. has “ twelve thousand.” 4 B.J. adds that many Romans were wounded. * Cf. Ant. xiii. 323. 7 The Temple building itself, called τὸ ἅγιον in B.J. (cf. Ant. viii. 71), as opposed to its precincts, 483 73 74 JOSEPHUS \ i “ Μ > ΄ μ ,ὔ - θεμιτὸν ἦν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ἢ μόνοις τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν. ὄντων, δὲ τραπέζης τε χρυσῆς" καὶ λυχνίας ἱερᾶς" καὶ σπονδείων" καὶ πλήθους" ἀρω- A = c ~ μάτων, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἐν τοῖς θησαυροῖς ἱερῶν χρημάτων εἰς δύο χιλιάδας ταλάντων, οὐδενὸς a > > / > \ > / ~ ‘ ἥψατο δι᾿ εὐσέβειαν, ἀλλὰ Kav τούτῳ τῆς περὶ ᾽ ‘ > / ” > ~ ~ € / αὐτὸν ἀξίως ἔπραξεν ἀρετῆς. τῇ τε ὑστεραίᾳ καθαίρειν παραγγείλας τὸ ἱερὸν τοῖς ναοπόλοις καὶ τὰ νόμιμα ἐπιφέρειν τῷ θεῷ, τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀπέδωκεν Ὑρκανῷ, διά τε τᾶλλα ὅσα χρήσιμος ὑπῆρξεν αὐτῷ, καὶ ὅτι τοὺς κατὰ τὴν χώραν > / > ἁ / A > / ane tee Ἀριστοβούλῳ συμπολεμεῖν ἐκώλυσε, καὶ τοὺς αἰτίους τοῦ πολέμου τῷ πελέκει διεχρή- \ \ ~ A \ ΝΜ “ ~ σατο. τὸν δὲ Φαῦστον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ὅσοι τῷ τείχει προθύμως ἐπέβησαν τῶν πρεπόντων ἀρι- στείων ἠξίωσεν. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἹἹεροσόλυμα ὑποτελῆ φόρου Ῥωμαίοις ἐποίησεν, ἃς δὲ πρότερον οἱ ἔνοικοι πόλεις ἐχειρώσαντο τῆς κοίλης Συρίας > / « \ ~ 4 ~ ” \ ἀφελόμενος ὑπὸ TH σφετέρῳ στρατηγῷ ἔταξε, καὶ 1 εὑρὼν LAAMW: invenerunt Lat. ο - ’ , ~ , 5, χρυσᾶς τραπέζας LL: τραπέζας χρυσᾶς AM: τραπέζας τε χρυσᾶς W: mensam auream Lat. 3 πέριξ LAMW Lat. 4 σπονδεῖα LW: σπονδία AM. δ᾽ πλῆθος LAMW Lat. 2 So also says Cicero, Pro Flacco 67. However, Dio Cassius, xxvii. 16. 4, says that “all these things were plundered.” Meyer, Ursprung, ii. 312 n. 1, calls the latter statement ‘“‘ unquestionably false.’ There seems to be no allusion to any plundering by Pompey in the apocryphal collection, Psalms of Solomon, which date from about this period. > Pompey’s “ piety ’’ and “ virtuous character’ are not mentioned in B.J. This omission in B.J., not commented 484 ‘ ” JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 72-74 saw what it was unlawful for any but the high priests to see. But though the golden table was there and the sacred lampstand and the libation vessels and a great quantity of spices, and beside these, in the treasury, the sacred moneys amounting to two thousand talents, he touched none of these because of piety, and in this respect also he acted in a manner worthy of his virtuous character.?. And on the morrow he instructed the temple servants to cleanse the temple and to offer the customary sacri- fice to God, and he restored the high priesthood to Hyreanus because in various ways he had been useful to him and particularly because he had prevented the Jews throughout the country from fighting on Aristobulus’ side; and those respon- sible for the war he executed by beheading. He also bestowed on Faustus and the others ae had mounted the wall with alacrity fittmg rewards for their bravery. And he made Jerusalem tributary ° pompsy’s to the Romans, and took from its inhabitants the {foreens cities of Coele-Syria which they had formerly sub- Jewish dued,? and placed them under his own governor é; ΝΣ upon by Laqueur, seems to contradict his theory (cf. 8 50 note 7) that Ant. conforms less to the “ official Roman Politik’ than does B.J. On the other hand it must be admitted that his theory is supported by the fact that Ant. omits, in § 73, the statement in B.J/. i. 153, “‘ by these methods, in which goodwill played a larger part than terrorism, he (Pompey), like the able general he was, conciliated the people.” ὃ ὑποτελῆ φόρου is a Thucydidean phrase (Thue. it (66), not found in the parallel, B.J. i. 154, which has ἐπιτάσσει φόρον. Jerusalem is here mentioned as the political centre of the Jewish state. 4 Cf. the partial list of conquered cities in Ant. xiii. 395. ° The legate of the province of Syria, cf. § 76. 485 "1 for] OU 78 JOSEPHUS τὸ σύμπαν ἔθνος, ἐπὶ μέγα πρότερον αἰρόμενον, ἐντὸς τῶν ἰδίων ὅρων συνέστειλεν. καὶ Γάδαρα μὲν μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν κατασκαφεῖσαν' ἀνέκτισε, Δημητρίῳ χαριζόμενος τῷ Dadapet ἀπελευθέρῳ ἑαυτοῦ: τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς Ἵππον καὶ Σκυθόπολιν καὶ Πέλλαν καὶ Δῖον καὶ Σαμάρειαν ἔτι τε Μάρισαν καὶ "Αζωτον καὶ ᾿Ιάμνειαν καὶ ᾿Αρέθουσαν τοῖς οἰκήτορσιν ἀπέδωκεν. καὶ ταύτας μὲν ἐν τῇ μεσογείῳ χωρὶς τῶν κατεσκαμμένων, Talay δὲ πρὸς τῇ θαλάττῃ καὶ ᾿Ιόππην καὶ Δῶρα καὶ Στράτωνος πύργον (ἣ, κτίσαντος αὐτὴν ᾿Ηρώδου μεγαλοπρεπῶς καὶ λιμέσιν τε καὶ ναοῖς κοσμή- σαντος, Kavodpeva μετωνομάσθη) πάσας ὁ [Πομπήϊος ἀφῆκεν ἐλευθέρας καὶ προσένειμε τῇ ἐπαρχίᾳ. (5) Τούτου τοῦ πάθους τοῖς" “Ἱεροσολύμοις αἴτιοι κατέστησαν “ἵρκκανὸς καὶ ᾿Αριστόβουλος πρὸς ἀλ- λήλους στασιάσαντες" τήν τε γὰρ ἐλευθερίαν ἀπ- εβάλομεν καὶ ὑπήκοοι “Ῥωμαίοις κατέστημεν, καὶ τὴν χώραν ἣν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐκτησάμεθα τοὺς Σύρους ἜΡΟΠΤΟΣ ταύτην ἠναγκάσθημεν ἀποδοῦναι τοῖς Σύροις, καὶ προσέτι πλείω ἢ “μύρια τάλαντα “Ῥωμαῖοι ἐ ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν εἰσεπράξαντο, καὶ ἡ βασιλεία πρότερον" τοῖς κατὰ γένος ἀρχ- 1 καταστραφεῖσαν P: dirutam Lat. 2 τοῖς ev AMW. 3 ἡ πρότερον AMVW. «ΟἿ, Ant. xiii. 356, where its capture, but not its destruc- tion, is mentioned. ® Dium is not mentioned in the parallel in B./. Arethusa, not mentioned previously in Ant., should be a city on the coast, to judge from its position in the list, and is therefore presumably to be distinguished from the Arethusa (mod. Restan) in northern Syria, near Emesa (Homs). 4 To this list of cities we should add several more in the 486 JEWISH ANTIQUITIRS 8 and the entire nation, winci betore had raised itself so high, he confined within its own borders. He also rebuilt Gadara,* which had been demolished a little while before, to please Demetrius the Gadarene, his freedman; and the other cities, Hippus, Seythopolis, Pella, Dium,’ Samaria, as well as Marisa, Azotus, Jamneia and Arethusa,° he re- stored to their own inhabitants.¢ And not only these cities in the interior, in addition to those that had been demolished, but also the coast cities of Gaza, Joppa, Dora and Straton’s Tower—this last city, which Herod refounded magnificently and adorned with harbours and temples, was later re- named Caesarea ’—all these Pompey set free and annexed them to the province. (5) 7 For this misfortune which befell Jerusalem ” Hyreanus and Aristobulus were responsible, because of their dissension. For we lost our freedom and became subject to the Romans, and the territory which we had gained by our arms and taken from the Syrians we were compelled to give back to them, and in addition the Romans exacted of us in a short space of time more than ten thousand talents ; and the royal power which had formerly been bestowed Decapolis, as Schiirer remarks, i. 299 n. 25, the era of which begins with their liberation by Pompey. Josephus here mentions only the most important cities in this region. = Cyn Ant. xv. 551 it ‘ Of Syria, as B.J. i. 157 explicitly says. On the civic status of Judaea and the surrounding territory under Roman rule between 63 and 37 B.c., see works cited in Appendix L. 9 ξξ 77-78 have no parallel in B.J. Laqueur, p. 162, sees in these sections another (indirect) attack of Josephus on the Herodian usurpers. One wonders why Josephus should here disguise a sentiment expressed so clearly elsewhere in Ant., e.g. § 491. * Variant ‘‘ those in Jerusalem.” 487 The Jewish leaders’ responsi- bility for the national misfortune. JOSEPHUS ιερεῦσιν διδομένη, τιμὴ δημοτικῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐγέ- ‘ \ > ~ νετο. καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων κατὰ χώραν ἐροῦμεν. 19 Πομπήιος δὲ τήν τε κοίλην καὶ τὴν ἄλλην" Συρίαν 80 8] ἕως Εὐφράτου ποταμοῦ καὶ Αἰγύπτου Σκαύρῳ \ \ / ἣν « / bY Aen / παραδοὺς Kai δύο τάγματα Ῥωμαίων, ἐπὶ Κιλικίαν ” > / > Ρ / > / δὲ \ WxETO, ἐπειγόμενος εἰς Ρώμην. ἐπήγετο δὲ μετὰ - “-“ ν 39 / / ΄ \ τῆς γενεᾶς καὶ ᾿Αριστόβουλον δεδεμένον: δύο yap ἦσαν αὐτῷ θυγατέρες καὶ τοσοῦτοι υἱεῖς, ὧν εἷς" > , Nie cae eo. , roe) , ᾿Αλέξανδρος μὲν ἀπέδρα, ὁ δὲ νεώτερος" ᾿Αντίγονος υναπεκομίζετο" εἰς Ρώμην ἅμα ταῖς ἀδελῴφαῖ συναπεκομίζετο" εἰς Ρώμην ἅμ ς ΠΩΣ (ν: 1) Σκαύρου δ᾽ ἐπὶ Ilétpav τῆς ᾿Αραβίας στρατεύσαντος καὶ διὰ τὸ δυσεμβολωτάτην" εἶναι τὰ ἐν κύκλῳ δηοῦντος αὐτῆς, καὶ τοῦ στρατεύμα- , 7? , 5»}5 Ve & τος λιμήναντος," ᾿Αντίπατρος Kat’ ἐντολὴν “Y pKavod A > ~ > , \ \ ΝΜ i >? / σῖτον ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας καὶ τὰ ἄλλα, ὅσων ἐνέδει, Ξ 8 ἢ Ἄν 9 , \ παρεῖχεν πεμφθείς te πρὸς ᾿Αρέταν πρεσβευτὴς ΟΡ ΣΤῊ δ᾽ ΄ \ \ ΓΤ, 9 , , ὑπὸ Σκαύρου διὰ τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν" ξενίαν, πείθει \10 51 A > ΄ © ἘΝ A \ 5 x \ καὶ αὐτὸν ἀργύριον ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ δηῃηωθῆναι τὴν ~ \ χώραν δοῦναι, καὶ αὐτὸς" ἐγγυητὴς τριακοσίων τιμὴ Om. AM Lat. τήν τε κοίλην καὶ τὴν ἄλλην Niese: τήν τε κοίλην ἄλλην DP: τὴν κοίλην rell. Lat. 8. εἷς om. P. νεώτατος VPAMW Lat. συνεπεκομίζετο FAMW: συνεπικομίζετο L: συνεκομίζετο V: ἀνεκομίζετο Gutschmid, τῷ σι ὦ ὃ δυσάλωτον P. 7 P: λιμώττοντος rell, 8 παρείχετο LV, ® P: ὑποῦσαν rell, 10 καὶ om, P, 11 αὐτοῖς P, JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 78-81 on those who were high priests by birth became the privilege of commoners. But of this we shall speak in the proper place.t; Now” Pompey gave over to Seaurus Coele-Syria and the rest of Syria® as far as the Euphrates river and Egypt, and two Roman legions, and then went off to Cilicia, making haste to reach Rome.? And with him he took Aristobulus in chains, together with his family ; for he had two daughters and as many sons; but one of them, Alexander, got away, while the younger son, Anti- gonus, was carried off to Rome together with his sisters.@ (v. 1) Scaurus then’ marched against Petra in Arabia, and because it was difficult of access,? ravaged the country round about it, but as_ his army suffered from hunger, Antipater, at the com- mand of Hyrcanus, furnished him with grain from Judaea and whatever other provisions he needed. And when Antipater was sent by Scaurus as an envoy to Aretas because of their friendly relations, he persuaded him to pay a sum of money to save his country from being ravaged, and himself be- Ctl SE FS ae > On the parallelism between §§ 79-126 and B.J. i. 157- 186, see Laqueur, pp. 163-165. © Conjectured by Niese. ms. P omits “and” after ‘‘ Coele- Syria’; the other mss. omit ‘“‘and the rest of Syria.” Niese’s conjecture is supported by B.J. i. 157. 4 Pompey spent the winter of 63-62 B.c. in Asia Minor, and did not reach Rome until the following winter, 62-61 B.c. Here too, as in § 34, Josephus’ chronology is rather confused. “ Antigonus later escaped from Rome with his father, cf. § 96. ‘ The “then” (Gr. δέ) is merely transitional. B.J. has “meanwhile,” which is chronologically smoother, as Scaurus marched on Petra in 62 B.c. ¥ Variant “ difficult to capture.” 489 Pompey carries Aristobulus and his family as captives to Rome. Antipater reconciles Scaurus with Aretas, 82 83 84 JOSEPHUS ταλάντων γίνεται. καὶ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἔλυσε τὸν πόλεμον Σκαῦρος, οὐχ ἧττον αὐτὸς ἢ συνέβαινεν ᾿Αρέταν ἐπιθυμεῖν τοῦτο γενέσθαι βουλόμενος. (2) Χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν κατατρέχοντος τοῦ ᾿Ἀριστοβούλου παιδός, στρα- τηγὸς Γαβίνιος ἐκ ‘Pans εἰς Συρίαν ἧκεν, ὃς ἄλλα τε λόγου ἄξια διεπράξατο καὶ ἐπὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐστράτευσε, μηκέτι “Ypxavot πρὸς τὴν ἐκείνου ῥώμην ἀντέχειν δυναμένου, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνεγείρειν ἤδη καὶ τὸ τῶν “Ἱεροσολύμων τεῖχος ἐπιχειροῦντος, ὅπερ καθεῖλε' Πομπήιος. ἀλλὰ τούτου “μὲν αὐτὸν ἐπ- ἔσχον οἱ ἐνταῦθα Ῥωμαῖοι. περιιὼν δὲ ἐν κύκλῳ τὴν χώραν πολλοὺς ὥπλιζε τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ συνέλεξε ταχὺ μυρίους μὲν ὁπλίτας πεντακοσίους δὲ πρὸς τοῖς χιλίοις ἱππεῖς, , Αλεξάνδρειόν τε ὠχύρου τὸ πρὸς ταῖς Κορέαις ἔρυμα καὶ Μαχαι- ροῦντα πρὸς τοῖς ᾿Αραβίοις ὄρεσιν. ἔρχεται οὖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν Γαβίνιος, Μᾶρκον ᾿Αντώνιον προπέμψας σὺν ἄλλοις ἡγεμόσιν" οἱ δὲ ὁπλίσαντες Ῥωμαίων τοὺς ἑπομένους καὶ σὺν τούτοις τοὺς ὑπηκόους ᾿Ιουδαίους, ὧν [Πειθόλαος ἡγεῖτο καὶ Μάλιχος, προσλαβόντες δὲ καὶ τὸ ᾿Αντιπάτρου ἑταιρικὸν 1 P Lat.: εἷλε rell: @ Of. BJ. i. 159, “and the Arab king was persuaded to pay three hundred talents.”” Laqueur does not comment on this discrepancy, which, incidentally, is difficult to reconcile with his theory about the anti-Herodian changes in Ant. » Gabinius had been consul in 58 B.c. and came to Syria as proconsul in 57 B.c. In B.J. i. 160 Josephus says that he came as successor to Scaurus, overlooking the two inter- vening governors, cf. Dr. Thackeray’s note ad loc. On Gabinius’ extortions from the provincials see Dio Cassius xxxix. 55-56 and Cicero, Pro Sestio 43. 490 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 81-84 came surety for three hundred talents. And on these terms Scaurus ended the war, being no less eager to have this come about than was Aretas. (2) But some time later, while Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, was overrunning Judaea, Gabinius came to Syria from Rome as governor,? and after achieving many other things worthy of note, also marched against Alexander; for Hyrcanus was no longer able to hold out against the strength of Alexander, who was actually attempting to raise again the wall of Jerusalem which Pompey had destroyed. But this he was stopped from doing by the Romans there.© He then went round the country and armed many of the Jews, and soon collected ten thousand heavy-armed soldiers and fifteen hundred horse, and fortified the strongholds of Alexandreion near Coreae and Machaeris? near the mountains of Arabia. Gabinius therefore went out against him, sending ahead Mark Antony with some other officers. These armed the Romans who accompanied them,f and beside them the Jews who were submissive, led by Peitholaus and Malichus, and taking along © Schalit, p. 35, suggests that these Romans were negotiatores or business agents who had come to exploit Judaea’s farms and industries. 4 On these two fortresses see Ant. xiii. 417 notes ¢ and d. Aristobulus had earlier yielded them to Pompey, ef. §§ 50-52. Presumably Alexander now refortified them. * Ant. omits the fortress of Hyrcania, mentioned in B.J. i. 161 (on its location see Ant. xiii. 417 note ὁ). Laqueur, p. 217, explains its omission here by supposing that Josephus was ignorant of its location. This seems doubtful, particularly because of its being mentioned together with the other two fortresses below, in § 89. 7 These Romans (perhaps also negotiatores, cf. above, note c) are not mentioned in B.J. 491 Gabinius becomes governor of Syria and defeats Alexander the son of Aristobulus JOSEPHUS ὑπήντων ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ: ἠκολούθει δὲ καὶ Γαβίνιος 8ῦ σὺν τῇ φάλαγγι. καὶ ἀναχωρεῖ μὲν ἐγγὺς ‘lepo- σολύμων ᾿Αλέξανδρος, συμπεσόντων δὲ ἀλλήλοις ἐκεῖ καὶ μάχης γενομένης κτείνουσι μὲν οἱ ‘Pw- μαῖοι τῶν πολεμίων περὶ τρισχιλίους, ζωγροῦσι δὲ οὐκ ἐλάττους. 806 (8) Ἂν τούτῳ [Γαβίνιος ἐπὶ τὸ ᾿Αλεξάνδρειον ἐλθὼν προυκαλεῖτο τοὺς ἔνδον εἰς διαλύσεις, συγ- γνώσεσθαι περὶ τῶν πρόσθεν αὐτοῖς ἡμαρτημένων ὁμολογῶν. στρατοπεδευομένων δὲ πολλῶν πρὸ τοῦ ἐρύματος πολεμίων, ἐφ᾽ οὗς ἀνήεσαν ot « cal ~ > / > ~ > / Ῥωμαῖοι, Μᾶρκος ᾿Αντώνιος ἐπιφανῶς ἀγωνισά- μενος καὶ πολλοὺς ἀποκτείνας ἔδοξεν ἠριστευκέναι. 81 Γαβίνιος μὲν οὖν μέρος τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐνταυθοῖ καταλιπών, ἕως ἂν ἐκπολιορκηθῇ" τὸ γωρίον, , \ 9 / x AAA al ὃ ,ὔ \ a _ 3 αὐτὸς ἐπήει τὴν ἄλλην ᾿Ιουδαίαν, Kat ὅσαις γε ἐπετύγχανε καθῃρημέναις τῶν πόλεων κτίζειν παρ- ͵ὔ va > ,ὔ / ὌΝ gg εκελεύετο. καὶ ἀνεκτίσθησαν Σαμάρεια καὶ "Alw- τος καὶ Σκυθόπολις καὶ ᾿Ανθηδὼν καὶ ‘Padia καὶ "Αδωρα" Μάρισά τε καὶ Vala καὶ ἄλλαι οὐκ ὀλίγαι. ~ \ > / / ie ἫΝ ,ὔ τῶν δὲ ἀνθρώπων πειθομένων οἷς 6 LTaBinos προσέταττε, βεβαίως οἰκηθῆναι τότε συνέβαινε τὰς πόλεις, πολὺν χρόνον ἐρήμους γενομένας. ~ \ / A A , 89) (4) Tatra δὲ διαπραξάμενος κατὰ τὴν χώραν > / ek Vs V2 / ὃ \ \ λ if ἐπάνεισιν ἐπὶ" τὸ ᾿Αλεξάνδρειον, Kat τὴν πολιορκίαν 1 Niese: ὡς codd. Εἰς: ut Lat. 2 ἐκπολιορκηθείη FLAMW. 3 ye om. P. 4 PP: Δῶρα rell. 5 PE: es rell. α ἑταιρικόν is a Thucydidean term (Thue. viii. 48. 3), for which B.J. has οἱ ἐπίλεκτοι. » Josephus omits to say here, as he does in B.J. i. 163, that 402 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 84-89 Antipater’s guard® also, went to meet Alexander. Gabinius himself followed them with his main body. Alexander therefore retired to the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, where the two forces fell upon each other and a battle took place, in which the Romans killed about three thousand of the enemy, and captured as many alive.? (3) Meanwhile Gabinius came to Alexandreion and invited those within to cease hostilities,° agreeing to pardon them for their past offences. But as many of the enemy were encamped before the stronghold, the Romans set upon them ; and Mark Antony, who fought with distinction? and killed many men, was voted the prize for bravery. Finally Gabinius left a part of his army there until the fortress should be taken by siege, and himself went through the rest of Judaea, and whenever he came upon a ruined city, he gave directions for it to be rebuilt. And so there were rebuilt Samaria, Azotus, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, Adora, Marisa, Gaza and not a few others.¢ And as the people obeyed Gabinius’ orders, these cities, which had long been desolate, could now be safely inhabited.’ (4) Having taken these measures throughout the country, Gabinius returned to Alexandreion, and as Alexander fled to Alexandreion, which explains why Gabinius attacked it, cf. §§ 86, 89. © προυκαλεῖτο eis διαλύσεις is another Thucydidean borrow- ing (Thue. iv. 19. 1), not found in B.J. 4 According to B.J. i. 165 Antony had always fought bravely on every battlefield (πανταχοῦ. . . ἀεί). “ B.J. adds Apollonia, Jamneia and Gamala (variants : Gabala, Gadara). Possibly ‘“‘ Gamala”’ is a corruption of ~ Gazawé βεβαίως οἰκηθῆναι is the third Thucydidean phrase (Thue. i. 2. 1) in this passage. 493 Gabinius rebuilds ruined c ties in Judaea. Alexander submits to Gabinius. 90 91 JOSEPHUS 1 4 \ SN διαπρεσβεύεται προς αυτον ᾿Αλέξανδρος, συγγινώσκειν τε αὐτῷ τῶν ἡμαρτη- ~ / αὐτοῦ κρατύνοντος, μένων δεόμενος καὶ παραδιδοὺς τῶν ἐρυμάτων “Ὑρκανίαν τε καὶ Μαχαιροῦντα, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ > / \ ~ \ ma | / Αλεξάνδρειον. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν Τ᾽ αβίνιος κατ- ἔσκαψεν. τῆς δ᾽ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου μητρὸς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθούσης, ἣ ἐφρόνει τὰ Ρωμαίων τοῦ τε ἀνδρὸς αὐτῆς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τέκνων ἐν Ῥώμῃ ἐχομένων, / , ~ af)? LA , / \ συνεχώρησεν αὐτῇ ταῦθ᾽ ἅπερ ἠξίου, καὶ διοικη- “2 Ἁ ‘ / « ὃ ‘ ~ 3 σάμενος τὰ πρὸς αὐτήν, “ἵρκανὸν κατῆγεν εἰς c / / \ ~ « ~ > / Ἱεροσόλυμα, σχήσοντα τὴν τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐπιμέλειαν. / Με / / > ” ,ὔ πέντε δὲ συνέδρια καταστήσας εἰς ἴσας μοίρας διένειμε τὸ ἔθνος, καὶ ἐπολιτεύοντο οἱ μὲν ἐν δ “Ἱεροσολύμοις οἱ δὲ ἐν Γαδάροις" οἱ δὲ ἐν ᾿Αμα- θοῦντι, τέταρτοι δ᾽ ἦσαν οἱ ἐν “ἱεριχοῦντι, καὶ τὸ , > , ye , 4 es ὅν πέμπτον ev Σαπφώροις" τῆς Γαλιλαίας." καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀπηλλαγμένοι δυναστείας ἐν ἀριστοκρατίᾳ διῆγον." : > ΄ \ ΄, > ε ΄ (vi. 1) ᾿Αριστοβούλου δὲ διαδράντος ἐκ Ῥώμης > \ “| ὃ / \ \ 2A Wi 5 a > els τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν, καὶ τὸ εξάνδρειον ὅπερ ἦν νεωστὶ κατεσκαμμένον ἀνακτίζειν᾽ προαιρουμένου, P: κρατύναντος rell. E. 2 Taddpors P. Ladovpos P: Σεπφόροις F: Σεπφώρει A*1.M: Σαπφόροις V: Σαμφώροις W: Σαπφύροις EK: Sefforis Lat. 4 *lovdatas AMV W. 5 ἦσαν PILE. P Lat.: ἀνατειχίζειν rell. 4 B.J. i. 168 adds ‘‘ to prevent their serving as a base of operations for another war.” » For synhedria B.J. has “* synods ” (συνόδους). © On these terms and the nature of Gabinius’ adminis- trative measures in Judaea see works cited in Appendix L. 4 So also B.J., but with the majority of scholars we must correct ‘‘ Gadara’”’ to ‘“‘ Gazara”’ (in N.W. Judaea); ef. 494 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 89-92 he pressed the siege strongly, Alexander sent envoys to him, asking pardon for his offences and giving up the strongholds of Hyreania and Machaeriis, and afterwards Alexandreion as well. And so Gabinius demolished them.* For Alexander’s mother, who was on the side of the Romans, since her husband and her other children were held at Rome, came to him with the request that he do this, and he granted it ; and after settling matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, to have charge of the temple. He also set up five councils (synhedria),” and divided the nation into as many districts’; these centres of government were: first, Jerusalem, next, Gadara,? third, Amathis,° fourth, ΞΕ and fifth, Sepphoris in Galilee.’ And so ΤΕ people were removed from monarchic rule and lived under an aristocracy.9 (vi. 1) But Aristobulus escaped from Rome to Judaea," and proposed to rebuild Alexandreion, which had just been demolished, whereupon Gabinius sent Schiirer i. 339 n. 5, whose historical argument is sound, although his explanation of “ Gadara”’ as an Aramaized form of “ Gazara”’ is philologically questionable, since d in Aramaic corresponds to z in Heb. only when the latter = proto-Semitie αἱ (but cf. W. F. Albright, From the Stone Spe to Christianity, p. 336 n. 10. It may be that Josephus or a scribe wrote ‘‘ Gadara ”’ for “ὁ Gazara’”’ because the former city lay near Amathis, the next on the list. Albright, in JBL 56 (1937), p. 162 n. 52, insists that Gadara is not Gazara but “one of the many towns derived from the stem gdr.” Schalit, p. 31, also reading ‘‘Gadara,” identifies it with Gadora (mod. Yell Jadar near es-Salt) in ‘Transjordan ; but Schiirer’s objections to the similar theory of Schlatter, p. 224, still hold. éIn Transjordan, cf. Ant. xiii. 356 note d. 7 The variant “ Judaea "ἢ must be a scribal error. 9 By ‘aristocracy ’’ Josephus means priestly rule, as he explains in Ant. xi. 111. «In 56 Β.6. 495 The five districts set up by Gabinius. Aristobulus escapes from Rome and raises an army in Judaea, 93 94 96 JOSEPHUS πέμπει Γαβίνιος ἐπ᾽" αὐτὸν στρατιώτας Kal ἡγε- μόνας Σισένναν τε καὶ ᾿Αντώνιον καὶ Σερουίλιον" κωλύσοντάς τε τὸ χωρίον αὐτὸν κατασχεῖν καὶ συλληψομένους αὐτόν. πολλοὶ δ᾽ ᾿Αριστοβούλῳ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων κατὰ τὴν παλαιὰν εὔκλειαν προσ- έρρεον, καὶ δὴ καὶ νεωτέροις χαίροντες ἀεὶ; πράγμασιν" Πειθόλαος γοῦν τις, ὑποστράτηγος ἐν ἹἹεροσολύμοις ὦν, μετὰ χιλίων ηὐτομόλησε πρὸς αὐτόν: πολλοὶ δὲ' τῶν προστιθεμένων ἦσαν ἀνοπλοι. διεγνωκὼς δὲ εἰς Μαχαιροῦντα ἀπανίστασθαι ᾽Αρι- στόβουλος τούτους μὲν ἀπέλυσεν ἀπόρους ὄντας (οὐ γὰρ ἐγίνοντο αὐτῷ χρήσιμοι πρὸς τὰ ἔργα)" τοὺς δὲ ὡπλισμένους περὶ ὀκτακισχιλίους ὄντας > \ , \ / “ ~ 5 ἀναλαβὼν WYETO. καὶ προσπεσόντων αὐτοῖς τῶν hig. ee καρτερῶς ἡττῶνται τῇ μάχῃ, γενναίως" ᾿Ιουδαῖοι καὶ προθύμως ἀγωνισάμενοι, βιασα- Ren τε TOV πολεμίων εἰς φυγὴν τρέπονται. Kal φονεύονται μὲν αὐτῶν εἰς πεντακισχιλίους, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ σκεδασθέντες ὡς ἐδύναντο σώζειν αὑτοὺς ἐπειρῶντο. χιλίων μέντοι πλείονας ἔχων ᾿Αριστό- βουλος εἰς Μαχαιροῦντα διέφυγεν, ὠχύρου τε τὸ χωρίον, καὶ πράττων κακῶς οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐλπίδος ἀγαθῆς εἴχετο. δύο δ᾽ ἡμέρας ἀντισχὼν τῇ πο- λιορκίᾳ καὶ πολλὰ τραύματα λαβὼν αἰχμάλωτος 1 PE: πρὸς rell. 5. edd.: Lepovidov P: Lepovidicov FL: Σαρουΐδιον AMW: Σερουῦίϊλιον V. 3 ἀεὶ P: om. rell. Lat. 4 πολλοὶ δὲ] of δὲ πολλοὶ PE. 5 γενναίως om. FLAMY Lat. ® καίπερ AM et Lat. vid. α Variants ‘‘ Servidius ”’ and (in B../.) “ Servianus.” δ * always ” is found only in ms. P. 496 ΙΝ νον... JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 92-96 against him a body of soldiers led by Sisenna, Antony and Servilius @ to prevent him from occupying the place and to arrest him. For many of the Jews had flocked to Aristobulus, both on account of his former glory and especially because they always? welcomed revolutionary movements. Among others a certain Peitholaus, who was legate ° at Jerusalem, deserted to him with a thousand men. Many? of those who joined him, however, were unarmed. But Aristobulus, who had decided to retire to Machaeris, dismissed these men, who were without equipment— for they were of no use to him in action,—and taking the men who were armed, amounting to some eight thousand, marched away. And as the Romans fell upon them valiantly, they were defeated in battle ; for though the Jews fought manfully ὁ and eagerly, the enemy were too strong for them, and they were put to flight. Some five thousand of them were slain, while the rest were scattered and tried to save them- selves as best they could. Aristobulus, however, escaped’ to Machaeris with more than a thousand men, and fortified the place, and though he was faring badly, none the less he was still of good hope.’ But after withstanding a siege of two days and receiving many wounds,” he was taken prisoner and brought to ° * Legate ” (Lat. legatus) here probably has the sense of δ deputy-governor ” of the province. 4 Variant “" most.” “ Most mss. omit ** manfully.” 7 B.J. i. 172 says that two thousand took refuge on a hill, and that Aristobulus and the remaining thousand cut their way through the Roman lines. 9 Of raising another army, according to B.J. i. 173. * His wounds are not mentioned in B.J., which says instead that he held out “ beyond his strength’’ (ὑπὲρ δύναμιν) ; perhaps Josephus refers to the wounds of his men rather than his own. 497 Aristobulus is taken captive to Rome a second time. JOSEPHUS >). 9 / ~ / Δ \ \ / μετ᾽ ᾿Αντιγόνου τοῦ παιδός, ὃς δὴ Kal συνέφυγεν -“ \ 97 ἐκ ἹῬώμης αὐτῷ, πρὸς DaBiviov ἄγεται. καὶ τοιαύτῃ μὲν ᾿Αριστόβουλος χρησάμενος τύχῃ πάλιν εἰς “Ῥώμην ἀναπέμπεται, καὶ δεθεὶς αὐτόθι κατ- είχετο, βασιλεύσας μὲν καὶ ἀρχιερατεύσας ἔτη τρία καὶ "μῆνας ἕξ, ἀνὴρ δὲ λαμπρὸς καὶ “μεγαλόψυχος γενόμενος. τὰ μέντοι τέκνα αὐτοῦ ἀνῆκεν ἡ σύγ- κλητος Τ᾿ αβινίου γράψαντος τοῦθ᾽ ὑποσχέσθαι τῇ μητρὶ παραδούσῃ τὰ ἐρύματα. καὶ ταῦτα" μὲν εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν" ἐπανέρχεται. 9g (9) Γαβινίῳ δὲ ἐπὶ Πάρθους στρατεύοντι καὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην ἤδη πεπεραιωμένῳ μετέδοξεν εἰς Αἴ γυπτον ὑποστρέψαντι “καταστῆσαι Πτολεμαῖον εἰς αὐτήν. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται. / , \ \ χε #3 3: sh le 99 LaBwiw μέντοι κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν" καθ᾽ ἃ ‘Yp- Kavos ἐπέστειλεν αὐτῷ ᾿Αντίπατρος ὑπηρέτησε σῖτον καὶ ὅπλα καὶ χρήματα, καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ [[η- λούσιον τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων οὗτος" αὐτῷ προσηγάγετο καὶ συμμάχους ἐποίησε, φύλακας ὄντας τῶν εἰς \ ” > ~ > \ \ > ~ 100 τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἐμβολῶν. ἐπανελθὼν δὲ ἐκ τῆς 1 KE Lat.: μετὰ ταῦτα P: τότε rell. 2 Ιδουμαίαν AMVW. 3 FE: στρατιὰν codd. Lat. 4 καθ᾽ ἃ Ὑρκανὸς ἐπέστειλεν αὐτῷ coni.: ἣν ἐφ᾽ “Ὑρκανὸν ἐστείλατο codd. E: ἣν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρχέλαον ἐστείλατο Hudson: ἣν ἐστείλατο “Ὑρκανὸς (καὶ ᾿Αντίπατρος ὑπηρέτησαν) Montacutius : ἣν ὑπὲρ “Ὑρκανοῦ Holwerda: ἣν ἀφ᾽ Ὑρκανοῦ Gutschmid. ° αὐτὸς P: ὄντας Naber. * This refers to the period before Pompey’s capture of Jerusalem in 63 B.c., ef. § 4 note ὁ > Variants ‘“‘ after this,”’ ‘‘ then.” ¢ The variant “ Idumaea ”’ is a seribal error. 4 Gabinius came to Egypt in the spring of 55 B.c. with Ptolemy XI Auletes, to restore him to the throne then held 498 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 96-100 Gabinius together with his son Antigonus, who had, by the way, fled from Rome with him. And having met with such ill fortune, Aristobulus was sent to Rome a second time; and there he was kept in chains, after being king and high priest three years and six months*; he was, moreover, a man of dis- tinction and magnanimity. His children, however, were released by the Senate because Gabinius wrote that he had promised their mother this when she surrendered the strongholds. And so? they returned to Judaea.°¢ ‘ (2) Now while Gabinius was on an expedition against the Parthians and had already crossed the Euphrates, he changed his mind and returned to Egypt to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom.’ But these events have been related elsewhere. On this cam- paign, moreover, Gabinius, in accordance with Hyr- canus’ instructions to him, was supplied with grain, arms and money by Antipater, who also won over the Jews above Pelusium to his side and made them his allies to act as guards of the entrances to Egypt.? But when Gabinius returned from Egypt, by a certain Archelaus of Pontus who had married Queen Berenice III, cf. Bevan, Ptol. pp. 355-357. 4 i.e. by other historians. ! 7.9, to Antipater. ‘The text has been slightly emended ; the mss. read ‘“‘ on the campaign which he (Gabinius) had undertaken against Hyreanus.’’ Some scholars correct “ Hyreanus ” to “ Archelaus ᾿ (see note d above), but my emendation is supported by B.J. i. 175 which mentions Hyreanus together with Antipater; cf. also § 80 above, where Antipater performs a similar service κατ᾽ ἐντολὴν Ὑρκανοῦ. 9 On Jews as river-guards in Egypt see Ap. ii. 64 (cited by Dr. Thackeray in his note on B.J. i. 175) and Fuchs, pp- 65-66. Cf. also below, §§ 130-131. 409 Gabinius in Egypt is assisted by Antipater and Hyrcanus. 101 102 103 JOSEPHUS > ff / \ / / ‘ Αἰγύπτου καταλαμβάνει τὴν Συρίαν στάσει καὶ ταραχῇ νοσοῦσαν- ὁ γὰρ ᾿Ἀριστοβούλου παῖς ᾿Αλέξ- \ 5 ε , , eh) ome. > \ avdpos παρελθὼν ἐξ ὑστέρου πάλιν ἐπὶ; τὴν ἀρχὴν \ / \ \ ~ > / > / κατὰ βίαν πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀπέστησε, στρατεύματι δὲ μεγάλῳ τὴν χώραν ἐπερχόμενος ἔκτεινε πάντας ὅσοις" ἐπιτύχοι τῶν “Ῥωμαίων εἴς 3 Μ ‘ 4 A / Te’ ὄρος τὸ καλούμενον Γαριζεὶν συμφυγόντας προσέκειτο" πολιορκῶν. ; (3) Ὃ δὲ Γαβίνιος τοιαῦτα τὰ" κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ΄ > , ‘ A > καταλαβών, ᾿Αντίπατρον (συνετὸς yap ἦν) προ- πέμπει πρὸς τοὺς νενοσηκότας, εἰ παῦσαι δυνηθείη τῆς παραφροσύνης αὐτοὺς καὶ πεῖσαι πρὸς τὸν ἀμείνω λογισμὸν ἐπανελθεῖν. ὁ δὲ ἐλθὼν πολλοὺς μὲν ἐσωφρόνισε καὶ προσηγάγετο τῷ δέοντι, τὸν δὲ > / > > / a ~ ἐ ᾿Αλέξανδρον οὐκ ἠδυνήθη κατασχεῖν: στρατοῦ γὰρ ἔχων οὗτος τρεῖς μυριάδας ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀπήντησε Γαβινίῳ, καὶ συμβαλὼν ἡττᾶται, πεσόντων αὐτῷ μυρίων περὶ τὸ ᾿Ιταβύριον ὄρος. (4) Καταστησάμενος δὲ TaBivwos τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἘΠ λ ~ 5A « s > / θέλ εροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν, ὡς ἦν ᾿Αντιπάτρῳ θέλοντι, ἐπὶ Ναβαταίους ἔρχεται, καὶ κρατεῖ μὲν τούτων τῇ μάχῃ, ᾿ἰάρθων δὲ φυγάδας Μιθριδάτην καὶ ᾽Ορ- / \ > ‘ > / / ~ \ / σάνην πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθόντας προύπεμψε, τῷ δὲ λόγῳ Puets hs * Niese: ὅσους codd. 3 τὲ P: τὸ rell. 1 καὶ προσέκειτο FLAMVW. 5. τὰ add. Gutschmid. 2 Antipater’s ‘“‘ good sense’”’ is not mentioned in the parallel in B.J. This fact may be adduced as another detail 500 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 100-103 he found Syria a prey to uprisings and disorder ; for Aristobulus’ son Alexander had later come into power a second time and had forced many of the Jews to revolt, and was marching over the country with a large army and killing all the Romans he met, and was closely besieging those who had taken refuge on Mount Gerizim, as it is called. (3) On finding Syria in this condition, Gabinius sent Antipater, who was a man of good sense,’ to the unruly elements, to see whether he could put a stop to their mad behaviour and persuade them to return to a more reasonable frame of mind. And so he came and brought many of them to their senses and induced them to do their duty ; but he could not restrain Alexander, who with an army of thirty thousand Jews went to meet Gabinius, and was defeated in an engagement near Mount Tabor, in which ten thousand of his men fell.® (4) Gabinius then settled affairs at Jerusalem in accordance with the wishes of Antipater,° and marched against the Nabataeans, whom he overcame in battle; and he also sent on their way Mithridates* and Orsanes,/ fugitives from the Parthians, who had come to him, though the story was that they escaped from in the argument against Laqueur’s theory that Ant. is more anti-Herodian than B.J. » B.J.i. 177 adds ** and the remainder fled and dispersed.” © ὡς ἦν θέλοντι is reminiscent of the Thucydidean phrase βουλομένῳ ἦν (Thue. ii. 3. 2, iv. 80. 2 et al.), not imitated in the parallel in B.J.; the precise Thucydidean phrase is used in Ant. xv. 48. 4 In the spring of 55 B.c. ¢ Mithridates III of Parthia, ef. Debevoise, pp. 75-95. ‘ Debevoise gives the name as ** Orsames,”’ a form I have not found in the ancient sources; if this form is correct, it probably represents Iranian Arsama, written ’rém in the Aramaic papyri of Elephantine. 501 Gabinins defeats Alexander a second time. Gabinius, aller a successful career as governor of Judaea returus to Rome. 104 105 > 106 JOSEPHUS ἀπέδρασαν αὐτόν. καὶ Ρ αβίνιος μὲν ἔργα μεγάλα καὶ λαμπρὰ κατὰ τὴν στρατηγίαν' δράσας ἀπῆρεν εἰς Ῥώμην, Κράσσῳ παραδοὺς τὴν ἀρχήν. περὶ δὲ τῆς Llopaniov καὶ [ αβινίου στρατείας ἐπὶ ᾿Ιουδαίους γράφει Νικόλαος ὁ Δαμασκηνὸς καὶ by / « K (ὃ δὲ “ « ᾽ὔ / Στράβων 6 Καππάδοξ, οὐδὲν ἕτερος ἑτέρου καινό- τερον λέγων. (vii. 1) Κράσσος δὲ ἐπὶ Πάρθους μέλλων στρα- τεύειν ἧκεν εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν, καὶ τὰ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ᾽ὔ Δ 4 / / αὶ χρήματα, ἃ ᾿Ιομπήιος καταλελοίπει (δισχίλια δὲ ἣν τάλαντα) βαστάσας οἷός τε ἢν καὶ τὸν χρυσὸν ἅπαντα (τάλαντα δὲ καὶ οὗτος ἦν ὀκτακισχίλια) / ~ ~ ¥. \ \ \ ¢ περιδύειν τοῦ ναοῦ. “λαμβάνει δὲ καὶ δοκὸν ὁλο- σφυρήλατον χρυσῆν ἐκ μνῶν τριακοσίων πεποιη- μένην" ἡ δὲ μνᾶ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἰσχύει λίτρας δύο καὶ ἥμισυ. παρέδωκε δὲ αὐτῷ ταύτην τὴν δοκὸν ὁ τῶν χρημάτων" φύλαξ ἱἑ ἱερεὺς ᾿Βλεάζαρος ὁ ὄνομα, οὐ διὰ πονηρίαν (ἀγαθὸς γὰρ ἦν καὶ δίκαιος) ἀλλὰ πεπιστευμένος τὴν τῶν καταπετασμάτων τοῦ ναοῦ φυλακήν, ὄντων θαυμασίων τὸ κάλλος καὶ πολυ- τελῶν τὴν κατασκευήν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς δοκοῦ ταύτης ἐκκρεμαμένων, ἐπεὶ τὸν Κράσσον ἑώρα περὶ τὴν τοῦ χρυσοῦ" γινόμενον συλλογήν, δείσας περὶ τῷ 1 στρατιὰν P: στρατείαν V Lat. 2 ἴσχει ΑΜ VW: existimantur Lat. 3 PE?E Lat.: θησαυρῶν rell. πλβυ βίη τὰ a τῷ δὲ λόγῳ ἀπέδρασαν αὐτόν is also φρυδναι ποδὶ (Thue. i. 128.5); ef. Dr. Thackeray’s note on another phrase from the same passage in 'Thueydides in the parallel, B.J. i. 178. > Variant * during the campaign.” ¢ M. Licinius Crassus came to Syria as proconsul in the spring of 54 u.c.; on his Parthian campaign see the full bibliography in Debevoise, p. 78 n. 36. 502 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 104-107 him.? And so, having performed great and brilliant deeds during his term as governor,’ Gabinius sailed for Rome, handing over his province to Crassus.° Now the expeditions of Pompey and Gabinius against the Jews have been written about by Nicolas of Damascus and Strabo of Cappadocia, neither of whom differs in any respect from the other.¢ (vii. 1) Crassus, intending to march against the Parthians, came to Judaea and carried off the money in the temple, amounting to two thousand talents, which Pompey had left, and was prepared to strip the sanctuary of all its gold, which amounted to eight thousand talents. He also took a bar of solid beaten gold, weighing three hundred minae ; the mina with us is equal to two and a half pounds.’ This bar was given to him by the guardian of the money,’ a priest named Eleazar, not because of rascality—for he was a good and upright man,—but because, being en- trusted with the keeping of the curtains of the sanctuary, which were of admirable beauty and costly workmanship, and hung from this bar, he saw Crassus intent on gathering up the gold, and had fears for 4 This bibliographical note indicates that for part of §§ 106-118, which have no parallel in B.J., Josephus has used Strabo to supplement his earlier source, Nicolas; cf. the Appendix on Josephus’ sources in the last volume of this translation. ¢ That is, the gold was worth 8000 talents of silver, as Reinach remarks. 7 In the only other reference to the mina in Josephus, Ant. ii. 33, he equates it loosely with the Heb. shekel. According to Krauss, Talmudische Archdologie ii. 406, the Heb. mina weighed only 1;'; Roman pounds. Reinach gives 728 grammes for the Heb. mina and 818 for 2} Roman pounds. Thus Josephus’ equation here is inaccurate. 9 Variant “ treasuries.” 503 Crassus succ-eds Gubinius and plun- ders the temple at Jerusalem, JOSEPHUS παντὶ κόσμῳ Tod’ ναοῦ, τὴν δοκὸν αὐτῷ τὴν 108 χρυσῆν λύτρον ἀντὶ πάντων ἔδωκεν, ὅρκους παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ λαβὼν μηδὲν ἄλλο κινήσειν τῶν ἐκ τοῦ ναοῦ, μόνῳ δὲ ἀρκεσθήσεσθαι τῷ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ δοθησομένῳ, ~ ΝΜ / > , i? A εἶ - > πολλῶν ὄντι μυριάδων ἀξίῳ. ἡ δὲ δοκὸς αὕτη ἦν > / ~ ~ \ ~ \ \ Μ ἐν ξυλίνη δοκῷ κενῇ, καὶ τοῦτο τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἐλάνθανεν ἅπαντας, ὁ δὲ ᾿᾿λεάζαρος μόνος ἠπί- 109 στατο. ὁ μέντοι Κράσσος καὶ ταύτην, ὡς οὐδενὸς Lys Vg LAA ~ > ~ « ~ λ β / \ ἁψόμενος ἄλλου τῶν ev τῷ ἱερῷ, λαμβάνει, Kat av ~ ~ παραβὰς τοὺς ὅρκους ἅπαντα τὸν ἐν τῷ ναῷ χρυσὸν ἐξεφόρησεν. / sf \ > ~ ἍΝ. ~ 110 (2) Oavudon δὲ μηδεὶς εἰ τοσοῦτος ἦν πλοῦτος > ~ ¢ / ~ / ~ Ἀ Ἅ, > ἐν τῷ ἡμετέρῳ ἱερῷ," πάντων τῶν κατὰ τὴν οἰκου- / > / \ / A ΄ yA A \ μένην ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ σεβομένων τὸν θεόν, ἔτι δὲ Kal τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Ασίας καὶ τῆς Εὐρώπης εἰς αὐτὸ 111 συμφερόντων ἐκ πολλῶν πάνυ χρόνων. οὐκ ἔστι δὲ ἀμάρτυρον τὸ μέγεθος τῶν προειρημένων χρη- μάτων, οὐδὲ ὑπὸ ἀλαζονείας ἡμετέρας καὶ περιτ- / > \ ~ > / ~ > \ τολογίας ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξαίρεται πλῆθος, ἀλλὰ πολλοί τε ἄλλοι τῶν συγγραφέων ἡμῖν μαρτυροῦσι \ / « / , a ae / 112 καὶ Στράβων ὁ Kammado€ λέγων οὕτως" “ πέμψας δὲ Μιθριδάτης εἰς Κῶ" ἔλαβε τὰ χρήματα ἃ παρ- / > - / ¢ / \ A ~ έθετο ἐκεῖ Κλεοπάτρα ἡ βασίλισσα, Kai τὰ τῶν > / 4 > / / ” « - \ ’ 113 ᾿Ιουδαίων' ὀκτακόσια τάλαντα.᾽᾿ ἡμῖν δὲ δημόσια χρήματα οὐκ ἔστιν ἢ μόνα τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ δῆλον “-- - « ὅτι ταῦτα μετήνεγκαν εἰς Κῶ τὰ χρήματα οἱ ἐν 1 VE et Lat. vid.: καὶ τοῦ rell. 2 ναῷ F?7LAMW. * εἰς Κῶ om. P. 4 ‘ ~ > , ‘ / ~ > , ΝΜ ‘ τὰ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων] τὰ δημόσια τῶν “lovdaiwy ὄντα περὶ Holwerda. 504 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 107-113 the whole ornamentation of the sanctuary ; and so he gave him the bar of gold as a ransom for all the rest, receiving his sworn assurance that he would not remove anything else from the sanctuary but would be content merely with what was to be given him by the priest—a present worth many tens of thousands (of drachmas). Now this bar was in a hollow wooden bar, a fact which was unknown to all others, and which Eleazar alone knew. Crassus, however, al- though he took this bar with the understanding that he would not touch anything else in the temple, violated his oath and carried off all the gold in the sanctuary. (2) But no one need wonder that there was so much wealth in our temple, for all the Jews through- out the habitable world, and those who worshipped God,* even those from Asia and Europe, had been contributing to it for a very long time. And there is no lack of witnesses’ to the great amount of the sums mentioned, nor have they been raised to so great a figure through boastfulness or exaggeration on our part, but there are many historians who bear us out, in particular Strabo of Cappadocia, who writes as follows. ‘“‘ Mithridates ° sent to Cos and took the money which Queen Cleopatra had deposited there, and eight hundred talents of the Jews.” Now there is no public money among us except that which is God’s, and it is therefore evident that this money was transferred to Cos by the Jews of Asia because * These were undoubtedly pagan semi-proselytes ; cf. the ancient references in Juster i. 274 n. 6. » οὐκ ἀμάρτυρον is another 'Thucydidean phrase (Thue. ii. 41. 4). ¢ Mithridates VI Eupator, who defeated the Roman army in Asia Minor in 88 B.c. VOL. VII R 505 The wealth and influ- ence of the Jews of the Diaspora. JOSEPHUS τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι διὰ τὸν ἐκ Μιθριδάτου φόβον" ΕῚ A ᾽ ‘ A > a > / / > \ οὐ yap εἰκὸς τοὺς ἐν TH ᾿Ιουδαίᾳ, πόλιν τε ὀχυρὰν ἔχοντας καὶ τὸν ναόν, πέμπειν χρήματα εἰς Κῶ, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τοὺς ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ κατοικοῦντας > , \ a > > \ ~ A Ιουδαίους πιθανὸν τοῦτ᾽ ἐστὶ ποιῆσαι, μηδὲν 114 Μιθριδάτην δεδιότας. μαρτυρεῖ δὲ καὶ ἐν ἑτέρῳ τόπῳ ὁ αὐτὸς" Στράβων ὅτι καθ᾽ ὃν καιρὸν διέβη Σύλλας εἰς τὴν “Ἑλλάδα πολεμήσων Μιθριδάτῃ καὶ Λεύκουλλον πέμψας" ἐπὶ τὴν ἐν Κυρήνῃ στάσιν" ἄν ἢ Ὁ τ ας ς ἌΝ ΡΠ. ΤΡ > , , τοῦ ἔθνους ἡμῶν, ὡς αὐτῶν' ἡ οἰκουμένη πεπλή- τ PTO, λέγων οὕτως" “ τέτταρες δ᾽ ἦσαν ἐν τῇ πόλει τῶν Κυρηναίων, ἥ τε τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ ἡ τῶν γεωργῶν, τρίτη δ᾽ ἡ τῶν μετοίκων τετάρτη δ᾽ ἡ 1 αὐτὸς 6 tr. FLAMVW. 2 πέμψαι FLAMVW: ἔπεμψεν Gutschmid. 3 post στάσιν lacunam statuit Niese. 4 ὡς αὐτῶν Holwerda: ὧν FLAMVW: om. P: quae (totum orbem complevit) Lat. 5 Κυρηναίων PF: Κυρηναίων μερίδες coni. Richards et Shutt. * On Cleopatra III of Egypt and her deposit of money in Cos in 102 B.c. see Ant. xiii. 349. Reinach conjectures that the 800 talents were deposited at the same time by her Jewish generals Chelkias and Ananias, since the sum is much too large to represent the contributions of the Jews of Asia Minor. Similarly Willrich, Urkundenfilschung, p. 74, insists that it was the Jews of Egypt who took away their money in fear of Ptolemy Lathyrus, and he charges Josephus with ignorance of the real situation in 88 8.c. But Strabo’s language suggests that the 800 talents came from a different period (otherwise he would have written, “ἡ the money which Cleopatra and the Jews had deposited”). Moreover the 506 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 113-115 of their fear of Mithridates.* For it is not likely that those in Judaea, who possessed a fortified city and the temple, would have sent money to Cos, nor is it probable that the Jews living in Alexandria would have done this either, since they had no fear of Mithridates. And this same Strabo in another passage testifies that at the time when Sulla crossed over to Greece to make war on Mithridates, and sent Lueullus to put down the revolt of our nation in Cyrene,” the habitable world was filled-with Jews, for he writes as follows. ‘‘ There were four classes in the state of Cyrene; the first consisted of citizens, the second of farmers, the third of resident aliens sum of 800 talents is not incredible if we remember that contributions to the temple from Jews in the Diaspora con- sisted of many gifts in addition to the annual didrachm payment, cf. Heichelheim, Rom. Syria, p. 74. However, it would be much easier to accept Josephus’ explanation if he had mentioned 80 talents instead of 800. See now J. Cohen, Judaica et Aegyptiaca (1941), pp. 60-64. ὃ The last king of Cyrene, Ptolemy Apion, natural son of Ptolemy VII Physcon, on his death in 96 B.c. bequeathed his kingdom to Rome. For several years the Romans left the government in the hands of the Greek cities of Cyrenaica, which did not become a Roman province until 74 πιο. In the winter of 87/6 B.c. Sulla sent Lucullus to restore order in Cyrene, which, according to Plutarch, Lucullus 2, had been disturbed by ‘‘ continual tyrannies and wars.’’ The Jews are not mentioned. The passage in Plutarch is probably based on Strabo (Jacoby, ΚΗ ii. C, p. 294 is non-committal about Plutarch’s use of Strabo here), and Strabo, in turn, probably used Posidonius as a source, cf. Schiirer i. 42. It may be that Josephus’ text originally contained a reference to the Jewish revolt, which has been accidentally omitted, as Niese supposes, or that he has added the reference to the Jewish uprising on his own account, as Jacoby holds. If we accept the former view, we may suppose that the Cyrenaean Jews were dissatisfied with the civic status granted them by the Greek authorities, 507 Strabo on the Jews of Cyrene. 116 117 118 JOSEPHUS ~ > / 4 > > “Ἢ / » 1 τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων. αὕτη δ᾽ εἰς πᾶσαν πόλιν ἤδη , 2 \ , > ” ε ῃ ye ΕᾺ a παρελήλυθε," Kal τόπον οὐκ ἔστι ῥᾳδίως εὑρεῖν τῆς «Δ ~ ~ οἰκουμένης Os od παραδέδεκται τοῦτο τὸ φῦλον," ~ > ~ ~ μηδ᾽ ἐπικρατεῖται ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. τῆς te Αἰγύπτου" τ ~ ~ « ~ τὴν Kupnvatay, ἅτε τῶν αὐτῶν ἡγεμόνων τυχοῦ- ~ ΝΜ ‘A ~ / ‘ A σαν, τῶν τε ἄλλων συχνὰ ζηλῶσαι συνέβη καὶ δὴ A / ~ > / / ,ὔ τὰ συντάγματα τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων θρέψαι διαφερόντως ~ a / ~ καὶ συναυξῆσαι χρώμενα τοῖς πατρίοις τῶν *lov- lo > ~ δαίων νόμοις. ἐν γοῦν Αἰγύπτῳ κατοικίᾳ" τῶν > / ~ ~ ᾿Ιουδαίων ἐστὶν ἀποδεδειγμένη χώρα, Kal τῆς TOV > ὃ / 5A > 7 / / ~ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων πόλεως ἀφώρισται μέγα μέρος τῷ > ~ ἔθνει τούτῳ. καθίσταται δὲ καὶ ἐθνάρχης αὐτῶν, A vo \ ~ ὃς διοικεῖ Te TO ἔθνος καὶ διαιτᾷ κρίσεις Kal συμ- a“ \ βολαίων ἐπιμελεῖται Kal προσταγμάτων, ὡς ἂν / vo ~ > πολιτείας ἄρχων αὐτοτελοῦς. ev Αἰγύπτῳ μὲν οὖν ” \ Μ 8 \ > / 4 > > ΡῈ ἴσχυσε τὸ ἔθνος διὰ τὸ Αἰγυπτίους εἶναι ἐξ ἀρχῆς 1 ἤδη Kal P. 2 P: παρεληλύθει rell. 3 τούτου τὸ φῦλον τὸ πλῆθος FL: τούτου τοῦ φύλου τὸ πλῆθος AMW. 4 τῆς τε Αἰγύπτου Niese: τήν te Αἴγυπτον codd. Lat. 5 τῆς τε Αἰγύπτου. . . νόμοις] nam Aegyptus et Cyrenaea dum sub unum regnum fuissent omnem conversationem horum aemulatae sunt ita ut scripturis eorum uterentur et praesertim pecunias secundum patrias leges Iudeorum con- gregarent Lat. ὁ Gutschmid: κατοικία codd. 7 Gutschmid: χωρὶς codd. @ That the Jews had a separate status from that of meties is quite in accord with what we know of their position in the Hellenistic states ; ef. the Appendix on this subject in the last volume of this translation. Ὁ Variant “‘ had.’’ The change of tenses in this quotation indicates that Strabo was speaking, in this sentence, and also further on, not of the period of Sulla but also of his own 508 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 115-118 (metics), and the fourth of Jews.* This people has? already made its way into every city, and it is not easy to find any place in the habitable world which has not received this nation and in which it has not made its power felt.© And it has come about that Cyrene, which had the same rulers ? as Egypt, has imitated it in many respects, particularly in notably encouraging and aiding the expansion of the organized groups of Jews, which observe the national Jewish laws.® In Egypt, for example, territory has been set apart for a Jewish settlement,’ and in Alexandria a great part of the city has been allocated to this nation.? And an ethnarch of their own has been in- stalled, who governs the people and adjudicates suits and supervises contracts and ordinances, just as if he were the head of a sovereign state.” And so this nation has flourished in Egypt because the Jews period, the age of Augustus. This has been pointed out by Bousset-Gressmann, Die Religion des Judentums, p. 67, n.1. © Or ‘‘ in which it has not become dominant,’ as Chamo- nard and Reinach (Teates, p. 92) translate. Although ἐπικρατεῖν usually means “ to gain the mastery,” “ prevail,” it may also mean, as I think it does here, “‘ to make one’s power felt.”’ It seems to me unlikely that Strabo (or even Posidonius, who was not particularly friendly to the Jews) would have gone so far as to say that the Jews of the Diaspora dominated the various cities in which they lived. But I should hesitate to press the point. It may be added that one might also translate “* which has not been occupied by it.” 4 i.e. the Ptolemies, cf. ὃ 114 note ὁ. “ Text and meaning uncertain. Reinach translates συν- τάγματα as “ colonies,’”’ which seems doubtful. It may mean ““classes”’ or ‘‘ orders.’’ The old Latin translation makes no sense. ’ Text slightly emended. 9 Cf. Ap. ii. 33-36. * This must have been written before Augustus replaced the ethnarch by a senate, ef. Philo, In Flaccum 74 ff. 509 119 JOSEPHUS τοὺς" ᾿Ιουδαίους καὶ διὰ τὸ πλησίον θέσθαι" τὴν κατοικίαν τοὺς ἀπελθόντας ἐκεῖθεν, εἰς δὲ τὴν Κυρηναίαν μετέβη διὰ τὸ καὶ ταύτην ὅμορον εἶναι τῇ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἀρχῇ καθάπερ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν, μᾶλλον δὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνης πρότερον. Στράβων μὲν δὴ ταῦτα λέγει. (3) Κράσσος δὲ πάντα διοικήσας ὃν αὐτὸς ἐβού- ετο τρόπον, ἐξώρμησεν ἐπὶ τὴν IlapOvaiav: καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν σὺν παντὶ διεφθάρη τῷ στρατῷ, ὡς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται, Κάσσιος δὲ εἰς Συρίαν φυγὼν καὶ περιποιησάμενος αὐτὴν Ldpbos ἐμ- ποδὼν ἢν ἐκτρέχουσιν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν διὰ τὴν κατὰ 120 Κράσσου “νίκην. αὖθις δὲ εἰς Γύρον ἀφικόμενος 121 ἀνέβη Kal εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν. ‘Taptyaias μὲν οὖν προσπεσὼν εὐθέως" αἱρεῖ, καὶ περὶ τρισμυρίους ἀνθρώπους ἀνδραποδίζει, Πειθόλαόν τε τὸν τὴν ᾿Αριστοβούλου στάσιν διαδεδεγμένον κτείνει, πρὸς τοῦτο αὐτὸν ᾿Αντιπάτρου παραστησαμένου, ὃν πολύ τε καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ συνέβαινε δύνασθαι καὶ πλείστου τότε ἄξιος ἦν καὶ παρ᾽ ᾿Ιδουμαίοις, παρ᾽ ὧν" ἄγεται γυναῖκα τῶν ἐπισήμων ἐξ ᾿Αραβίας Κύπρον" ὄνομα, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ τέσσαρες ἐγένοντο παῖδες, 1 τοὺς om. FLAMVW. 2 Bekker: ἔσεσθαι codd. 3 ἐυθέως (εὐθὺς P) προσπεσὼν PV. 4 ᾿Ἰουδαίων ols Ῥ, 5 παρ᾽ ὧν A1VWE Lat.: παρὼν rell. 6 Κύπριν ΕἸ ΑΜ Lat. 4“ Text slightly uncertain. That this statement about the Egyptian origin of the Jews, which is refuted by Josephus in Ap. i. 104, 223, 278, ii. 28 et al., is here allowed to stand indicates that he has been pretty accurate in quoting Strabo. > By other historians. Crassus was defeated near Carrhae in Mesopotamia in the spring of 53 B.c. and soon afier was killed. Debevoise writes, p. 95, ‘‘ The disaster which the Roman arms had suffered at Carrhae made certain the 510 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 118-121 were originally Egyptians and because those who left that country made their homes near by 7; and they migrated to Cyrene because this country bordered on the kingdom of Egypt, as did Judaea—or rather, it formerly belonged to that kingdom.” These are Strabo’s own words. (3) Now when Crassus had arranged everything the Crassus is way he wished, he set out for Parthia and perished Killed in Parthia. together with his entire army, as has been related Cassius elsewhere.” Cassius,’ however, fled to Syria and took possession of it,? thus standing in the way of the Parthians who were making incursions into the country as a result of their victory over Crassus. Later he came to Tyre, and then went up to Judaea. Here he fell upon Tarichaeae,’ which he quickly took, and made slaves of some thirty thousand men. He also killed Peitholaus, who had continued the revolt led by Aristobulus ; and this he did at the instiga- tion of Antipater, who at that time had great in- fluence with him, and was then held in the greatest esteem by the Idumaeans also, from among whom ἢ he took a wife of a distinguished Arab family, named Cypros %; and by her he had four sons, Phasael, supremacy, at least for the time being, of pro-Parthian over pro-Roman sentiment among the Jews.” But this could have been true only of a section of the Jews in Palestine during the early Herodian period. ¢ C. Cassius Longinus, who had been the quaestor of Crassus. 4 Cassius governed Syria 53 to 51 B.c. ¢ By ‘‘ Judaea”’ Josephus (or his source) here means Jewish territory in Palestine. Tarichaeae was, of course, in Galilee (see the map in vol. iii. of this translation). 7 Text slightly uncertain. It is Josephus’ new source that now introduces Antipater for the first time, it seems. 9 Variant ‘* Cypris,”’ as in the mss. of B.J. 511 invades Judaea. Antipater’s great influence. JOSEPHUS Φασάηλος «αἱ Ἡρώδης, ὃς ὕστερον βασιλεὺς γίνεται, ᾿Ιώσηπός τε καὶ Φερώρας, θυγάτηρ δὲ 122 Σαλώμη. οὗτος ὁ ᾿Αντίπατρος ἐπεποίητο καὶ 128 124 πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους δυνάστας φιλίαν καὶ ξενίαν, / \ \ \ ” ec ‘ A , μάλιστα δὲ πρὸς τὸν Αραβα, ᾧ καὶ τὰ τέκνα πολεμῶν πρὸς ᾿Αριστόβουλον παρέθετο. Κάσσιος μ ἐν οὖν ἀναστρατοπεδευσάμενος" ἐπὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην ἠπείγετο, ὑπαντιάσων τοῖς ἐκεῖθεν ἐπιοῦσιν, ὡς καὶ € > Μ᾿ / ὑπ᾽ ἄλλων δεδήλωται. (4) Χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον Καῖσαρ κατασχὼν Ῥώμην μετὰ τὸ Πομπήιον καὶ τὴν σύγκλητον φυγεῖν πέραν τοῦ ᾿Ιονίου, παραλύσας τῶν δεσμῶν ᾿Αριστόβουλον εἰς Συρίαν διεγνώκει πέμπειν, δύο παραδοὺς αὐτῷ τάγματα, ws ἂν εὐτρεπίζοι" τὰ κατ᾽ αὐτὴν δυνατὸς ” > , λιν χῷ ey, 3 A > , ὦν. ᾿Αριστόβουλος δὲ οὐκ ἀπώνατο" τῶν ἐλπίδων ἐφ᾽ αἷς ἔτυχε τῆς παρὰ “Καίσαρος ἐξουσίας, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸν φθάσαντες οἱ τὰ [Τομπηίου φρονοῦντες φαρμάκῳ διαφθείρουσι, θάπτουσι δ᾽ αὐτὸν οἱ τὰ Καίσαρος θεραπεύοντες πράγματα, καὶ ὁ νεκρὸς αὐτοῦ ἔκειτο ἐν μέλιτι κεκηδευμένος ἐπὶ χρόνον πολὺν ἕως ᾿Αντώνιος αὐτὸν ὕστερον ἀποπέμψας εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἐν ταῖς βασιλικαῖς θήκαις ἐποίησε ~ / / > Ψ 2 ~ τεθῆναι. Σκιπίων δέ, ἐπιστείλαντος αὐτῷ Llop- πηίου ἀποκτεῖναι ᾿Αλέξανδρον. τὸν ᾿Αριστοβούλου, αἰτιασάμενος τὸν νεανίσκον ἐπὶ τοῖς τὸ πρῶτον εἰς “Ῥωμαίους ἐξημαρτημένοις τῷ πελέκει διεχρήσατο. 1 ἀναστρατευσάμενος PI}. 2 ἀνευτρεπίζοι Post. 3 ὥνατο PVE. a Cf. §§ 14 ff. > In January, 49 B.c. ¢ This statement is confirmed by Dio Cassius xli. 18. 1. 4 The preservation of corpses in honey is mentioned by Herodotus i. 198 (among the Babylonians, cf. R. Campbell 512 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 121-125 Herod, who later became king, Joseph and Pheroras, and a daughter, Salome. This Antipater had formed relations of friendship and hospitality with other princes, especially with the king of the Arabs, the same to whom he had entrusted his children when making war on Aristobulus.¢ And so Cassius re- moved his camp and hastened to the Euphrates, to meet the enemy who were coming against him from that direction, as has been related by others. (4) Some time later, when Caesar became master of Rome after Pompey and the Senate had fled across the Ionian sea,” he released Aristobulus from prison, and having decided to send him to Syria,’ put two legions at his disposal in order that he might win support in that country, now that he had the means to do so. Aristobulus, however, could not enjoy the fulfilment of the hopes which he had of the power given him by Caesar, for the partisans of Pompey got to him first and made an end of him by poison ; and he was buried by those who favoured Caesar’s cause,? his corpse lying preserved in honey for a long while, until Antony finally sent it back to Judaea and had it placed in the royal sepulchres. And Scipio,? whom Pompey had instructed to kill Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, charged the youth with his original offences against thee Romans, and executed fan by Thempson in AJSL 47 (1930), p. 23 n. 1), Pliny, Hist. Nat. xiv. 13 (cited by Hudson), in the Bab. Talmud, Baba Bathra 3 b (cf. Krauss, Talmudische Archdologie ii. 474 n. 416). Other ancient references are given in the following works, listed by my friend Dr. Allan Roos: Thos. Greenhill, Nekrokédeia, 1705; Jean Nicolas Gannal, History of Em- balming (trans. by R. Harlan), 1840; B. F. Beck, Honey and Health, 1938. * Q. Metellus Scipio, father-in-law of Pompey and pro- consul of Syria, 49-48 B.c. VOL. VII R 2 513 Caesar releases Aristobulus and sends him to fight the Pom- peians in Syria, where he is poisoned. 126 127 JOSEPHUS \ « \ “ » > , land ‘ \ καὶ 6 μὲν οὕτως ev ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ τελευτᾷ. τοὺς δὲ ἀδελφοὺς αὐτοῦ IroAeuaias ὁ Μενναίου παρέλαβε, δυναστεύων Χαλκίδος τῆς ὑπὸ τῷ Λιβάνῳ oper, A / A εν ,, > > ΄ καὶ πέμψας τὸν υἱὸν Φιλιππίωνα εἰς ᾿Ασκάλωνα παρὰ τὴν ᾿Αριστοβούλου γυναῖκα, ἐκέλευσεν αὐτῇ συναποστέλλειν τὸν υἱὸν ᾿Αντίγονον καὶ τὰς θυγα- ’ὔ Φ ~ c / > \ > / e τέρας, ὧν τῆς ἑτέρας ἐρασθεὶς ᾿Αλεξάνδρας ὁ Φιλιππίων ἄγεται γυναῖκα. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἀνελὼν > \ ¢ \ A A A > αὐτὸν ὁ πατὴρ [[τολεμαῖος γαμεῖ τε τὴν ᾿Αλεξ- dvopav, καὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν αὐτῆς πρόνοιαν ποιού- μενος διετέλει. (viii. 1) Μετὰ δὲ τὸν Πομπηίου θάνατον καὶ τὴν νίκην τὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ, Καίσαρι πολεμοῦντι κατ᾽ Αἴγυπτον eis’ πολλὰ χρήσιμον αὑτὸν παρέσχεν ἸΑ; / c ~ > , =) / > > vtimatpos ὁ τῶν “lovdaiwy ἐπιμελητής, ἐξ ἐν- pe Oy: ~ ΄, Vine A A τολῆς ‘Ypxavot. Μιθριδάτῃ γὰρ" τῷ [Περγαμηνῷ κομίζοντι ἐπικουρικὸν καὶ ἀδυνάτως ἔχοντι διὰ Πηλουσίου ποιήσασθαι τὴν πορείαν, περὶ δὲ ᾿Ασ- 1 εἰς om. PE. 2M: τε yap rell. E. 2 Cf. above § 39 note ὃ. > On the parallelism between §§ 127-155 and B.J. i. 187- 200 see Laqueur, pp. 165-171, 223. Here again Laqueur tries to show that Josephus’ attitude toward Antipater and Herod is less favourable in Ant. than is that of his source (Nicolas) in B.J.; at the same time he admits that Nicolas had probably exaggerated the services of Antipater at the expense of Hyrecanus. So too Motzo in a monograph on this subject, cited by Momigliano, Ricerche, pp. 189-190. See further works cited in Appendix L © Caesar defeated Pompey at Pharsalus in August (Julian reckoning), 48 B.c. Pompey was killed when he landed in Egypt in September, 48 B.c. 4 ἐπιμελετής, the title also given to Antipater in the 514 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 126-128 beheading. In this manner he died at Antioch. But his brother and sisters were taken by Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus,? who was prince of Chalcis at the foot of Mount Lebanon. And he sent his son, Philippion, to Ascalon to Aristobulus’ wife, telling her to send back with him her son Antigonus and her daughters, one of whom, Alexandra, Philippion fell in love with and married. But afterwards his father Ptolemy put him to death and married Alexandra, and continued to look after her brother and sister. (viii. 1) ® When Caesar, after his victory over Pom- pey and the latter’s death,’ was fighting in Egypt, Antipater, the governor? of the Jews, under orders from Hyrcanus * proved himself useful to Caesar in many ways. For when Mithridates of Pergamum, who was bringing an auxiliary force,f was unable to make his way through Pelusium and was delayed quotation from Strabo in ὃ 139, usually=Lat. ewrator or praefectus, rarely =procurator (Judaeae), as in Ant. xviii. 89. In xvii. 6 it is applied to Saturninus, governor of Syria (=legatus Augusti pro praetore), who is elsewhere called ἡγεμών : in B.J. i. 225 Herod is appointed ἐπιμελετής of all yria, while in the parallel Ant. xiy. 280 he is called στρατηγός. From these passages it would seem that Antipater was given a special office in 48 B.c. by Caesar, or earlier (ef. ὃ 103) by Gabinius. He was not made procurator of Judaea, ἐπίτροπος, until 47 B.c., cf. § 143. Schiirer, i. 343 n. 14, suggests that Gabinius had made him procurator, but if so this office must have been extra ordinem, since Judaea had been divided into five districts by Gabinius, as is pointed out by Momigliano, Ricerche, p. 207. It may be, however, that Josephus here anticipates; Caesar came to Egypt in the autumn of 48 B.c. but did not get help from Mithridates and Antipater until the spring of 47 B.c. On this campaign see W. Judeich, Cdsar im Orient, 1885. ¢ Hyrcanus is not mentioned in the parallel, B.J. i. 1873 cf. above, note b. 7 In addition to the 37th legion sent from Syria. 515 Antipater and Hyrcanus assist Caesar in Egypt. 129 130 131 132 JOSEPHUS ul , 4 > / » κάλωνα διατρίβοντι, ἧκεν ᾿Αντίπατρος ἄγων > ‘ « , / > > / Ιουδαίων ὁπλίτας τρισχιλίους, ἐξ ᾿Αραβίας τε - A > / συμμάχους ἐλθεῖν ἐπραγματεύσατο τοὺς ev τέλει: a > 4 Kal Ov αὐτὸν οἱ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ἅπαντες ἐπεκού- ~ \ ͵ , ρουν, ἀπολείπεσθαι τῆς ὑπὲρ Καίσαρος προθυμίας « / ." οὐ θέλοντες, ᾿Ιάμβλιχός τε ὁ δυνάστης καὶ ΠΠ|τολε- a εκ , 1 / ” J. a Oh oe , μαῖος ὁ Σοαίμου' Λίβανον ὄρος οἰκῶν" αἵ τε πόλεις A a / a A Μ > by ,ὔ > σχεδὸν ἅπασαι. Μιθριδάτης δὲ ἄρας ἐκ Συρίας ets cal ‘ Πηλούσιον ἀφικνεῖται, καὶ μὴ δεχομένων αὐτὸν ΄ ’ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐπολιόρκει τὴν πόλιν. ἠρίστευσε δὲ ᾿Αντίπατρος, καὶ πρῶτος κατασύρας τι τοῦ ΄- - > τείχους ὁδὸν εἰσπεσεῖν παρέσχετο τοῖς ἀλλοις εἰς ἢ , : τὴν πόλιν. καὶ τὸ μὲν [Πηλούσιον οὕτως εἶχεν. \ \ Ἐπ ’ ‘ / > ΄ τοὺς δὲ περὶ ᾿Αντίπατρον καὶ Μιθριδάτην ἀπιόντας \ / 4 ae} ΄- 3 « \ > ‘ πρὸς Καίσαρα διεκώλυον ot *lovdaior’ ot τὴν ’Oviov ~ / \ " λεγομένην χώραν' κατοικοῦντες. πείθει δὲ καὶ τούτους τὰ αὐτῶν φρονῆσαι κατὰ τὸ ὁμόφυλον ᾿Αντίπατρος, καὶ μάλιστα ἐπιδείξας αὐτοῖς τὰς ey ~ ~ >? τ Ypxavod τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἐπιστολάς, ἐν αἷς αὐτοὺς > φίλους εἶναι Καίσαρος παρεκάλει καὶ ξένια καὶ > - ~ ~ ‘ J πάντα τὰ ἐπιτήδεια χορηγεῖν τῷ στρατῷ. καὶ οἱ A « » \ > / \ \ / μὲν ws ἑώρων τὸν ᾿Αντίπατρον καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα 1 6 Σοαίμου Niese: ὁ ουαιμου P: 6 υἱὸς αὐτοῦ AMW Lat.: ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ Kal Θολομαῖος ὁ Σοέμου FL. * οἰκοῦντες Lat. 3 of Ιουδαῖοι Τ᾿ : ᾿Ιουδαῖοι Αἰγύπτιοι rell. E Lat. * χώραν 860]. Niese. 2 As Dr. Thackeray notes in B.J. i. 187, Ascalon was 6 days’ march from Pelusium, so that Mithridates must have been warned well in advance of the refusal of passage. » Text slightly uncertain. This Ptolemy is to be dis- tinguished from the son of Mennaeus in the same region. 516 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 128-132 at Ascalon,? Antipater arrived with three thousand heavy-armed Jewish soldiers, and also managed to get the chiefs of Arabia to come to his aid; and it was owing to him that all the rulers of Syria furnished aid, not wishing to be outdone in their zeal for Caesar; among these were the prince Jamblichus and Ptolemy, the son of Soemus,? who lived on Mount Lebanon, and almost all the cities. Mithri- dates then left Syria and came to Pelusium, and as its inhabitants would not admit him, besieged the city. Foremost in bravery was Antipater, who was the first to pull down part of the wall, and so opened a way for the others to pour into the city. This was how he took Pelusium. But when Mithridates and Antipater with their men were on their way to Caesar, the Jews who inhabitated the district of Onias,? as it was called, prevented them from doing so. Antipater, however, persuaded them too to side with his party on the ground of their common nationality, especially when he showed them a letter from the high priest Hyrcanus, in which he urged them to be friendly to Caesar and receive his army hospitably and furnish it with all things neces- sary. And so, when they saw that Antipater and the He and Jamblichus are otherwise unknown. Soemus may possibly be the ruler mentioned in Vita 52; the name is Arabic and Nabataean, found in Petra and Ituraea, cf. Ant. xv. 185, xvii. 54, xx. 158 et al. The original form was perhaps Arab. Suhaym, cf. H. Wuthnow, Die semitischen Menschennamen in griech. Inschrift. u. Pap. d. vord. Orients, 1930, p. 130. On the name Jamblichus see Anfé. xiii. 131 note 6. ¢ Variant “ the Egyptian Jews.” 4 Not far from Memphis, though perhaps not to be identi- fied with the site of the Onias temple, cf. Ant. xiii. 65 note ὁ and Schiirer iii. 97 n. 25. 517 Antipater persuades the Jews in Egypt to go over to Caesar JOSEPHUS , - ς ἡ ͵ \ , συνθέλοντας' ὑπήκουον. τούτους δὲ προσθεμένους ἀκούσαντες οἱ περὶ Μέμφιν ἐκάλουν καὶ αὐτοὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτην πρὸς αὑτούς: κἀκεῖνος ἐλθὼν καὶ τούτους παραλαμβάνει. 133 (2) ᾿Επεὶ δὲ τὸ καλούμενον Δέλτα ἤδη" περι- εληλύθει," συμβάλλει τοῖς πολεμίοις περὶ τὸ καλού- μενον ᾿Ιουδαίων στρατόπεδον. εἶχε δὲ τὸ μὲν A / i / A \ cht ἃ > / δεξιὸν κέρας Μιθριδάτης, τὸ δὲ εὐώνυμον ᾿Αντί- 134 πατρος. συμπεσόντων δὲ εἰς μάχην κλίνεται τὸ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου κέρας καὶ παθεῖν ἂν ἐκινδύνευσε τὰ δεινότατα, εἰ μὴ παρὰ τὴν ἠόνα τοῦ ποταμοῦ σὺν τοῖς οἰκείοις στρατιώταις ᾿Αντίπατρος παρα- θέων νενικηκὼς ἤδη τοὺς πολεμίους τὸν μὲν ῥύεται, τρέπει' δὲ εἰς φυγὴν τοὺς νενικηκότας > / “- ~ 135 Αἰγυπτίους. αἱρεῖ δὲ αὐτῶν Kal τὸ στρατόπεδον 3 / A , , ᾿ ,ὔ > /\ δ ἐπιμείνας τῇ διώξει, τόν τε Μιθριδάτην ἀνεκάλει πλεῖστον ἐν τῇ τροπῇ διασχόντα. ἔπεσον δὲ τῶν μὲν περὶ τοῦτον ὀκτακόσιοι, τῶν δὲ ᾿Αντιπάτρου 136 πεντήκοντα. Μιθριδάτης δὲ περὶ τούτων ἐπι- “ a“ ο \ ~ στέλλει Καίσαρι, τῆς τε νίκης αὐτοῖς ἅμα Kal τῆς σωτηρίας αἴτιον τὸν ᾿Αντίπατρον ἀποφαίνων, ὥστε Ψ - ~ τὸν Καίσαρα τότε μὲν ἐπαινεῖν αὐτόν, κεχρῆσθαι δὲ παρὰ πάντα τὸν πόλεμον εἰς τὰ κινδυνωδέστατα ~ \ A ~ τῷ ᾿Αντιπάτρῳ" καὶ δὴ Kal τρωθῆναι συνέβη παρὰ τοὺς ἀγῶνας αὐτῷ. 1 P: συνελθόντας rell. . 3. ὡς ἤδη FLAMW et Lat. vid. 8 παρεληλύθει LAMW et Lat. vid. 4 προτρέπει P. 5 Niese: ἐκάλει codd. TOV... ὀκτακόσιοι] τούτων μὲν περὶ ὀκτακοσίους FLAMW. 7 τεσσαράκοντα LAMW Lat. 6 ® The parallel, B.J. i. 190, does not tell how Antipater won the support of the Egyptian Jews by using Hyrcanus’ name ; cf. above, ὃ 127 note ὁ. 518 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 132-136 high priest had the same wish, they complied.*_ And when those in the neighbourhood of Memphis heard that these Jews had joined Caesar’s side, they too invited Mithridates to come to them. Accordingly he came and took them into his army as well. (2) And when he had passed round the region called the Delta, he engaged the enemy at the Camp of the Jews,’ as itis called. Mithridates com- manded the right wing, and Antipater the left. And when they met in battle, Mithridates’ wing gave way and would have been in danger of suffering a very grave disaster, if Antipater, who had already defeated the enemy (opposite him), had not come running with his own soldiers along the bank of the river and rescued him, at the same time putting to flight the Egyptians who had defeated Mithridates. And con- tinuing in pursuit, he also seized their camp, and brought back ὁ Mithridates, who had been separated far from him in the rout. Of the latter’s men some eight hundred fell, while Antipater lost only fifty.4 Mithridates thereupon wrote an account of this to Caesar, declaring that Antipater had been respon- sible for their victory and also for their safety ; and as a result of this, Caesar commended Antipater on that occasion, and, what is more, made use of him for the most dangerous tasks throughout the entire war. The natural result was that Antipater was wounded in some of the battles.¢ > Cf. above, 8 131 note d. ¢ Text slightly emended: mss. “‘ called.” @ Variant “forty”; B.J.i. 192 has “ eighty.” ¢ This tribute to Antipater’s prowess seems no less notable than that given in the parallel, B./. 192-193—contrary to Laqueur’s views. B.J. has some eulogistic phrases missing in Ant. but en revanche it lacks others found here. 519 Caesar com- mends Anti- pater for his prowess in battle in Egypt. JOSEPHUS 137. (3) Καταλύσας μέντοι Καῖσαρ μετὰ χρόνον τὸν πόλεμον καὶ εἰς Συρίαν ἀποπλεύσας ἐτίμησε με- γάλως, “Ὑρκανῷ μὲν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην βεβαιώσας, aA / ὃ ΝΥ λ , > Ῥ , ὃ Ἁ ‘ ντιπάτρῳ δὲ πολιτείαν ἐν ‘Pon δοὺς Kat 5 / “-“ / \ « ‘ -“ « 138 ἀτέλειαν πανταχοῦ. λέγεται δὲ ὑπὸ πολλῶν “Yp- κανὸν ταύτης κοινωνῆσαι τῆς στρατείας" καὶ ἐλθεῖν εἰς Αἴγυπτον, μαρτυρεῖ δέ μου τῷ λόγῳ Στράβων ὁ Καππάδοξ λέγων ἐξ ᾿Ασινίου ὀνόματος οὕτως" ae μετὰ δὲ τὸν Μιθριδάτην εἰσβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπ- 139 Tov Kal “Ὑρκανὸν τὸν τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων “ἀρχιερέα. ὁ δ᾽ αὐτὸς οὗτος Στράβων καὶ ἐν ἑτέροις" πάλιν ἐξ “Ὑψικράτους ὀνόματος λέγει οὕτως" “᾿ τὸν μὲν Μιθριδάτην ἐξελθεῖν μόνον, κληθέντα δ᾽ εἰς ᾿Ασκά- λωνα ᾿Αντίπατρον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, τὸν τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας ἐπιμελητήν, τρισχιλίους αὐτῷ στρατιώτας συμ- παρασκευάσαι, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους δυνάστας προτρέψαι, κοινωνῆσαι δὲ τῆς στρατείας" καὶ “YpKavoy τὸν ἀρχιερέα. ταῦτα μὲν Στράβων φησίν. 140 (4) ᾿Ελθὼν δὲ καὶ ᾿Αντίγονος ὁ ᾿Αριστοβούλου τότε" πρὸς Kaicapa τήν τε τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπωδύρετο τύχην καὶ ὡς dv αὐτὸν ἀποθάνοι φαρμάκοις 3 \ > / \ « > \ ἣν “- ἀναιρεθεὶς ᾿Αριστόβουλος καὶ 6 ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ 1 Dindorf: στρατιᾶς codd. E: militiae Lat. 2 ἑτέρῳ AMW: alibi Lat. 3 Dindorf: στρατιᾶς codd. E: militiae Lat. 4 tore om. PE. 5 τελευτὴν P: calamitatem Lat. α Caesar sailed for Syria in the spring of 47 B.c. to attack Pharnaces, King of Bosporus, who was threatening the Roman forces in Asia Minor ; on the chronology see Judeich, pp. 108 ff. » Caesar did this to please Antipater, adds B.J. i. 194. Hyreanus had probably resumed the office of high priest after the imprisonment of Aristobulus in 63 B.c., cf. above, § 7 note a. ¢ Text slightly emended: mss. “ army. 520 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 137-140 (3) Moreover, when Caesar in the course of time Hyrcanus concluded the war and sailed to Syria,* he honoured np leony him greatly; while confirming Hyrcanus in the high- f for aiding priesthood,” he gave Antipater Roman citizenship and inteee exemption fad taxation everywhere. It is said by many writers that Hyrcanus took part in this cam- paign’ and came to Egypt.? And this statement of mine is attested by Strabo of Cappadocia, who writes as follows, on the authority of Asinius.¢ “ After Mithridates, Hyreanus, the high priest of the Jews, also invaded Egypt.’’ And again this same Strabo in another passage writes as follows, on the authority of Hypsicrates.f “ Mithridates went out alone, but Antipater, the procurator?’ of Judaea, was called to Ascalon by him and provided him with an additional three thousand” soldiers, and won over the other princes ; and the high priest Hyrcanus also took part in the campaign.” * These are Strabo’s own words. (4) But at that time’ Antigonus, the son of Aristo- Antigonus, bulus, also came to Caesar and bewailed the sad fate * 8°7 οἵ Aristobulus of his father, saying that it was on Caesar’s account 1, appeals that Aristobulus and his brother had died, the one ee having been put out of the way by poison, and the een canus, @ This statement and the following quotation from Strabo are not found in B.J. ¢ Asinius Pollio, a contemporary of Julius Caesar, wrote a History, now lost except for brief fragments, which covered the period 60-c. 40 B.c. ‘ An older contemporary of Strabo ; his works, now lost, except for fragments, seem to have dealt with the history and ethnography of the Near East and Africa. 9 Cf. above, § 127 note d. * Only 1500 are mentioned in Caesar’s decree, § 193. { Text slightly emended: mss. “‘ army.” 4 The variant omits “ at that time.” ® Variant ** the death,” 521 141 143 JOSEPHUS κτείναντος πελέκει Σκιπίωνος, ἐδεῦτό τε λαβεῖν οἶκτον αὐτοῦ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκβεβλημένου, “Ὑρκανοῦ τ᾽" ἐπὶ τούτοις καὶ ᾿Αντιπάτρου κατηγόρει βιαίως ἐξηγουμένων τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ εἰς αὐτὸν παρανομη- σάντων. «παρὼν δὲ ᾿Αντίπατρος ἀπελογεῖτο μὲν ὑπὲρ ὧν ἑώρα καθ᾽ αὑτοῦ" τὴν κατηγορίαν γεγενη- μένην, νεωτεριστὰς δὲ ἀπέφαινε τοὺς “περὶ τὸν ᾿Αντίγονον καὶ στασιώδεις, ὅσα TE πονήσειεν αὖ- τοῖς" καὶ συνεργήσειεν ὑπεμίμνησκεν ἐπὶ τοῖς στρατηγήμασιν,' ποιούμενος τοὺς λόγους ὧν αὐτὸς ἦν μάρτυς. δικαίως τε ἔλεγεν ᾿Αριστόβουλον μὲν εἰς Ρώμην ἀνάσπαστον" γεγονέναι, πολέμιον ἀεὶ καὶ μηδέποτε εὔνουν ὑπάρξαντα “Ῥωμαίοις, τὸν δὲ ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ κολασθέντα" ἐπὶ λῃστείᾳ ὑπὸ Σκι- πίωνος τυχεῖν ὧν ἄξιος ἦν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ κατὰ βίαν καὶ ἀδικίαν τοῦτο παθεῖν τοῦ δράσαντος. (5) Todvrous ᾿Αντιπάτρου ποιησαμένου τοὺς λό- γους Καῖσαρ ᾿ἵρκανὸν μὲν ἀποδείκνυσιν ἀρχιερέα, ᾿Αντιπάτρῳ δὲ δίδωσιΐ δυναστείαν ἣ ἣν αὐτὸς προ- αιρεῖται. τούτου δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ ποιησαμένου τὴν κρίσιν, ἐπίτροπον αὐτὸν ἀποδείκνυσι τῆς ᾿ἴου- 1 Niese: δὲ aut δ᾽ codd. 2 καθ᾽ αὑτοῦ Naber: κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ codd. edd. ὑτὸς Wi Lat. 4 στρατεύμασι PE. ἡ ἀνάρπαστον FLA?MW: tractum Lat. κρατηθέντα FLAMW. 7 δ᾽ ἐφίησιν PF!: δὲ ἀφίησι E Exc.: donavit Lat. a ene above, §§ 124-125. Ant. omits the criticism (obviously repeated from Nicolae of Damascus) of Antigonus for his attack on Anti- pater and Hyrcanus, which is expressed in the parallel, B.J. i. 195. It also omits Antigonus’ charge that his adver- saries had supported Caesar in Egypt not out of goodwill but out of fear. 522 3 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 140-143 other executed by beheading at the hands of Scipio %; and he begged Caesar to take pity on him for having been driven from his realm; and in this connexion he accused Hyrcanus and Antipater of governing the people by violence and having acted lawlessly toward him.’ But Antipater, who was present, defended himself on these points of the accusation which he saw had been brought against him, and declared that Antigonus and his fellows were revolutionaries and fomenters of sedition’; at the same time he recalled how he had laboured on behalf of the Romans and assisted them in their plans of war, speaking of things to which his own person testified? ; with justice, he added, had Aristobulus been deported to Rome, for he had always been hostile to the Romans and never well-disposed toward them. As for the brother of Antigonus who had been punished ° for brigandage by Scipio, he had met the fate he de- served, and if he had suffered this punishment it was not because of any violence or injustice on the part of him who had inflicted it. (5) After Antipater had made this speech, Caesar Caesar and Σ : " Ξ the Roman appointed Hyrcanus high priest,f and gave Antipater Senate power to rule in whatever form he preferred. And Betas as the latter left the decision to him, he appointed and Hyrcanus. ¢ Antipater defends himself more dramatically in B.J. i. 197; he strips off his clothes to show his sears, and also speaks more rhetorically against the reyolutionary tendencies of the family of Aristobulus. 4 Apparently this is a reference to his scars (cf. preceding note); others translate, ‘ speaking of things of which he (Caesar) was a witness.” ¢ Variant “‘ seized.” 7 And ethnarch, according to the decrees cited in §§ 190 ff. sy the Jews he seems to have been called king, cf. 88 157, 172. 523 144 145 146 147 JOSEPHUS , ’ / \ δ, ΔῈ ~ ‘ ~ , δαίας. ἐπιτρέπει δὲ καὶ “Ὑρκανῷ τὰ τῆς πατρίδος ἀναστῆσαι τείχη, ταύτην αἰτησαμένῳ τὴν χάριν" ἔτι γὰρ ἐρήριπτο᾽ ἸΪομπηίου καταβαλόντος" καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἐπιστέλλει τοῖς ὑπάτοις εἰς Ῥώμην ava- γράψαι ἐν τῷ Καπετωλίῳ. καὶ τὸ γενόμενον ὑπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα τοῦτον ἔχει τὸν τρόπον" “Λεύκιος Οὐαλέριος Λευκίου υἱὸς στρατηγὸς" συν- ΄ “- / ” ΄ > εβουλεύσατο τῇ συγκλήτῳ εἴδοις Δεκεμβρίαις ἐν τῷ τῆς Ὁμονοίας ναῷ. γραφομένῳ τῷ δόγματι ~ / 4, / εν , παρῆσαν Λεύκιος Κωπώνιος Λευκίου υἱὸς Ἰζολλίνα καὶ ᾿[απείριος Kupiva. περὶ ὧν ᾿Αλέξανδρος" ᾿Ιάσονος καὶ Νουμήνιος ᾿Αντιόχου καὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρος Δωροθέου, ᾿Ιουδαίων πρεσβευταί, ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ καὶ σύμμαχοι, διελέχθησαν, ἀνανεούμενοι τὰς προ- “* € ὑπηργμένας πρὸς ‘Pwpatous χάριτας καὶ τὴν φιλίαν, ~ / ~ Kal ἀσπίδα χρυσῆν σύμβολον τῆς συμμαχίας yevo- μένην ἀνήνεγκαν ἀπὸ χρυσῶν μυριάδων πέντε, καὶ » A“ ~ γράμματ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἠξίωσαν δοθῆναι πρός τε Tas / A A ΄- αὐτονομουμένας πόλεις καὶ πρὸς βασιλεῖς ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς λιμένας ἀδείας τυγ- 1 ἔτι γὰρ ἐρήριπτο P: ἔρριπτο yap ( ἔτι ΕἾ rell.: ἔτι γὰρ ἔρριπτο I. Exe.: nam adhue diruti iacebant Lat. 2 consul Lat. 3 ᾿Αντίπατρος coni. Ritschl. « Cf. above, § 127 note ὦ. » In B.J. i. 199 this favour is granted Antipater. In the change of persons Laqueur, p. 165, sees another instance of Josephus’ “* systematic political revision ” of BJ. © On the various Roman and Hellenistic decrees cited in Ant. xiii. and xiv. see works listed in Appendix J. 4 The following decree is to be dated, not in the time of Hyrcanus II (the decrees of Caesar issued on his behalf are cited below, §§ 190 ff.), but probably in the time of Simon, 524 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 144-147 him procurator of Judaea.? He also permitted Hyr- canus, who had asked this favour of him, to rebuild the walls of his native city, for they had been lying in ruins ever since Pompey demolished them. And he sent instructions to the consuls at Rome to record these grants inthe Capitol.“ And the decree enacted by the Senate was as follows.‘ Lucius Valerius, son of Lucius, the praetor,’ consulted with the Senate on the Ides of December in the Temple of Concord.’ And at the writing of the decree there were present Lucius Coponius, son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe, and Papirius of the Quirine tribe. Whereas Alex- ander,’ son of Jason, Numenius, son of Antiochus, and Alexander, son of Dorotheus, envoys of the Jews and worthy men and allies, have discussed the matter of renewing the relation of goodwill and friendship which they formerly maintained with the Romans, and have brought as a token of the alliance a golden shield worth fifty thousand gold pieces,” and have asked that letters be given them to the autonomous cities and kings in order that their country and ports may be secure and suffer no harm,’it has been de- more exactly in 139 B.c.; cf. 1 Macc. xv. 16-21, where a similar letter of the Roman consul Lucius is cited; cf. further works cited in Appendix J. “Οὐ “ consul,” as the Latin translation has it; ow στρατ- nyos as “ praetor’ and “ consul’’ see Magie, pp. 74, 81. 7 Schiirer, i. 251 n. 22 end, argues against Mommsen (Hermes ix. (1875), 281 ff.) that this may be an earlier Temple of Concord than that built in 121 B.c., and that thus the dating of the decree in 139 5.6. is not excluded. 9 Ritschl proposes to read ‘“* Antipater,’”’ to make the decree agree with 1 Macc. xiv. 22, which names the enyoys Numenius, son of Antiochus, and Antipater, son of Jason. » Cf. 1 Mace. xiv. 24, xv. 18, which mention a gold shield of 1000 minae = 50,000 didrachms or staters. * Such kings are enumerated in 1 Mace. xv. 22. 525 JOSEPHUS 148 χάνειν καὶ μηδὲν ἀδικεῖσθαι, ἔδοξε “συνθέσθαι' 149 100 φιλίαν καὶ χάριτας πρὸς αὐτούς, καὶ ὅσων ἐδεή- θησαν τυχεῖν ταῦτ᾽ αὐτοῖς παρασχεῖν καὶ τὴν κομισθεῖσαν ἀσπίδα προσδέξασθαι." ταῦτα eye veTo ἐπὶ “Ὑρκανοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου, ἔτους ἐνάτου" μηνὸς Ἰ]ανέμου. εὕρατο δὲ" Kal παρὰ τοῦ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων δήμου τιμὰς Ὑρκανὸς πολλὰ" χρή- σιμος εἰς αὐτοὺς γενόμενος, ἔπεμψάν τε ψήφισμα γράψαντες αὐτῷ τοῦτον ἔχον τὸν τρόπον" “ἐπὶ πρυτάνεως καὶ ἱερέως Διονυσίου τοῦ ᾿Ασκληπιάδου, μηνὸς Πανέμου πέμπτῃ ἀπιόντος, ἐπεδόθη" τοῖς στρατηγοῖς" ψήφισμα ᾿Αθηναίων. ἐπὶ ᾿Αγαθο- κλέους “ἄρχοντος Εὐκλῆς Ξενάνδρου Αἰθαλίδης" ἐγραμμάτευε, Μουνυχιῶνος ἑνδεκάτῃ, ἑνδεκάτῃ" τῆς πρυτανείας, ἐκκλησίας γενομένης ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ τῶν προέδρων, ἐπεψήφιζε Δωρόθεος Ἐρχιεὺς" καὶ 1 ἔδοξε δὲ συνθέσθαι FL: ἔδοξεν οὖν θέσθαι AMW: placuit igitur componere Lat. ἐνάτου εἰκοστοῦ Coni. Homolle. δὴ AMW. 4 πολλὰ Kat αὐτὸς P. ἀπεδόθη Krebs. τοῖς στρατηγοῖς om. Ρ, secl. Niese. Ξενάνδρου Αἰθαλίδης coni. 1, Reinach: Μενάνδρου ᾿Αλι- μούσιος codd. 8 ἑνδεκάτῃ 2° add. Dindorf. ® Corsini: ἀρχιερεὺς codd. Exe. Lat. yon ὦ 2 There is no reason why Josephus’ source should give the date of a Roman decree in terms of the Macedonian calendar ; moreover the decree is dated internally on the Ides of December, while Panemus = June-July. The sentence evidently refers to the following Athenian decree, which is to be dated in the time of Hyrcanus I (see notes following) ; we must, however, emend “ ninth” to “ twenty-ninth,” as Homolle proposes, which would give us 106/5 B.c., agreeing with the date of the archonship of Agathocles; we must 526 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 148-150 creed to form a relation of goodwill and friendship with them and to provide them with all the things which they have requested, and to accept the shield which they have brought.” This took place in the uinth year of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch, inthe month Panemus.? Among the Athenian people the | also Hyreanus obtained honours, for he had been of Athenians | great service to them. And they wrote and sent him Hyrcanus. a resolution, of which the contents were as follows. “Tn the presidency and priesthood of Dionysius, son of Asclepiades, on the fifth day before the end of the month of Panemus, a decree of the Athenians was delivered to the magistrates.’ In the archonship of Agathocles,° when Eucles, son of Xenander, of the Aithalidean deme,’ was scribe, on the eleventh of the month of Munychion,’ on the eleventh day / of the prytany, a meeting of the presiding officers (proedrot) being held in the theatre, Dorotheus of the Erchian deme 5 and his fellow presiding officers also delete the words ‘‘ and ethnarch,’”’ which could hardly have been applied to Hyreanus I. δ As Reinach points out, this first sentence is introductory, and refers to the transmission of the decree to the Jews by some Hellenistic city. © 106/5 B.c.; see W. B. Dinsmoor, The Archons of Athens in the Hellenistic Age, 1931, pp. 275-277 and W. Pritchett and B. D. Meritt, The Chronology of Hellenistic Archons 1941, p. xxxiv. 4 Reinach’s conjecture, on the basis of a contemporary inscription (CJA ii.? 2984) for mss. ‘son of Menander, of the Alimusian deme.” ¢ Thus the decree was passed two months earlier than Hyrcanus received it, cf. above, note a. 7 'The day of the prytany, missing in the mss., is supplied by Dindorf. 4 Text slightly emended ; for "Epyeds ‘‘of the Erchian deme” the mss, have ἀρχιερεὺς ** high priest.” ae 527 151 152 JOSEPHUS οἱ συμπρόεδροι, ἔδοξε; τῷ δήμω, Διονύσιος Διονυ- σίου εἶπεν: ἐπειδὴ “Υ̓ρκανὸς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, ἀρχ- \ ἈΠ / ~ > / - ~ ιερεὺς Kat ἐθνάρχης τῶν “lovdaiwy, διατελεῖ κοινῇ τε ΄ / JON: ~ ~ ες ΄ J ~ \ τῷ δήμῳ καὶ ἰδίᾳ τῶν πολιτῶν ἑκάστῳ εὐνοῶν Kal A ~ πάσῃ χρώμενος περὶ αὐτοὺς σπουδῇ, Kal τοὺς / > / ”“ ‘\ / . Ἅ παραγινομένους ᾿Αθηναίων ἢ κατὰ πρεσβείαν ἢ > 7 , « > ‘ € / κατ᾽ ἰδίαν πρόφασιν ὡς αὐτὸν ὑποδέχεται φιλο- φρόνως καὶ προπέμπει, τῆς ἀσφαλοῦς αὐτῶν ἐπαν- > ᾿ δου προνοούμενος, ἐμαρτυρήθη μὲν καὶ πρότερον ‘ , / \ A ~ / ~ περὶ τούτων, δέδοκται δὲ καὶ νῦν Θεοδότου τοῦ Διοδώρου" Σουνιέως εἰσηγησαμένου καὶ περὶ τῆς τἀνδρὸς ἀρετῆς ὑπομνήσαντος τὸν δῆμον, καὶ ὅτι a ~ > προαίρεσιν ἔχει ποιεῖν ἡμᾶς ὅ τι ποτ᾽ ἂν δύνηται 3 ~ ~ ἀγαθόν, τιμῆσαι τὸν ἄνδρα χρυσῷ στεφάνῳ apt- στείῳ κατὰ τὸν νόμον, καὶ στῆσαι αὐτοῦ εἰκόνα ~ > ~ / ~ » ‘ ~ r ,ὔ χαλκῆν ἐν τῷ τεμένει τοῦ Δήμου καὶ τῶν Χαρίτων, > A \ \ / > ~ / ΄ ἀνειπεῖν δὲ τὸν στέφανον ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ, Διονυσίοις τραγῳδῶν τῶν καινῶν ἀγομένων καὶ [Παναθηναίοις 1 ἔδοξε ins. Boeckh. 2 ᾿Αλεξάνδρου secl. Homolle. 3 Θεοδότου τοῦ Διοδώρου coni. Dumont: Διονυσίου τοῦ Θεοδώρου P Lat.: Θεοδοσίου τοῦ Θεοδώρου rell. @ ἐπεψήφιζε is the equivalent of ἐπεστάτει, cf. W. Larfeld, Griechische Epigraphik, 1914, p. 333. » This word, missing in the mss., is supplied by Boeckh. ¢ The preceding formulae correspond perfectly with the usual style of an Athenian decree, cf. Larfeld, loc. cit. 4 The words “ son of Alexander ’’ (Jannaeus) must have 528 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 150-153 supervised the voting * when the people passed ἢ the motion of Dionysius, son of Dionysius, as follows.° Inasmuch as Hyrcanus, son of Alexander,? the high priest and ethnarch® of the Jews, has continued to show goodwill to our people as a whole and to every individual citizen, and to manifest the greatest zeal on their behalf, and when any Athenians come to him either on an embassy or on a private matter, he receives them in a friendly manner and sends them on their way with precautions for their safe return, as has been previously attested, it has therefore now been decreed on the motion of Theodotus, son of Diodorus,’ of the Sunian deme, who reminded the people of the virtues of this man and of his readiness to do us whatever good he can, to honour this man with a golden crown as the reward of merit fixed by law, and to set up his statue in bronze in the pre- cincts of the temple of Demos and the Graces,’ and to announce the award of the crown in the theatre at the Dionysian festival when the new tragedies are performed, and at the Panathenaean and Eleusinian been added by Josephus or his source, under the impression that Hyrecanus II was meant instead of Hyrcanus I. ¢ The words “‘ and ethnarch’”’ must also be an addition, see § 148 note a above. 4 “ Theodotus, son of Diodorus” is conjectured by Dumont (cited in Reinach’s note) for mss. ‘** Theodosius (variant *‘ Dionysius ’’), son of Theodorus,”’ on the basis of a contemporary inscription. 9 This temple was near the Agora; cf. Chas. H. Weller, Athens and its Monuments, 1913, p. 81, “ΔΑ small pre- cinct which Pausanias fails to mention has been uncovered in the railroad artery at the north end of the Colonus Agoraeus, the precinct of Demus and the Graces ... we know from literary references that various bronze statues stood here.”’ See also W. Judeich, Topographie v. Athen, 2nd ed. p. 362. 529 JOSEPHUS 19 news ὩΣ» - a ee’ καὶ ᾿᾿λευσινίοις᾽ καὶ" ἐν τοῖς γυμνικοῖς ἀγῶσιν, i a 154 ἐπιμεληθῆναι δὲ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς διαμένοντί τε αὐτῷ καὶ διαφυλάσσοντι" τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς εὔνοιαν ~ ,ὔ εἶναι πᾶν 6 τι ἂν ἐπινοήσωμεν εἰς τιμὴν καὶ χάριν ΄ 5 A ~ / τῆς τἀνδρὸς σπουδῆς καὶ φιλοτιμίας, ἵνα τούτων γενομένων᾽ φαίνηται 6 δῆμος ἡμῶν ἀποδεχόμενος τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς καὶ τῆς προσηκούσης ἀμοιβῆς ἀξιῶν, ζηλώσῃ" τὴν περὶ ἡμᾶς σπουδὴν τῶν" ἤδη ᾿ ᾿ Ὁ. eNUs \ \ , Rife, ἘΣ 155 τετιμημένων": ἑλέσθαι δὲ καὶ πρέσβεις ἐξ ἁπάντων ᾿Αθηναίων, οἵτινες τὸ ψήφισμά τε αὐτῷ κομιοῦσι καὶ παρακαλέσουσι προσδεξάμενον τὰς τιμὰς πει- ρᾶσθαί τι ποιεῖν ἀγαθὸν ἡμῶν ἀεὶ τὴν πόλιν. at \ > \ « ,ὔ \ ~ / ~ > 6 μὲν οὖν παρὰ Ρωμαίων Kat τοῦ δήμου τοῦ ᾿Αθη- , a ναίων τιμαὶ πρὸς “ἵρκανὸν ἡμῖν δεδήλωνται € ~ ἱκανῶς ὃ . A A 156 (ix. 1) Καῖσαρ δὲ διοικήσας τὰ κατὰ THY Συρίαν ἀπέπλευσεν. ὡς δὲ Καίσαρα προπέμψας ἐκ τῆς / > δι. ἢ :} \ > ,ὔ «ε / Συρίας ᾿Αντίπατρος εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ὑπέστρεψεν, ἀνεγείρει μὲν εὐθὺς τὸ τεῖχος ὑπὸ Πομπηίου καθῃρημένον, καὶ τὸν κατὰ τὴν χώραν θόρυβον" 1 Τ]αναθηναίοις καὶ "EXevowiors Lowthius: Παναθηναίων καὶ ᾿Ελευσιναίων codd. 2 καὶ 560]. Niese: καὶ Πτολεμαίοις coni. T. Reinach. 8. φυλάττοντι P. * γινομένων. gs 5 ζηλώσει PFLYV. 8 ἐκ tav V: ἕκαστος τῶν Gutschmid. ¢ ζηλώσῃ. ae τετιμημένων] ζηλώσωσι πάντες τῆς περὶ ἡμᾶς σπουδῆς τὸν ὧδε τετιμημένον coni. T. Reinach. 8 + τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ διὰ τούτων P. ® ἑκανῶς om. Ῥ, 10 θρύλον LAW: θρύλλον ME marg.: seditionem Lat. @ Text uncertain; perhaps it read originally, ‘‘ at the gymnastic games of the Panathenaean and Eleusinian festivals ’’ or, as Reinach suggests, on the basis of con- 530 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 153-156 festivals and at the #ymnastic games*%; and that the magistrates shall take care that so long as he con- tinues to maintain his goodwill toward us, everything which we can devise shall be done to show honour and gratitude to this man for his zeal and generosity, in order that by these measures our people may show that it approves of good men and holds them worthy of a fitting reward, and may rival those already honoured in the zeal shown toward us?; and that envoys shall be chosen from among all the Athenians to convey this resolution to him and re- quest him to accept these honours and to endeavour at all times to do good to our city.” What we have here set down concerning the honours paid to Hyrcanus ° by the Romans and the people of Athens seems sufficient. (ix. 1) ?Now when Caesar had settled the affairs of Antipater Syria, he sailed away. And Antipater, after escorting (aor Caesar out of Syria, returned to Judaea and at once Judaza. raised again the wall which had been demolished by Pompey,’ and going about the country suppressed temporary inscriptions, “‘ at the gymnastic games of the Panathenaean and Eleusinian and Ptolemaic festivals.” > The text and meaning of the last clause are slightly uncertain. Reinach emends to read, ‘“‘ and that all may rival the one thus honoured (i.e. Hyreanus) in zeal toward us.” But Reinach’s “ thus ”’ (ὧδε) would have to be οὕτως, as Prof. B. D. Meritt writes privately through Prof. Capps ; Prof. Meritt also suggests that ζηλώσῃ (v.1. -ev) may be an jotacism for ζηλῶσι. Prof. Post reads dnAdon, * reveal the zeal . . . of those already honoured.” But 1 think ζηλώσῃ may stand. ¢ ms. P adds “ the high priest.” 4 Here is resumed the parallelism between Ant. and B.J. ; §§ 156-170 are parallel to B.J. i. 201-211; cf. Laqueur, pp. 171-184, who in these sections, as elsewhere, sees evidence of Josephus’ later anti-Herodian bias. “ Cf. § 144. 531 157 158 159 160 JOSEPHUS > ‘\ / > ~ “ ‘ ἐπιὼν κατέστελλεν, ἀπειλῶν τε ἅμα καὶ συμβου- λεύων ἠρεμεῖν: τοὺς μὲν γὰρ τὰ" ‘Ypxavod - > ? ‘ /, ‘ ,ὔ ~ φρονοῦντας ev εὐδίᾳ διάξειν, καὶ βιώσεσθαι τῶν ἰδίων ἀπολαύοντας κτημάτων ἀταράχως, προστιθε- μένους δὲ ταῖς ἐκ τοῦ νεωτερίζειν ἐλπίσιν καὶ τοῖς ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν κέρδεσιν προσανέχοντας αὐτὸν μὲν ἕξειν ἀντὶ προστάτου δεσπότην, ‘\pKavov δὲ ἀντὶ βασι- λέως τύραννον, Ρωμαίους δὲ καὶ Καίσαρα πικροὺς ἀνθ᾽ ἡγεμόνων πολεμίους": οὐ γὰρ ἀνέξεσθαι μετα- κινούμενον ὃν αὐτοὶ κατέστησαν. ταῦτα λέγων καθίστα δι᾿ ἑαυτοῦ" τὰ κατὰ τὴν χώραν. (2) Βραδὺν δ᾽ ὁρῶν καὶ νωθῆ τὸν ‘Ypxavov, Φασάηλον μὲν τὸν πρεσβύτατον αὑτοῦ τῶν παίδων “Ἱεροσολύμων καὶ τῶν πέριξ στρατηγὸν ἀποδείκ- ~ \ > Ε] \ ¢€ / \ / νυσι, τῷ δὲ pet αὐτὸν Ἡρώδῃ τὴν [Γαλιλαίαν ἐπέτρεψε, πάνταπασιν ὄντι νέῳ: πεντεκαίδεκα" γὰρ > A > / /, ” ΄ \ > \ > \ αὐτῷ ἐγεγόνει μόνον ἔτη. βλάπτει δὲ οὐδὲν αὐτὸν ἡ νεότης, ἀλλ᾽ ὧν τὸ φρόνημα γενναῖος ὁ νεανίας ἀφορμὴν εὑρίσκει παραχρῆμα εἰς ἐπίδειξιν τῆς ἀρετῆς. καταλαβὼν γὰρ ᾿Εζεκίαν τὸν ἀρχιλῃστὴν τὰ προσεχῆ τῆς Συρίας κατατρέχοντα σὺν μεγάλῳ , A V6 " \ \ a στίφει, τοῦτον συλλαβὼν" κτείνει καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ λῃστῶν. σφόδρα δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο ἠγάπησαν οἱ Σύροι: ποθοῦσι γὰρ αὐτοῖς 1 P: τὰ rell. E. 2 τὰ P: om. rell. E. 3 δι’ ἑαυτοῦ om. P Zonaras. 4 κε΄ coni. Casaubon. 5 κατασχὼν V. * By the Jews he was called ‘‘ king,” by the Romans, *ethnarch ”; cf. § 143 note ἢ » B.J.i. 202 has ** enemies in place of rulers and friends.” 532 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 156-160 disorders therein by both threatening and advising the people to remain quiet. For, he said, those who were on the side of Hyrcanus would be left in peace and could live undisturbed in the enjoyment of their own possessions, but if they clung to the hope of achieving something by revolution and were counting on any gains therefrom, they would have in him a master in place of a protector, and in Hyrcanus a tyrant in place of a king,” and in the Romans and Caesar bitter enemies in place of rulers.? For they would not allow any man to be removed from office whom they themselves had placed therein. Through such words he restored order throughout the country by his own efforts. (2) But as he saw that Hyrcanus was dull and slug- gish,° he appointed his eldest son Phasael governor of Jerusalem and the surrounding region, and en- trusted Galilee to his second son Herod, who was still quite young ; he was, in fact, only fifteen years old.¢ But his youth in no way hindered him, and being a young man of high spirit, he quickly found an opportunity for showing his prowess. For on learn- ing that Ezekias, a bandit leader, was overrunning the borders of Syria with a large troop, he caught and killed him and many of the bandits with him. This achievement of his was greatly admired by the Syrians, for he had cleared their country of a gang ° BJ. i. 203 reads “ sluggish and without the energy necessary to a king.” 4 As Otto points out, Herodes, p. 18, Josephus’ emphasis on Herod’s youth indicates that *‘ fifteen years’ is not a scribal error for ‘‘ twenty-five years.’’ However Josephus is inconsistent; in Ant. xvii. 148 he tells us that Herod was about seventy when he died (in 4 B.c.), hence he must have been about twenty-five in 47 B.c, 533 Antipater's son Herod is made governor of Galilee and subdues the brigands. JOSEPHUS > / ~ / A "A >? / ἀπηλλάχθαι τοῦ λῃστηρίου τὴν χώραν ἐκαθάρευσεν. ὕμνουν γοῦν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τούτῳ κατά τε κώμας καὶ κατὰ πόλεις" ὡς εἰρήνην αὐτοῖς παρεσχηκότα καὶ 5 ~ ~ / > / > / \ \ ἀσφαλῆ τῶν κτημάτων ἀπόλαυσιν. ἐγένετο δὲ διὰ τοῦτο καὶ Σέξτῳ Καίσαρι γνώριμος, ὄντι συγγενεῖ a , , \ , \ , 2 τοῦ μεγάλου Καίσαρος καὶ διέποντι τὴν Συρίαν. 161 ζῆλος δὲ ἐμπίπτει τῶν Ἡρώδῃ πεπραγμένων / ~ > ~ \ Ν \ > / Φασαήλῳ τῷ ἀδελφῷ, καὶ πρὸς τὴν εὐδοκίμησιν ὝΕΣ, \ > ai 23 Ades a " αὐτοῦ κινηθεὶς ἐφιλοτιμεῖτο" μὴ ἀπολειφθῆναι τῆς ὁμοίας εὐφημίας, καὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς “Ἱεροσολύμοις εὐνουστάτους" ἐποιεῖτο, du αὑτοῦ μὲν ἔχων τὴν πόλιν, οὔτε δ᾽ ἀπειροκάλως τοῖς πράγμασι προσ- / v3 > / > a! > 7 ~ > 162 φερόμενος OUT ἐξυβρίζων εἰς ΤΉΝ ἐξουσίαν. ταῦτ ᾿Αντίπατρον ἐποίει θεραπείας παρὰ τοῦ ἔθνους τυγχάνειν βασιλικῆς καὶ τιμῶν οἵων ἄν τις μετα- λαμβάνοι" τῶν ὅλων ὧν δεσπότης. ὑπὸ μέντοι τῆς > , , 6 \7 . , ex τούτων λαμπρότητος, οἷα" Kat’ φιλεῖ συμβαίνειν Ad δὲ a 8 \ Ὗ \ so 7, πολλάκις, οὐδὲν τῆς" πρὸς ρκανὸν εὐνοίας παρέβη" καὶ πίστεως. 165. (3) Οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τέλει τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ὁρῶντες τὸν > , \ \ eW > A10 7 > Avtimatpov καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς αὐτοῦ" μεγάλως αὐ- ξανομένους εὐνοίᾳ τε τῇ παρὰ τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ προσόδῳ τῇ τε παρὰ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας καὶ τῶν Ὑρ- 1 PV: πόλιν rell. 2 τὰ τῆς Συρίας FLAMW. 3. PE: ἐφιλοτιμήσατο rell. 4 εὐνουστέρους PE: fautores Lat. 5 μέγα λαμβάνει P: παραλαμβάνει F: παραλαμβάνοι LAMW. 6 οὐδὲν οἷα P: οὐδενὸς ἃ Exe. 7 kaiom. PV, 8 οὐδὲν τῆς V ed. pr.: τῆς rell. ® οὐ παρέβη FLAMW. 10 + μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ LAMW. 534 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 160-163 of bandits of whom they longed to be rid. And so they sang his praises for this deed throughout their villages and cities, saying that he had given them peace and the secure enjoyment of their possessions. And through this action he became known to Sextus Caesar, a kinsman of the great Caesar and governor of Syria.t Thereupon the desire to emulate Herod’s Antipater’s achievements seized his brother Phasael, and being }r°s'S™ moved by the thought of the reputation Herod had τ τ won, he was ambitious not to be behind him in achiev- ΡΣ ing like fame; and so he made the inhabitants of Jerusalem feel very friendly toward him, and though he kept the city under his own rule, he did not show any lack of discretion in governing it ὃ or abuse his authority. This situation made it possible for Anti- pater to receive from the nation the respect shown a king and such honour as might be enjoyed by one who is an absolute master. With all this glory, however, he did not, as so often seems to happen,? in any way alter his friendship and loyalty to Hyrcanus. (3) “But when the leading Jews saw Antipater and The leading his sons growing so great “through the goodwill of (oys accuse the nation and the revenues which they received pa his sons elore Tren 4 Sextus Caesar was sent to govern Syria in the summer of 47 B.c., ef. Schiirer i. 309. He was murdered by Caecilius Bassus, a partisan of Pompey, in 46 z.c., cf. below § 268. >» The phrase τοῖς πράγμασι προσφερόμενος in ὃ 161 is Thucydidean (Thue. vi. 44. 4) as is ofa καὶ φιλεῖ in § 162 ΕΠ 10 Sl. σον» 25. 5)» © 88 163-167 differ considerably from the account in B.J. i. 208-209 where Antipater appears in a more favourable, and Hyreanus in a more unfavourable, light. Laqueur, pp. 176 ff., argues that §§ 163-164 in Ant. were a later addition to B.J., which in turn was made to agree with the revised account by being interpolated. 535 164 165 166 167 JOSEPHUS A ‘ κανοῦ χρημάτων, κακοήθως εἶχον πρὸς αὐτόν" Kat \ , « > ,ὔ on / ‘ yap φιλίαν 6 ᾿Αντίπατρος ἦν πεποιημένος πρὸς τοὺς Ρωμαίων αὐτοκράτορας, καὶ χρήματα πείσας \ πέμψαι tov “Ypxavov αὐτὸς λαβὼν voodilerar τὴν ’ὔ « ‘\ > , > > > € € a“ δωρεάν: ws yap ἰδίαν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ws ‘“YpKavod διδόντος, ἔπεμψεν. ταῦθ᾽ “Ὑρκανὸς ἀκούων οὐκ \ ἐφρόντιζεν ἀλλὰ καὶ σφόδρα ἔχαιρεν. ev δέει δὲ ἦσαν οἱ πρῶτοι τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ὁρῶντες τὸν “Ἡρώδην βίαιον καὶ τολμηρὸν καὶ τυραννίδος γλι- / \ , « ~ ~ ” χόμενον: Kal προσελθόντες ‘Ypkava φανερῶς ἤδη a > / Dee’ ’ δι. pF? » κατηγόρουν ᾿Αντιπάτρου, καί “᾿ μέχρι πότ᾽, ᾿᾿ ἔφα- σαν, “᾿ ἐπὶ τοῖς πραττομένοις ἡσυχάσεις;" ἢ" οὐχ ~ / A ~ ὁρᾷς ᾿Αντίπατρον μὲν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ τὴν > \ , \ \4 a , ἀρχὴν διεζωσμένους, σαυτὸν δὲ τῆς βασιλείας » / > ͵7ὔ 3 \ \ / ὄνομα μόνον ἀκούοντα; ἀλλὰ μὴ λανθανέτω σε ταῦτα μηδὲ ἀκίνδυνος εἶναι νόμιζε ῥαθυμῶν περί τε σαυτῷ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ: οὐ γὰρ ἐπίτροποί σου τῶν πραγμάτων ᾿Αντίπατρος καὶ οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ νῦν > \ 3 / ‘ ~ Ψ Δ 3 A εἰσι, μηδὲ ἀπάτα σαυτὸν τοῦτο οἰόμενος, ἀλλὰ ὃ ΄ a > / ‘ ‘ « / εσπόται φανερῶς ἀνωμολόγηνται" Kat yap ᾿Ηρώ- ὃ ε aA ᾽ - Ἢ , DAA \ ΝᾺ ν 6 ns 6 παῖς αὐτοῦ ’Elexiav ἀπέκτεινε καὶ πολλοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ, παραβὰς τὸν ἡμέτερον νόμον, ὃς κεκώ- λυκεν ἄνθρωπον ἀναιρεῖν καὶ πονηρὸν ὄντα, εἰ μὴ πρότερον κατακριθείη τοῦτο παθεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ 1 ἀλλὰ... ἔχαιρεν om. P. 2 Hudson Exe.: ἡσυχάζεις codd. E Lat. 3 4 PVAW. 4 μέντοι P. 5 ga P. ὁ sods LAMVW: omnes Lat. 536 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 164-167 from Judaea and Hyrcanus’ wealth, they became hostile toward him. Moreover Antipater had formed a friendship with the Roman generals, and after per- suading Hyrcanus to send them money, he took this gift and appropriated it for himself, and then sent it as though it came from him and were not a gift from Hyreanus. Hyrcanus heard of this but gave the matter no thought; on the contrary he was actually pleased.? But the chief Jews were in great fear when they saw how powerful and reckless Herod was and how much he desired to be a dictator.2 And so they came to Hyrcanus and now openly accused Antipater, saying, ““ How long will you keep quiet in the face of what is happening ? Do you not see that Antipater and his sons have girded themselves with royal power, while you have only the name of king given you?’ But do not let these things go unnoticed, nor consider yourself free of danger because you are careless of yourself and the kingdom. For no longer are Antipater and his sons merely your stewards in the government, and do not deceive your- self with the belief that they are ; they are openly acknowledged to be masters. Thus Herod, his son, has killed Ezekias and many of his men ὦ in violation of our Law, which forbids us to slay a man, even an evildoer, unless he has first been condemned by the * BJ. says nothing about Antipater’s friendship with the Roman generals or his appropriation of Hyrcanus’ gift. Moreover, according to B.J., Hyreanus was resentful of Antipater’s behaviour and envious of him. » In B.J. Antipater’s detractors are ‘‘ malicious persons at court who had taken offence at the prudent behaviour either of Antipater or of his sons.” “ Hyreanus was officially ethnarch, not king, cf. § 143 note f. ἣν Varisont ‘and his men.” VOL. VII 8 537 168 169 170 JOSEPHUS ,ὔ \ \ δ, 8 / A A ~ συνεδρίου. μὴ λαβὼν δὲ ἐξουσίαν παρὰ σοῦ ταῦτα ἐτόλμησεν.᾽᾽ € \ \ > / ~ / (4) “Ὑρκανὸς δὲ ἀκούσας ταῦτα πείθεται: προσ- εζῆψαν δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν ὀργὴν καὶ αἱ μητέρες τῶν ὑπὸ Ἡρώδου πεφονευμένων: αὗται γὰρ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ παρακαλοῦσαι τὸν , \ \ a “ , « , ics aA βασιλέα καὶ Tov δῆμον, ἵνα δίκην “Hpwédns ev’ τῷ συνεδρίῳ τῶν πεπραγμένων ὑπόσχῃ, διετέλουν. 4 Ss « \ 4 € \ « ,ὔ >, / κινηθεὶς οὖν ὑπὸ τούτων “YpKavos ᾿Ηρώδην ἐκάλει δικασόμενον ὑπὲρ ὧν διεβάλλετο. ὁ δὲ ἧκε τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῷ παραινέσαντος μὴ ὡς ἰδιώτης μετὰ \ > / > A \ ~ ~ \ A δὲ ἀσφαλείας εἰσελθεῖν καὶ φυλακῆς τῆς περὶ τὸ σῶμα, τά τε κατὰ τὴν Τ᾿ αλιλαίαν ὃν ἐνόμισεν αὐτῷ συμφέρειν τρόπον" ἁρμοσάμενος, καὶ μετὰ στί- gous ἀποχρῶντος αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν ὁδόν, ὡς μήτε > / € ~ / A / / ἐπίφοβος ‘Ypkav@ δόξειε μετὰ μείζονος παραγινό- μενος τάγματος μήτε γυμνὸς καὶ ἀφύλακτος, ἤει πρὸς τὴν δίκην. Σέξτος μέντοι, ὁ τῆς Συρίας ἡγεμών, γράφει παρακαλῶν “ἵρκανὸν ἀπολῦσαι τὸν «Ἡρώδην ἐκ τῆς δίκης, καὶ προσαπειλῶν παρ- ακούσαντι. τῷ δ᾽ ἦν ἀφορμὴ καὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Σέξτου γράμματα" πρὸς τὸ μηδὲν ἐκ τοῦ συνεδρίου παθόντα ἀπολῦσαι τὸν ‘Hpwdnv: ἠγάπα γὰρ αὐτὸν 1 ἐν om. PE. 2 ἀσφαλίσασθαι τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον VP. 3 Niese: ἴῃ V: εἴη rell. E Lat.: ἴῃ ed. pr. “ καὶ τὰ FLVW: καὶ AM: τὸ PE. 5 γράμμα PE. « The Synhedrion is not mentioned by Herod’s accusers in B.J. » The pleas of the brigands’ mothers are not mentioned in BJ. 538 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 167-170 Synhedrion to suffer this fate.¢ He, however, has dared to do this without authority from you.” (4) Having heard these arguments, Hyrcanus was persuaded. And his anger was further kindled by the mothers of the men who had been murdered by Herod, for every day in the temple they kept beg- ging the king and the people to have Herod brought to judgment in the Synhedrion for what he had done.’ Being, therefore, moved by these pleas, Hyrcanus summoned Herod to stand trial for the crimes of which he was accused.* Accordingly, after he had settled affairs in Galilee as he thought was to his best interests,? because his father had advised him not to enter the city as a private individual but with the security of a bodyguard, he came with a troop sufficient for the purposes of the journey, and that he might not appear too formidable to Hyrcanus by arriving with a larger body of men and yet not be entirely unarmed and unprotected ; and so he went to his trial. However Sextus, the governor of Syria, wrote to urge Hyrcanus to acquit Herod of the charge, and added threats as to what would happen if he dis- obeyed.’ The letter from Sextus gave Hyrcanus a pretext for letting Herod go without suffering any harm from the Synhedrion ; for he loved him as a © On the competence of Synhedrion and king in such cases see Finkelstein ii. 684 ff. 4 Variant “ as he thought it to his best interests to secure them in this way.” ¢ The compulsion exercised by Sextus Caesar is cited by Schalit, p. 60, as evidence that Judaea at this time was still in the position of a civitas stipendiaria, to which it had been reduced by Pompey and Gabinius. But as Julius Caesar had already improved, or was about to improve, the political status of Judaea, it may be that Sextus Caesar was exceeding his authority. See further works listed in Appendix L. 539 Herod is summoned to stand trial for his lawless deeds before the Syn- hedrion at Jerusalem, 17] 172 173 JOSEPHUS ws υἱόν. καταστὰς δὲ ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ μετὰ τοῦ σὺν αὐτῷ τάγματος Ηρώδης κατέπληξεν ἅπαντας, καὶ κατηγορεῖν ἐθάρρει τὸ λοιπὸν οὐδεὶς τῶν πρὶν ἀφικέσθαι διαβαλλόντων, ἀλλ᾽ ἢν ἡσυχία καὶ τοῦ τί χρὴ ποιεῖν ἀπορία. διακειμένων δ᾽ οὕτως εἷς τις Σαμαΐας" ὄνομα, δίκαιος ἀνὴρ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τοῦ δεδιέναι κρείττων, ἀναστὰς εἶπεν" “᾿ avdpes σύνεδροι καὶ βασιλεῦ, εἰς δίκην μὲν οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς olda τινα τῶν πώποτε ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς" εἰς ὑμᾶς" κεκλημένων οὕτω παραστάντα οὔτε ὑμᾶς ἔχειν εἰπεῖν ὑπολαμ- βάνω, ἀλλὰ πᾶς ὁστισδηποτοῦν ἀφῖκται εἰς τοῦτο τὸ συνέδριον κριθησόμενος ταπεινὸς παρίσταται καὶ σχήματι δεδοικότος καὶ ἔλεον θηρωμένου παρ᾽ ὑμῶν, κόμην τε ἐπιθρέψας καὶ ἐσθῆτα μέλαιναν ἐνδεδυμένος. ὁ δὲ βέλτιστος Ἡρώδης, φόνου δίκην φεύγων καὶ ἐπ᾽ αἰτίᾳ τοιαύτῃ κεκλημένος, ἕστηκε τὴν πορφύραν περικείμενος καὶ τὴν Kedar ὴν κεκοσμημένος τῇ συνθέσει τῆς κόμης καὶ περὶ 1 Σαμέας A*MV: Σαμαῖος E: Sameus Lat. ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς om. P. 3 Huds LV. 4 ἡμῖν Hudson. 2 Josephus’ accounts of Herod’s trial in B.J. and Ant. are rather confusing. In B.J. i. 211 he states that Hyrcanus acquitted Herod on orders from Sextus Caesar ; in §§ 212 ff. Herod, after being appointed governor of Coele-Syria, came to Jerusalem with an army, prepared to depose Hyrcanus if summoned to a second trial. Whether the second trial was held or why it should be held after Herod’s acquittal (ef. Mishnah, Sanhedrin, iv. 1) is not clear. Josephus’ state- ment in Ant., § 170, that Hyreanus let Herod go (ἀπολῦσαι) evidently refers to an acquittal. The story that follows in §§ 171-176 (which has no parallel in B.J/.) should logically precede the statement about Herod’s acquittal; it seems to be a later insertion, probably based on Jewish tradition (for 540 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 171-173 son.* But when Herod stood in the Synhedrion ἢ with his troops, he overawed them all, and no one of those who had denounced him before his arrival dared to accuse him thereafter ; instead there was silence and doubt about what was to be done. While they were in this state, someone named Samaias,° an upright man and for that reason superior to fear, arose and said, “ Fellow councillors and King, I do not myself know of, nor do I suppose that you can name, any- one who when summoned before you? for trial has ever presented such an appearance. For no matter who it was that came before this Synhedrion for trial, he has shown himself humble and has assumed the manner of one who is fearful and seeks mercy ὁ from you? by letting his hair grow long and wearing a black garment. But this fine fellow Herod, who is accused of murder and has been summoned on no less grave a charge than this, stands here clothed in purple, with the hair of his head carefully arranged and with his a rabbinic parallel see Derenbourg, pp. 146-148). But an- other difficulty remains in Ant. In § 177 Josephus tells us that Hyrcanus postponed Herod’s trial; in § 182 he states that Herod’s friends reminded him of his acquittal (ἀφέσεως). Thus neither of the two parallel accounts makes it clear whether Herod was tried and acquitted or was released without an actual trial. Incidentally, according to Mishnah, Sanhedrin, ii. 2, the king was not competent to act as a judge. >» The Synhedrion (Heb. Sanhedrin) was the supreme legislative and judicial body of the Jewish state, meeting at Jerusalem. ¢ Variants ‘‘ Sameas,’’ ‘“‘Samaeus (Samaios).” He is mentioned, in Ant. xv. 3, 370, as a disciple of the Pharisee Pollion. On the relation of Samaias to the rabbinic leaders Shemaiah and Shammai see works listed in Appendix K. @ Variant “‘ us.” “ The phrase ἐλέου θηρώμενον (-ac) occurs in Euripides, Orestes 568. 1 Conjectured variant “ us.” ’ 541 Samaias rebukes the Synehedrion for its cowardice toward Herod. JOSEPHUS ΄ ‘ ” « , σ»"» Ἃ ,ὔ » ~ αὑτὸν ἔχων ὁπλίτας, ἵν᾽ ἂν κατακρίνωμεν αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὸν νόμον, κτείνῃ μὲν ἡμᾶς, αὐτὸς δὲ σωθῇ" / \ / > > c / \ TH | 174 βιασάμενος τὸ δίκαιον. ἀλλ ᾿Ηρώδην μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις οὐκ ἂν μεμψαίμην, εἰ τὸ αὑτοῦ" συμφέρον ποιεῖται περὶ πλείονος 7 ἢ τὸ νόμιμον, ὑμᾶς δὲ καὶ τὸν βασιλέα τοσαύτην ἄδειαν αὐτῷ παρασχόντας. ἴστε μέντοι μέγαν τὸν θεόν, καὶ οὗτος, ὃν νῦν bv ς ‘ > ~ / / id ~ Ὑρκανὸν ἀπολῦσαι βούλεσθε, κολάσει ὑμᾶς ποτε \ > \ A / 2) / > > \ ~ 175 καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν βασιλέα. διήμαρτε δ᾽ οὐδὲν τῶν εἰρημένον" ὁ γὰρ Ἡρώδης. τὴν βασιλείαν παρα- λαβὼν πάντας ἀπέκτεινε τοὺς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ καὶ 176 “Ὑρκανὸν αὐτὸν χωρὶς τοῦ Σαμαίου' σφόδρα γὰρ αὐτὸν διὰ τὴν δικαιοσύνην ἐτίμησε καὶ ὅτι τῆς πόλεως μετὰ ταῦτα πολιορκουμένης ὑπό τε Ἡρώ- δου καὶ Σοσσίου παρήνεσε τῷ δήμῳ δέξασθαι τὸν Ἡρώδην, εἰπὼν διὰ τὰς ἁμαρτίας οὐ δύνασθαι διαφυγεῖν αὐτόν. καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων κατὰ χώραν. ἐροῦμεν. 177 (5) “Ὑρκανὸς δὲ ὁρῶν ὡρμημένους πρὸς τὴν ἀναίρεσιν τὴν Ἡρώδου τοὺς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ τὴν δίκην εἰς ἄλλην ἡμέραν ἀνεβάλετο," καὶ πέμψας κρύφα πρὸς “Ἡρώδην συνεβούλευσεν αὐτῷ φυγεῖν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως" οὕτω γὰρ τὸν κίνδυνον διαφεύξε- 178 σθαι. καὶ ὃ μὲν ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς Δαμασκὸν ὡς φεύγων τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ παραγενόμενος πρὸς Σιέξ- , 4 \ κι > Chee es , τον ΚΚαίσαρα' καὶ τὰ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν" ἀσφαλισάμενος οὕτως εἶχεν ὡς εἰ καλοῖτο πάλιν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον 179 ἐπὶ δίκην, οὐχ ὑπακουσόμενος. ἠγανάκτουν δ᾽ οἱ ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ καὶ τὸν “Υρκανὸν ἐπειρῶντο δι- 1 αὐτὸς δὲ σωθῇ] αὐτὸν δὲ σώσει PE. 2 Naber: αὐτοῦ codd. 3 PE: ἀνεβάλλετο rell. 4 Καίσαρα om. LAMW, 542 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 173-179 soldiers round him, in order to kill us if we condemn him as the law prescribes, and to save himself by outraging justice. But it is not Herod whom I should blame for this or for putting his own interests above the law, but you and the king, for giving him such great licence. Be assured, however, that God is great, and this man, whom you now wish to release for Hyrcanus’ sake, will one day punish you and the king as well.” And he was not mistaken in either part of his prediction. For when Herod assumed royal power, he killed Hyrcanus and all the other members of the Synhedrion with the exception of Samaias. Him he held in the greatest honour, both because of his uprightness and because when the city was later besieged by Herod and Sossius, he advised the people to admit Herod, and said that on account of their sins they would not be able to escape him. And of these events we shall speak in the proper place.? (5) ° Now when Hyrcanus saw that the members of the Synhedrion were bent on putting Herod to death, he postponed the trial to another day, and secretly sent to Herod, advising him to flee from the city, for in that way, he said, he might escape danger. Herod accordingly withdrew to Damascus as if fleeing from the king, and coming to Sextus Caesar and making his position secure, he was deter- mined not to obey if he were again summoned to a trial before the Synhedrion. Thereupon the members of the Synhedrion became indignant and attempted α΄ Ant. xv. 3 fi. » On the parallelism between 88 178-184 and B.J. i. 212-215 see Laqueur, pp. 184-186. 5 καθ᾽ αὑτὸν VE: κατ᾽ αὐτὸν rell. Hyreanus permits Herod to escape con- demnation JOSEPHUS δάσκειν ὅτι ταῦτα πάντα εἴη κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ. τὸν δ᾽ οὐκ ἐλάνθανε μέν, πράττειν δ᾽ οὐδὲν εἶχεν ὑπ᾽ 180 ἀνανδρίας καὶ ἀνοίας. Σέξτου δὲ ποιήσαντος “Ἡρώδην στρατηγὸν τῆς κοίλης Συρίας (χρημάτων γὰρ αὐτῷ τοῦτο ἀπέδοτο) Ῥρκανὸς ἦν ἐν φόβῳ μὴ στρατεύσηται Ἡρώδης ἐπ᾽" αὐτόν. οὐ πολὺ δὲ τοῦ δέους" ἐβράδυνεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἧκεν ἄγων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ Ἡρώδης στρατιάν, ὀργιζόμενος τῆς δίκης αὐτῷ καὶ τοῦ κληθῆναι πρὸς τὸ λόγον ὑποσχεῖν ἐν τῷ 181 συνεδρίῳ. διεκώλυσαν δ᾽ αὐτὸν προσβαλεῖν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις ὑπαντήσαντες ὅ τε πατὴρ ᾿Αντί- πατρος καὶ ὃ ἀδελφός, καὶ τὴν ὁρμὴν αὐτοῦ κατα- παύσαντες καὶ παρακαλέσαντες ἔργῳ μὲν ἐγχειρεῖν μηδενί, καταπληξάμενον δὲ ἀπειλῇ "μόνον" μὴ χωρῆσαι περαιτέρω κατὰ τοῦ παρασχόντος αὐτῷ" 182 εἰς τοῦτο παρελθεῖν τὸ ἀξίωμα. ἠξίουν τε περὶ τοῦ κληθέντα ἐπὶ δίκην ἐλθεῖν ἀγανακτοῦντα με- μνῆσθαι καὶ τῆς ἀφέσεως καὶ χάριν αὐτῆς εἰδέναι καὶ μὴ πρὸς μὲν τὸ σκυθρωπότερον ἀπαντᾶν, περὶ 188 δὲ τῆς σωτηρίας ἀχαριστεῖν' λογίζεσθαι δ᾽ ὡς, εἰ καὶ πολέμου ῥοπὰς βραβεύει τὸ θεῖον, πλέον ἐστὶ τῆς στρατείας" τὸ adiKov,’ διὸ καὶ τὴν νίκην μὴ 1 καὶ ἐπ᾿ AMVW. 2 τούτου τοῦ δέους FLAMW: τὸ δέος E: τοῦτο τὸ δέος Naber. 3 μόνῃ AMW. 4 P: αὐτὸν rell. 5 δὲ FLAMW. ® στρατιᾶς PFAMW. 7 PV cum B.J.: ἄδηλον rell. @ In B.J. i, 212 it is not the Synhedrion but the ‘‘ knayes ” (οἱ πονηροί) at court who instigate Hyrcanus against Herod. > B.J, does not mention Hyrcanus’ ‘‘ cowardice and folly’; instead, it says that he was inactive because “ he 544 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 179-183 to persuade Hyrcanus that all these things were di- rected against him.* But though he was not unaware of this, he was incompetent to do anything, because of his cowardice and folly.2. And when Sextus made Herod governor of Coele-Syria “—for he gave him this title in return for money—,¢ Hyrcanus was afraid that Herod would march against him. Nor was this fear long in being realized, for Herod did come against him with an army, being angry because of the trial and because he had been summoned to render an account of himself to the Synhedrion. Herod, how- Heroa’s ever, was prevented from attacking Jerusalem ὁ by fatherand | his father Antipater and his brother, who went out suade him to meet him and quieted his impetuosity, urging Seep him not to undertake any violent action, but merely Hyrcanus. to strike terror into Hyrcanus by threats and not proceed further against one who had made it possible for him to attain to his present high office. And as he expressed indignation at having been summoned to stand trial, they begged him to remember his acquittal and to be grateful for it rather than consider the unpleasant side’ and be ungrateful for his deliver- ance. He ought, they said, to reflect that if the Deity decides the changing fortunes of war, the injustice 9 of his cause might weigh more heavily than his military skill”; for that reason he should not be very saw that his adversary had greater strength” (ὡς ἑώρα μείζονα τὸν διάφορον). © And Samaria, according to B.J. i. 213. 4 Herod’s purchase of office is not mentioned in B.J. On the other hand, B.J. speaks of Herod’s popularity with the Jews as an additional reason for Hyreanus’ fear of him. * In order to depose Hyreanus, according to B.J. i. 214. ! Cf. Dr. Thackeray’s note on τὸ σκύθρωπον in B.J. i. 214. 9 Variant ‘ uncertainty.” * Variant “ than his army.” VOL. VII Β9 545 184 185 186 187 JOSEPHUS πάντη προσδοκᾶν μέλλοντα πολεμεῖν βασιλεῖ Kal / \ \ \ > / \ συντρόφῳ, καὶ πολλὰ μὲν εὐεργετήσαντι, μηδὲν \ \ re hes, ee , cae. Ὁ... a2 δὲ χαλεπὸν αὐτὸν' εἰργασμένῳ, περὶ δὲ ὧν ἐγκαλεῖ, \ A ve > \ \ > > / « ᾽ὔ διὰ πονηροὺς συμβούλους ἀλλὰ μὴ δι᾿ αὐτόν, ὑπό- νοιαν αὐτῷ καὶ σκιὰν δυσκόλου τινὸς παρεσχημένῳ. πείθεται τούτοις ‘Hpwdns, ὑπολαβὼν εἰς τὰς ἐλ- / > ~ > ~ ‘ \ \ > \ > / πίδας ἀποχρῆν αὐτῷ τὸ καὶ τὴν ἰσχὺν ἐπιδείξασθαι ~ ” β 3 \ i’ \ \ \ > /, τῷ ἔθνει μόνον. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν οὕτως εἶχεν. (x. 1) ‘O δὲ Kaioap ἐλθὼν'᾽ εἰς Ρώμην ἕτοιμος ἦν πλεῖν ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αφρικῆς, πολεμήσων Σκιπίωνι καὶ / / > ey \ ‘ > ‘ Κάτωνι, πέμψας δ᾽ “Ὑρκανὸς πρὸς αὐτὸν παρ- εκάλει᾽ βεβαιώσασθαι τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν. ἔδοξε δ᾽ ἀναγκαῖον εἶναί μοι πάσας ἐκθέσθαι τὰς γεγενημένας “Ρωμαίοις καὶ τοῖς αὐ- τοκράτορσιν αὐτῶν τιμὰς καὶ συμμαχίας πρὸς τὸ ” «ς ~ σ \ / \ » σ΄ ἔθνος ἡμῶν, ἵνα μὴ λανθάνῃ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας, “ 1 Ce am Ὁ / Vy B tats ey, A ὅτι καὶ of τῆς ᾿Ασίας καὶ οἷ" τῆς Εὐρώπης βασιλεῖς διὰ σπουδῆς ἔσχον ἡμᾶς, τήν τε ἀνδρείαν ἡμῶν \ \ , 3 / > ‘ \ \ Ἁ καὶ τὴν πίστιν ἀγαπήσαντες. ἐπεὶ δὲ πολλοὶ διὰ 1 εἰς αὐτὸν FLAMW. 3 ἐγκαλῇ F: ἐγκαλοί LAMVW. 8 ὑπολαβὼν... μόνον] καὶ ὑπολαβὼν... ὑπέστρεψεν coni. Richards et Shutt. 4 διελθὼν FLVW. 5 πέμψας... παρεκάλει] ἔπεμψε. . . παρακαλῶν ΕἾ ΑΜ, ® of om. AV, del. M. * The parallelism with B.J. breaks off here, to be resumed in § 268. 546 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 183-187 confident of a victory when he was planning to make war on his king and comrade, one who had conferred many benefits upon him but had never done him any unkindness ; as for the things of which he com- plained, if Hyrcanus had given him the merest sus- picion and shadow of harsh treatment, it was through evil counsellors and not of his own accord. To these arguments Herod yielded, believing that it was enough for his future plans merely to have made a show of his strength to the people. This, then, was the state of affairs in Judaea. (x. 1) ἢ Caesar on arriving at Rome was ready to sail for Africa to make war on Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent to him with the request that he should confirm the treaty of friendship and alliance with him. And here it seems to me necessary to make public all the honours given our nation and the alliances made with them by the Romans and their emperors,’ in order that the other nations may not fail to recognize that both the kings of Asia and of Europe’ have held us in esteem and have admired our bravery and loyalty. Since many persons, how- δ On the authenticity, dates, etc., of the official documents quoted in the following chapter see works listed in Appen- dix J. Here it may suffice to remark that the order of the documents is confused and that the reading of many names is doubtful. ¢ Preparations were made in the summer of 47 B.c. Caesar sailed for Africa early in October; for details of the cam- paign see T. Rice Holmes, The Roman Republic, iii. 534 ff. 4 αὐτοκράτορες = Lat. imperatores. * Meaning the Persian and Seleucid kings and Roman emperors. Although βασιλεύς is not generally applied to the Roman emperor before the second century a.p., Josephus twice speaks of the βασιλεῖς τῶν Ῥωμαίων, in BJ. iii, 351 and iv. 596. 547 Josephus motives for citing Roman decrees favourable to the Jews. JOSEPHUS τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς δυσμένειαν ἀπιστοῦσι τοῖς ὑπὸ Περσῶν καὶ Μακεδόνων ἀναγεγραμμένοις περὶ ἡμῶν τῷ μὴ καὶ ταῦτα' πανταχοῦ μηδ᾽ ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις, ἀποκεῖσθαι τόποις, ἀλλὰ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν τε 188 αὐτοῖς καί τισιν ἄλλοις τῶν βαρβάρων, πρὸς δὲ τὰ ὑπὸ “Ῥωμαίων δόγματα οὐκ ἔστιν ἀντειπεῖν (ἔν τε γὰρ δημοσίοις ἀνάκειται τόποις τῶν πόλεων καὶ ἔτι νῦν ἐν τῷ Καπετωλίῳ χαλκαῖς στήλαις ἐγ- γέγραπται: οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ Καῖσαρ ᾿Ιούλιος τοῖς ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ ᾿Ιουδαίοις ποιήσας χαλκῆν στήλην ἐδήλωσεν ὅτι ᾿Αλεξανδρέων πολῖταί εἰσιν), 189 ἐκ τούτων ποιήσομαι καὶ τὴν ἀπόδειξιν. παρα- θήσομαι δὲ τὰ γενόμενα ὑπό τε τῆς συγκλήτου δόγματα καὶ ᾿Ιουλίου Kaicapos πρός τε “Ypravov καὶ τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν. 1900 (8) “᾿Τάιος ᾿Ϊούλιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ καὶ ἀρχιερεύς, δικτάτωρ τὸ δεύτερον Σιδωνίων ἄρ- χουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. εἰ ἔρρωσθε εὖ ἂν ἔχοι, 191 κἀγὼ δὲ ἔρρομαι σὺν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ. τῆς γενο- μένης ἀναγραφῆς ἐν τῇ δέλτῳ πρὸς “Ὑρκανὸν υἱὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου, ἀρχιερέα καὶ ἐθνάρχην͵ ᾿Ιουδαίων, πέπομφα ὑμῖν τὸ ἀντίγραφον, ἵν᾽ ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις ὑμῶν ἀνακέηται γράμμασιν. βούλομαι δὲ καὶ ἑλληνιστὶ καὶ ῥωμαϊστὶ ἐν δέλτῳ χαλκῇ τοῦτο 1 μὴ καὶ ταῦτα F: μηκέτ᾽ αὐτὰ P: μηκέτι ταῦτα LAM: non eadem Lat. α Variant “ no longer.” ® That is, non-Greek-speaking or oriental peoples, * According to Suetonius, Vesp. 8. 4, Vespasian replaced the archives of the Capitol w hich had been burned in a.p. 69, ‘ipse restitutionem Capitolii aggressus . . . aerearumque tabularum tria milia quae simul conflagraverant restituenda 848 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 187-191 ever, out of enmity to us refuse to believe what has been written about us by Persians and Macedonians because these writings are not“ found everywhere and are not deposited even in public places but are found only among us and some other barbarian peoples,’ while against the decrees of the Romans nothing can be said—for they are kept in the public places of the cities and are still to be found engraved on bronze tablets in the Capitol’; and what is more, Julius Caesar made a bronze tablet for the Jews in Alexan- dria,? declaring that they were citizens of Alexandria —from these same documents I will furnish proof of my statements. Accordingly I will now cite the decrees passed by the Senate and Julius Caesar con- cerning Hyreanus and our nation. (2) “ Gaius Julius Caesar, Imperator and Pontifex Maximus, Dictator for the second time,’ to the magis- trates, council and people of Sidon, greeting. If you are in good health, it is well; I also and the army are in good health. Iam sending’ you a copy of the decree, inscribed on a tablet, concerning Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch’ of the Jews, in order that it may be deposited among your public records. It is my wish that this be set up on a tablet of bronze in both Greek and Latin. suscipit undique investigatis exemplaribus ... senatus consulta, plebiscita de societate et foedere ac privilegio cuicumque concessis.”” 4 Of. Ap. ii. 35-37. The civie status of the Jews in the Hellenistic-Roman Diaspora will be discussed in an Appendix in the last volume of this translation. * These titles date the document in 47 B.c., cf. Holmes iii. 507. It seems to have been written on Caesar’s arrival in Syria after the Alexandrian campaign, cf. § 137. 7 πέπομφα is an “ epistolary ”’ perfect tense. 9 Cf. § 143 note f. 549 Julius Caesar to the people of Sidon. JOSEPHUS 192 ἀνατεθῆναι. ἔστιν δὲ δὴ" τοῦτο" ‘ ᾿Ιούλιος Καῖσαρ 193 194 195 190 αὐτοκράτωρ καὶ ἀρχιερεύς, δικτάτωρ τὸ δεύτερον," μετὰ συμβουλίου γνώμης ἐπέκρινα. ἐπεὶ “Υ̓ρκανὸς > / > - \ ~ \ > - ” ᾿Αλεξάνδρου ᾿Ιουδαῖος Kai viv καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπρο- σθεν χρόνοις ἔν τε εἰρήνῃ καὶ πολέμῳ πίστιν τε καὶ σπουδὴν περὶ τὰ ἡμέτερα πράγματα ἐνεδεί- ἕατο, ὡς αὐτῷ πολλοὶ μεμαρτυρήκασιν αὐτοκρά- \ > ~ ” > > / / Topes, Kal ev τῷ ἔγγιστα ev ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ πολέμῳ μετὰ χιλίων πεντακοσίων στρατιωτῶν ἧκε σύμ- / ~ μαχος, καὶ πρὸς Μιθριδάτην ἀποσταλεὶς ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ / > / \ > / [2 / \ / πάντας ἀνδρείᾳ τοὺς ev τάξει ὑπερέβαλε, διὰ ταύτας \ : 5.3.1, « \ > / \ \ / τὰς αἰτίας Ἰρκανὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ ,ἐθνάρχας ᾿Ιουδαίων εἶναι βούλομαι," ἀρχ- ἱερωσύνην τε ᾿Ιουδαίων διὰ παντὸς ἔχειν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη, εἶναί τε αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ συμμάχους ἡμῖν, ἔτι τε καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατ᾽ ἄνδρα φίλοις ἀριθμεῖσθαι, ὅσα τε κατὰ τοὺς ἰδίους αὐτῶν νόμους ἐστὶν ἀρχιερατικὰ ἢ" φιλάνθρωπα, ταῦτα κελεύω κατέχειν αὐτὸν καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ: ἂν δὲ" μεταξὺ γένηταί τις ζήτησις περὶ τῆς Ιουδαίων ἀγωγῆς, ἀρέσκει μοι κρίσιν γίνεσθαι παρ᾽ adrois.’ παραχειμασίαν δὲ ἢ χρήματα πράσσεσθαι οὐ δοκιμάζω.᾽ ᾽᾿ (3) Γαΐου Καίσαρος αὐτοκράτορος" ὑπάτου δε- 1 δὲ δὴ] δὴ P: δὲ Niese. 2 αὐτοκράτωρ... .. τὸ δεύτερον ex Lat. Niese: αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ δεύτερον καὶ ἀρχιερεὺς codd. 3 ἐπεδείξατο P. 4 βούλομαι om. PAM. Se (om ΕΝ 6 Teck. 7 παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς om. P: zap’ αὐτοῦ V: de his Lat. 8 dictatoris Lat. * Text slightly emended from Lat.; mss. ‘‘ Imperator for he second time, and Pontifex Maximus.” 550 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 192-196 It reads as follows. ‘I, Julius Caesar, Imperator and Pontifex Maximus, Dictator for the second time, have decided as follows with the advice of the council.? Whereas the Jew Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, both now and in the past, in time of peace as well as in war, has shown loyalty and zeal toward our state, as many commanders have testified on his behalf, and in the recent Alexandrian war came to our aid with fifteen hundred soldiers,’ and being sent by me to Mithridates, surpassed in bravery all those in the ranks, for these reasons it is my wish that Hyrcanus, son δὰ Alexander, and his children shall be ethnarchs of the Jews and shall hold the office of high priest of the Jews for all time in accordance with their national customs, and that he and his sons shall be our allies and also be numbered among our particular friends ; and whatever high-priestly rights or other privileges 7 exist in accordance with their laws, these he and his children shall possess by my command. And if, during this period, any question shall arise concerning the Jews’ manner of life, it is my pleasure that the decision shall rest with them.? Nor do I approve of troops being given winter-quarters among them or of money being demanded of them.’ ”’ (3) The following are the grants,’ concessions and > μετὰ συμβουλίου γνώμης -Ἰ αἱ. de consilii sententia, as earlier scholars have pointed out. © Cf. § 139, where 3000 soldiers are said to have been sent to Mithridates by Antipater. 4 Reinach takes φιλάνθρωπα in its “ Alexandrian sense”’ of “ pecuniary privileges.” ¢ This probably refers to internal jurisdiction in Judaea, which had been affected by Gabinius’ decrees in 53 B.c. (cf. § 90), as pointed out by Taubler, Imp. Rom. p. 161 n. 3. ‘ Variant “ decrees.” 501 Julius Caesar to the cities of Phoenicia, etc. JOSEPHUS δομένα' συγκεχωρημένα προσκεκριμένα ἐστὶν ov- τως ἔχοντα. “ ὅπως τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ τοῦ ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔθνους ἄρχῃ, καὶ τοὺς δεδομένους τόπους καρπίζων- ται, καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτὸς καὶ ἐθνάρχης τῶν 197 ᾿Ιουδαίων προϊστῆται τῶν ἀδικουμένων. πέμψαι \ ‘ ey ‘\ \ > / ει 3 ΄ δὲ πρὸς “Ypxavov τὸν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν ἀρχιερέα ~ 3 / Ά, 2 \ \ , A τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων πρεσβευτὰς" τοὺς περὶ φιλίας Kal / / > ~ \ \ συμμαχίας διαλεξομένους: ἀνατεθῆναι δὲ Kal χαλ- κῆν δέλτον ταῦτα περιέχουσαν ἔν τε τῷ ἴζαπε- τωλίῳ καὶ Σιδῶνι καὶ Τύρῳ καὶ ἐν ᾿Ασκάλωνι καὶ ἐν τοῖς ναοῖς ἐγκεχαραγμένην γράμμασιν “ a“ « - . 198 ῬΡωμαϊκοῖς τε καὶ ᾿λληνικοῖς. ὅπως τε τὸ δόγμα τοῦτο πᾶσι τοῖς κατὰ πόλιν' ταμίαις καὶ τοῖς yy / τούτων ἡγουμένοις εἴς TE τοὺς φίλους ἀνενέγκωσι:" καὶ ξένια τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς παρασχεῖν καὶ τὰ διατάγματα διαπέμψαι πανταχοῦ. ae / -~ > 4, / 5 Ὁ 199 (4) ‘“‘ Davos Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ δικτάτωρ" ὕπα- τος τιμῆς καὶ ἀρετῆς καὶ φιλανθρωπίας ἕνεκεν συν- εχώρησεν ἐπὶ συμφέροντι τῆς συγκλήτου" καὶ τοῦ ~ € c δήμου τοῦ" Ρωμαίων “Ypxavov ᾿Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν αὐτόν τεῦ καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ ἀρχιερεῖς τε καὶ ἱερεῖς ἱΙἱεροσολύμων καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους εἶναι ἐπὶ τοῖς 1 P Lat.: δεδογμένα FLAMYV. 2 καὶ πρεσβευτὰς P. 3 καὶ del. Mommsen. 4 τὴν πόλιν P. 5 δικτάτωρ om. Lat. 8 τῆς συγκλήτου] καὶ (om. καὶ FL) Rint PFL. 7 ~ ὃ , ~ , τοῦ δήμου] τῷ δήμῳ P. 8 τῶν PV. 9. αὐτόν τε om. P. α According to Holmes, iii. 507, the following document dates from 46 B.c. or later, since Caesar was not Consul in 47 B.c. But Viereck, pp. 97 ff., earlier held that Josephus 552 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 196-199 awards made by Gaius Caesar, Imperator and Consul.4 “ That his children shall rule over the Jewish nation and enjoy the fruits of the places given them, and that the high priest, being also ethnarch, shall be the protector of those Jews who are unjustly treated. And that envoys be sent to Hyrcanus, son of Alex- ander, the high priest of the Jews, to discuss terms of friendship and alliance. And that a bronze tablet containing these decrees shall be set up in the Capitol and at Sidon and Tyre and Ascalon and® in the temples, engraved in Latin and Greek characters. Also that this decree shall be communicated to all the quaestors and magistrates of the several cities ὁ and to our friends, that hospitality may be shown the envoys, and that these ordinances may be pub- lished everywhere.” (4) “Gaius Caesar, Imperator, Dictator and Consul,? in recognition of the honour, virtue and benevolence of Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, and in the interest of the Senate and people of Rome, has granted that both he and his sons shall be high priests and priests ° of Jerusalem and of their nation with the same rights and under the same regulations is not quoting literally but paraphrasing the text of a senatus consultum (δόγμα, ὃ 198) issued at the end of 47 B.c.; so also Momigliano, Ricerche, p. 201. > Perhaps “ and ” should be deleted. © ms. P “in the city,’ meaning Rome. According to the other mss. Caesar was providing for hospitality to the Jewish envoys in the cities of Asia while en route. 4 If this means Caesar’s first dictatorship (48 B.c.), we should have to add τὸ δεύτερον after ὕπατος, cf. Holmes iii. 567. Momigliano dates it in 48 B.c., other scholars in 47, 46 or 44 B.c., see works listed in Appendix J. * For “ priests’? Chamonard and Reinach read “ eth- narchs.” 553 Julius Caesar on the high priestly office of Hyrcanus and his sons, 200 201 JOSEPHUS δικαίοις Kal νομίμοις" ols Kal οἱ πρόγονοι αὐτῶν τὴν ἱερωσύνην" διακατέσχον.᾽᾽ ἘΝ «6 , a “ \ , 3 4 (5) “ Datos Katoap ὕπατος τὸ πέμπτον" ἔκρινε \ ~ τούτους ἔχειν καὶ τειχίσαι τὴν “Ἱεροσολυμιτῶν / \ / > \ « ‘ 3 / πόλιν, καὶ κατέχειν αὐτὴν “ἵρκανὸν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου ἀρχιερέα ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ ἐθνάρχην ὡς ἂν αὐτὸς προαιρῆται. ὅπως τε lovdaios ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ τῆς Yj a“ 9 μισθώσεως ἔτει' τῆς προσόδου κόρον" ὑπεξέλωνται" καὶ μήτε ἐργολαβῶσί τινες μήτε φόρους τοὺς αὖ- τοὺς teow.” (6) ““ Tdvos Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ᾽ τὸ δεύτερον ἔστησε κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ὅπως τελῶσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἹἹεροσολυμιτῶν πόλεως, ᾿Ιόππης ὑπεξαιρουμένης, χωρὶς τοῦ ἑβδόμου ἔτους," ὃν σαββατικὸν ἐνιαυτὸν καὶ νομίμοις Om. P: καὶ τοῖς νομίμοις Hudson. + αὐτῶν FLAM: ἀρχιερωσύνην P. δεύτερον coni. Ritschl: τρίτον coni. Petitus ap. Hudson. ἔτι F: om. P quo duce secl. Niese. κόρους Lowthius. 8 tis... ὑπεξέλωνται] ex reditibus chori id est triginta modii subducantur Lat. ? dictator Lat. unde αὐτοκράτωρ δικτάτωρ coni. Niese. 8 reAGow . . . ἔτους] Ioppenses tributa Hierosolymorum civitati praestent excepto septimo anno Lat. σι ὦ ὦ Ὁ "» α Variant “ high priest.” » This would be in 44 B.c. Some scholars, however, emend “ fifth time ”’ to “ὁ second time” and refer the docu- ment to 47 B.c., although Caesar was not Consul in that year, or to 46 B.c. ; see next note. ¢ As Schiirer points out, i. 346 πη. 24, Caesar had given Hyrecanus permission to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem in 47 B.c., cf. § 144. Niese therefore assumes that we have here a senatus consultum of 44 B.C. confirming the oral decrees given by Caesar a few years earlier. Mendelssohn and Viereck also assume that a senatus consultum of Feb. 44 B.c. 554 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 199-202 as those under which their forefathers uninter- ruptedly held the office of priest.’ @ (5) “‘ Gaius Caesar, Consul for the fifth time,” has decreed that these men shall receive and fortify the city of Jerusalem,’ and that Hyrcanus, son of Alex- ander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, shall occupy it as he himself may choose. And that in the second year of the rent-term? one for ὁ shall be deducted from the tax paid by the Jews, and no one shall make profit out.of them, nor shall they pay the same tribute.” (6) “ Gaius Caesar, Imperator for the second time,’ has ruled that they shall pay a tax for the city of Jerusalem, Joppa excluded, every year except in the seventh year,’ which they call the sabbatical year, included parts of the following sections, 205-211. See works listed in Appendix J. 4 μίσθωσις “ rent-term”’ was probably taken over from Ptolemaic usage, cf. W. Westermann in AJP 59 (1938), 9. If the ** second year of the rent-term ”’ here coincides with a sabbatical year (as one naturally supposes), it confirms the dating of the document in 44 B.c., as the sabbatical year would be that which extended from Oct. 44 to Oct. 43 B.c. This dating, moreover, fits in perfectly with the reckoning of sabbatical years given above, Ant. xii. 378 note a; see also below, § 375. * The -kor =370 litres or 11 bushels. Either the Romans used the Hebrew name in dealing with Palestine or Josephus (or his source) has substituted the Hebrew name for the Greek. 7 Niese suggests reading, with Lat., ‘‘ Imperator and Dictator for the second time.’’ Caesar’s second dictatorship fell in 47 B.c. Niese earlier suggested emending τὸ δεύτερον to τὸ δ΄ “ for the fourth time,” 1.6. in 44 B.c. 9 The Lat. reads, ‘“‘ the inhabitants of Joppa shall pay tribute to the city of Jerusalem except in the seventh year ”’ ; presumably this means the tribute formerly paid to the Romans, but see below, § 205. 555 Julius Ceasar on reduction of taxes to the Jews. Julius Caesar on various privileges to be enjoyed by the Jews. JOSEPHUS \ ~ ~ προσαγορεύουσιν, ἐπεὶ ἐν αὐτῷ μήτε τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν / δένδρων καρπὸν λαμβάνουσι μήτε σπείρουσιν. \ σ > ~ ~ / ” A / 203 καὶ Wa ἐν Σιδῶνι τῷ δευτέρῳ ἔτει τὸν φόρον ἀποδιδῶσι, τὸ τέταρτον τῶν σπειρομένων,, πρὸς cy ~ a ~ τούτοις ἔτι Kal “YpKav@ καὶ τοῖς τέκνοις αὐτοῦ τὰς δεκάτας τελῶσιν, ἃς ἐτέλουν καὶ τοῖς προγόνοις 204 αὐτῶν. καὶ ὅπως μηδεὶς μήτε ἄρχων μήτε ἀντάρ- \ \ A > - xwv® μήτε στρατηγὸς ἢ πρεσβευτὴς ἐν τοῖς ὅροις ~ / > ~ . / \ τῶν lovdaiwy ἀνιστῇ" συμμαχίαν μηδὲ στρατιώταις ~ / / ἐξῇ χρήματα τούτων εἰσπράττεσθαι' ἢ εἰς παρα- , no» Ν Ὅν > Shy ἅν. χειμασίαν ἢ ἄλλῳ τινὶ ὀνόματι, ἀλλ᾽ εἶναι παντα- 205 χόθεν ἀνεπηρεάστους. ὅσα τε μετὰ ταῦτα ἔσχον \ ~ ἢ ἐπρίαντο Kal διακατέσχον" καὶ ἐνεμήθησαν, ταῦτα Uj 5 / > πάντα αὐτοὺς ἔχειν. ᾿Ιόππην τε πόλιν, ἣν ἀπ ἀρχῆς ἔσχον ᾿Ιουδαῖοι ποιούμενοι τὴν πρὸς ‘Pw- lol 4. ~ μαίους φιλίαν, αὐτῶν εἶναι, καθὼς Kai τὸ πρῶτον, A / “- - 206 ἡμῖν ἀρέσκει: φόρους τε τελεῖν" ὑπὲρ ταύτης τῆς / A πόλεως Ὑρκανὸν, ᾿Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν Kat παῖδας αὐτοῦ παρὰ τῶν τὴν γῆν νεμομένων χώρας λιμένος > , 99:5 \ 28 A , ἐξαγωγίου Kar’ ἐνιαυτὸν ἐν Σιδῶνι μοδίους δισ- 1 καὶ ἵνα. . . σπειρομένων om. Lat. 2 μήτε ἀντάρχων P: om. rell. Lat. 3 coni.: ἀνιστὰς P: ἀνιστᾷ rell.: ἐνιστᾷ Hudson: ἐνιστῇ Naber. 4 μηδὲ στρατιώταις ἐξῇ χρήματα τούτων Coni.: καὶ στρατιώτας ἐξίη (ἐξῇ P) ἢ τὰ χρήματα τούτων (τούτῳ χρήματα P) codd. : militibus liceat pecunias exigere Lat. 5 καὶ διακατέσχον om. FLY. 5 τελεῖν add. Viereck. 7 + ἔχειν. 8 ἐν add. duce Viereck. @ Reinach substitutes μηνὶ ‘‘ month ”’ for ἔτει “* year.” > Most mss. omit “ἡ or pro-magistrate.” 556 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 202-206 because in this time they neither take fruit from the trees nor do they sow. And that in the second year? they shall pay the tribute at Sidon, consisting of one fourth of the produce sown, and in addition, they shall also pay tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons, just as they paid to their forefathers. And that no one, whether magistrate or pro-magistrate,? praetor or legate, shall rise auxiliary troops in the territories of the Jews, nor shall soldiers be allowed to exact money from them,’ whether for winter- quarters or on any other pretext, but they shall be free from all molestation.4 And whatever they may hereafter acquire or buy or possess® or have assigned to them, all these they shall keep. It is also our pleasure that the city of Joppa, which the Jews had held from ancient times when they made a treaty of friendship with the Romans,’ shall belong to them as at first; and for this city Hyrcanus, son of Alex- ander, and his sons shall pay 2 tribute, collected from those who inhabit the territory, as a tax on the land, the harbour and exports, payable at” Sidon in the © Text slightly emended. 4 Viereck cites as a parallel to these exemptions the law De Thermessibus in CIL i. 204, e The variant omits “ or possess.” 7 This apparently refers to Simon’s conquest of Joppa in 142 B.c., cf. Ant. xiii. 215; Joppa was annexed to the Roman province of Syria by Pompey in 63 B.c., ef. above, § 76. 9 The words “ shall pay” are conjecturally supplied ; one ms. adds “ shall have ”’ after ‘““ Hyreanus.” The sentence is differently translated by Heichelheim, Rom. Syria, p. 232, “πα that Hyreanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land and for what they export every year to Sidon, ete.” But this rendering requires emendation of the Greek, which Heichelheim does not supply. * The word “ at” is conjecturally supplied. 557 207 208 209 210 JOSEPHUS , c / ¢ / / « μυρίους ἑξακοσίους ἑβδομήκοντα πέντε ὑπεξ- αιρουμένου τοῦ ἑβδόμου ἔτους, ὃ σαββατικὸν καλοῦσι, Kal’ ὃ οὔτε ἀροῦσιν οὔτε τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν δένδρων καρπὸν λαμβάνουσιν. τάς τε κώμας τὰς ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ, ἃς “Ὑρκανὸς καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι ~ > ~ πρότερον αὐτοῦ διακατέσχον, ἀρέσκει τῇ συγ- κλήτῳ ταῦτα ‘Ypxavov καὶ ᾿Ιουδαίους ἔχειν ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις οἷς καὶ πρότερον εἶχον. μένειν δὲ καὶ \ > 3 > ~ / Ὁ \ > / > / τὰ ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς δίκαια ὅσα πρὸς ἀλλήλους *lovdalors A κ ἅ 1έις - κ᾿ καὶ τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν' ἦν, τά τε / « “ / / \ φιλάνθρωπα ὅσα τοῦ τε δήμου ψηφισαμένου Kat ~ , A τῆς συγκλήτου ἔσχον. ἔτι" τούτοις τε τοῖς δι- , Mine If A > , 3 , καίοις χρῆσθαι αὐτοῖς ἐξεῖναι ev Λύδδοις. τούς \ ~ τε τόπους Kal χώρας" Kal ἐποίκια, daa βασιλεῦσι Συρίας καὶ Φοινίκης συμμάχοις οὖσι “Ῥωμαίων κατὰ δωρεὰν ὑπῆρχε καρποῦσθαι, ταῦτα δοκιμάζει « / r ἢ Ν \ αὐ 2} / bier ,ὔ ἡ σύγκλητος ‘YpKavoy τὸν ἐθνάρχην καὶ ᾿Ιουδαίους cy ~ A ~ ἔχειν. δίδοσθαί τε “Ypxav@ καὶ παισὶ τοῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ πρεσβευταῖς τοῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πεμφθεῖσιν ἔν τε “ / \ πυγμῇ μονομάχων Kat θηρίων καθεζομένους μετὰ τῶν συγκλητικῶν θεωρεῖν" Kal? αἰτησαμένους παρὰ 7 ς / “- δικτάτορος ἢ παρὰ ἱππάρχου παρελθεῖν εἰς" τὴν 1 καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν om. FLV Lat. fort. recte. 2 coni.: ἐπὶ codd. ἔτι (ἐπὶ) . . . Avddors corrupta esse monet Niese. 4 ywpav P. 5 καὶ ex Lat. ins. Hudson. 6 P: ὅταν εἰς rell. 3 @ Of Esdraelon, cf. Ant. xii. 348. » These phrases, in the opinion of several scholars, indicate that we have here the fragments of a senatus consultum of 44. B.c., see above. 558 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 206-210 amount of twenty thousand six hundred and seventy- five modit every year except in the seventh year, which they call the sabbatical year, wherein they neither plow nor take fruit from the trees. As for the villages in the Great Plain,* which Hyrcanus and his forefathers before him possessed, it is the pleasure of the Senate? that Hyrcanus and the Jews shall retain them with the same rights as they formerly had, and that the ancient rights which the Jews and their high priests and priests ὁ had in relation to each other should continue, and also the privileges which they received by vote of the people and the Senate. And that they be permitted to enjoy these rights at Lydda also.? As for the places, lands and farms, the fruits of which the kings of Syria and Phoenicia,’ as allies of the Romans, were permitted to enjoy by their gift, these the Senate decrees that the ethnarch Hyrcanus and the Jews shall have. And that to Hyreanus and his children and to the envoys sent by him shall be given the right to sit with the members of the senatorial order as spectators of the contests of gladiators and wild beasts ; and/ that when they request permission of the Dictator or Master of the horse’ to enter the Senate chamber, © The variant omits “ and priests.”’ ‘The reference is to priestly revenues. 4 Text doubtful ; ἔτι ‘‘ also’ is my emendation of ἐπὶ. ¢ These kings are probably dynasts of Syria, to whom Pompey had granted Jewish territory, as Schiirer suggests, i. 347 n. 25, not the Seleucid kings, as Reinach suggests. The allusion to their being “‘ allies of the Romans ’’ makes the latter supposition improbable. f * And” is conjecturally supplied. σ In Latin magister equitum ; the reference here is prob- ably to Mark Antony, cf. Plutarch, Ant. 8. 559 JOSEPHUS σύγκλητον εἰσάγωσι Kal τὰ ἀποκρίματα αὐτοῖς ἀποδιδῶσιν' ἐν ἡμέραις δέκα ταῖς ἁπάσαις ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἂν τὸ δόγμα γένηται. 211 (7) “᾿Τὰάιος Καῖσαρ, αὐτοκράτωρ δικτάτωρ τὸ τέταρτον ὑπατός τε τὸ πέμπτον, δικτάτωρ ἀπο- δεδειγμένος διὰ βίου, λόγους ἐποιήσατο περὶ τῶν δικαίων τῶν ‘YpKkavod τοῦ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου ἀρχιερέως 212 ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ ἐθνάρχου τοιούτους" τῶν πρὸ “ἐμοῦ αὐτοκρατόρων ἐν ταῖς ἐπαρχίαις μαρτυρησάντων Ὑρκανῷ ἀρχιερεῖ ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ ᾿Ιουδαίοις ἐπί τε συγκλήτου καὶ δήμου Ρωμαίων, εὐχαριστήσαντός τε τοῦ “δήμου καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου αὐτοῖς, καλῶς ἔχει καὶ ἡμᾶς ἀπομνημονεύειν καὶ προνοεῖν ὅπως" Γρκανῷ καὶ τῷ ἔθνει τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ τοῖς “Ὑρκανοῦ παισὶν ὑπὸ συγκλήτου καὶ δήμου ‘Pw- μαίων ἀξία τῆς “πρὸς ἡμᾶς εὐνοίας αὐτῶν καὶ ὧν εὐεργέτησαν ἡμᾶς χάρις ἀνταποδοθῇ. 43 218 (8) ““᾿Ιούλιος Γάιος" στρατηγὸς" ΠΡ ΒΙΑ Ῥω- μαίων ,Παριανῶν" ἄρχουσι. βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ἐνέτυχόν μοι ot ᾿Ιουδαῖοι ἐν Δήλῳ καί τινες TOF 1 ἀποδίδοσθαι Hudson: αἰτησαμένους.. . ἀποδιδῶσιν] et si petiverint dictatorem vel magistrum equitum ut in senatum eos introducant et responsa eis tradant Lat. 2 ws P: quatenus Lat. 3 Ἰούνιος Γάιος coni. Petitus: Πόπλιος Σερουίλιος Ovarias coni. Mendelssohn: Οὐΐβιος Taos coni. Gutsechmid : Πόπλιος Lepovidtos ᾿Ισαυρικὸς coni. Lange. 4 υἱοσο στρατηγὸς P: 6 στρατηγὸς F: del. Lange. 5 στρατηγὸς ὕπατος] dictator et consul Lat.: ἀνθύπατος coni. Lange. δ Tlapiwy coni. Schiirer. « Text slightly uncertain. > These titles would date the document in January or February, 44 8.c., according to the chronology in Holmes iii, 560 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 210-213 they shall admit them and shall give them an answer” within ten days at the latest from the time when a decree is passed.” (7) ‘“‘ Gaius Caesar, Imperator, Dictator for the fourth time, Consul for the fifth time, designated Dictator for life,” made the following speech con- cerning the rights of Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews. ‘ Inas- much as the high commanders in the provinces before me have testified on behalf of Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews. and of the Jews themselves before the Senate and the people of Rome, and the people and Senate have expressed thanks to them, it is fitting that we too should be mindful of this and provide that there be given by the Senate and people of Rome to Hyrcanus and the Jewish nation and the sons of Hyrcanus a token of gratitude worthy of their loyalty to us and of the benefits which they have conferred upon us.’” (8) ©“ Julius Gaius,? Praetor, Consul’ of the Romans, to the magistrates, council and people of Parium,’ greeting. The Jews in Delos and some of 567. It probably belongs with the senatus consultwm cited in §§ 207-211 ; cf. also §§ 220 ff. © Ritschl, followed by Mendelssohn and Viereck, dates the following document in 46 B.c. 4 The name is quite uncertain. For various conjectures see the critical note. Viereck favours Lange’s conjecture “ Publius Servilius Isauricus.”’ ¢ Lange, Viereck and others emend στρατηγὸς ὕπατος to ἀνθύπατος “ὁ proconsul,” but the former is defended by Juster i. 142 n. 3. 7 Parium was on the coast of the Troad, east of the Helles- pont. Schiirer conjectures Παρίων ‘‘ the people of Paros.” The island of Paros is c. 10 miles S. of Delos, mentioned in the next sentence. Juster, i. 142 n. 4, defends the reading Παριανῶν, citing Haussouillier in BCH 8 (1884), 149 ff. 561 Julius Caesar com- mends the loyalty of the Jews. Julius Caesar to the people of Parium. JOSEPHUS παροίκων ᾿Ιουδαίων, παρόντων καὶ τῶν ὑμετέρων" πρέσβεων, καὶ ἐνεφάνισαν ὡς ὑμεῖς ψηφίσματι κωλύετε αὐτοὺς τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσι καὶ ἱεροῖς 214 χρῆσθαι. ἐμοὶ τοίνυν οὐκ ἀρέσκει κατὰ τῶν ἡμε- τέρων φίλων καὶ συμμάχων τοιαῦτα γίνεσθαι ψηφίσματα, καὶ κωλύεσθαι αὐτοὺς ζῆν κατὰ τὰ αὐτῶν ἔθη καὶ χρήματα εἰς σύνδειπνα καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ εἰσφέρειν, τοῦτο ποιεῖν αὐτῶν μηδ᾽ ἐν Ῥώμῃ κε- 215 κωλυμένων. καὶ γὰρ Τάιος Καῖσαρ ὁ ἡμέτερος στρατηγὸς ὕπατος, ἐν τῷ διατάγματι κωλύων θιάσους συνάγεσθαι κατὰ πόλιν, μόνους τούτους οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν οὔτε χρήματα συνεισφέρειν οὔτε 216 σύνδειπνα ποιεῖν. ὁμοίως δὲ κἀγὼ τοὺς ἄλλους θιάσους κωλύων, τούτοις μόνοις ἐπιτρέπω κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα συνάγεσθαί τε καὶ ἑστιᾶ- σθαι. 5. καὶ ὑμᾶς οὖν καλῶς ἔχει, εἴ τι κατὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων φίλων καὶ συμμάχων ψήφισμα ἐποιή- σατε, τοῦτο ἀκυρῶσαι διὰ τὴν περὶ ἡμᾶς αὐτῶν ” ἀρετὴν καὶ εὔνοιαν. 21 (0) Μετὰ δὲ τὸν Γαΐου θάνατον Μᾶρκος ᾿Αν- τώνιος καὶ Ἰ]όπλιος Δολαβέλλας" ὕπατοι ὄντες τήν τε σύγκλητον συνήγαγον καὶ τοὺς παρ᾽" “Ὑρκανοῦ πρέσβεις παραγαγόντες διελέχθησαν περὶ ὧν ἠξίουν καὶ φιλίαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐποίησαν: καὶ πάντα συγ- χωρεῖν αὐτοῖς ἡ σύγκλητος ἐψηφίσατο ὅσων τυγ- 218 χάνειν ἐβούλοντο. παρατίθεμαι" δὲ καὶ τὸ δόγμα, 1 ἡμετέρων ΤΟΥ͂. 2 Mendelssohn: στρατηγὸς καὶ ὕπατος codd.: στρατηγὸς κα om. Lat. 3 ἵστασθαι AMV: τε καὶ ἑστιᾶσθαι om. Lat. 4 P: Δολοβέλλας rell. hic et infra. 5 παρ᾽ PE: om. rell. δ. παρατέθειμαι PY. 562 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 213-218 the neighbouring Jews, some of your? envoys also being present, have appealed to me and declared that you are preventing them by statute from observing their national customs and sacred rites. Now it dis- pleases me that such statutes should be made against our friends and allies and that they should be for- bidden to live in accordance with their customs and to contribute money to common meals and sacred rites, for this they are not forbidden to do even in Rome. For example, Gaius Caesar, our consular praetor,” by edict forbade religious societies to assemble in the city, but these people alone he did not forbid to do so or to collect contributions of money or to hold common meals.° Similarly do I forbid other religious societies but permit these people alone to assemble and feast in accordance with their native customs and ordinances. And if you have made any statutes against our friends and allies, you will do well to revoke them because of their worthy deeds on our behalf and their goodwill toward us.”’ (9) After the death of Gaius,? Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella, the consuls, convened the Senate and having introduced the envoys sent by Hyrcanus, discussed the requests they presented, and made a treaty of friendship with them. And the Senate voted to grant them everything they sought. I here- # Variant “ our.” > Conjectured for ms. “ praetor (or ‘‘ commander ’’) and consul”; the Lat. has only “consul.” These titles are strange, applied to Julius Caesar. ¢ A similarly protective attitude toward the Jews is re- vealed in the decrees cited below, §§ 241-261. On Caesar’s treatment of other religious groups in Rome see Suetonius, Tul, 42. 3, “ cuncta collegia praeter antiquitus constituta distraxit.” 4 March 15, 44 B.c. . 563 Julius Caesar's policy con- tinued after his death. 219 220 JOSEPHUS “ \ > / ~ / > ͵ Μ ὅπως τὴν ἀπόδειξιν τῶν λεγομένων ἐγγύθεν ἔχωσιν οἱ ἀναγινώσκοντες τὴν πραγματείαν. ἦν δὲ τοι- ovTov" (10) “‘ Aédypa συγκλήτου ἐκ τοῦ ταμιείου ἀντι- γεγραμμένον ἐκ τῶν δέλτων τῶν δημοσίων τῶν ταμιευτικῶν, ἸΚοΐντῳ “Ρουτιλίῳ ἸΚοΐντῳ KopynAiw' ταμίαις κατὰ πόλιν, δέλτῳ δευτέρᾳ κηρώματι 7 3 ‘ ~ DA > / > ~ ~ πρώτῳ." πρὸ τριῶν εἰδῶν ᾿Απριλλίων ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς Ὁμονοίας. γραφομένῳ παρῆσαν Λούκιος KaAzovpvios® Μενηνία' Πείσων, Σερούιος" Σολ- πίκιος" Aeuwria’ ἸΚούιντος, Γάιος ΚΚανείνιος" Τηρητίνα" Ῥέβιλος," Πόπλιος Τηδήτιος" Λευκίου υἱὸς Πολλία," Λεύκιος ᾿Απούλιος" Λευκίου υἱὸς Σεργία, Φλάβιος Λευκίου Λεμωνία," Πόπλιος Πλαύτιος Ποπλίου Παπειρία, Μᾶρκος Τέλλιος" Μάρκου Μαικία, Λεύκιος ᾿Ερούκιος" Λουκίου Σ,τηλητίνα, Μᾶρκος ἸΚούιντος Μάρκου υἱὸς IloA- 1 Kotvrw Κορνηλίῳ om. Lat.: Κοΐντῳ om. AM. 2 κηρώματι πρώτῳ Viereck: καὶ ἐκ τῶν πρώτων πρώτῃ (πρώτῳ Ῥ: πρώτῃ τῇ FLAM) codd. : δέλτῳ . .. πρώτῳ om. Lat. 3 ex Lat. edd. Kapzovmos codd. © Μενηνίας P: Μεντηνία FL: Μεντινία AM. δ᾽ Gronovius: Σερουίνιος codd. 6 Mendelssohn: Ilazinos, Παπείνιος, Παππίνιος codd. 7 Gronovius: Νεμωνία codd. 8 Κανίνιος FLAM. ® Τηληπνα P. 10 ΦῬεβίλιος FLAM. 1 Tizvos coni. Mendelssohn. 12 Λευκίου υἱὸς IloAAta om. PAM. 18. ᾿Απουλῖνος AM : ᾿Αππολήιος coni. Mendelssohn. Med. pr.: Νεμωνία (Νεμωνα P) codd. 15 Niese: Σέλλιος, ᾿Ασέλλιος, Σασέλλιος codd.: *AxvAos Gronoyius. 564 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 218-220 with give the decree itself in order that the readers of this History may have before them a proof of these statements. It read as follows. (10) ““ Decree of the Senate, copied from the Decree of Treasury, from the public tablets of the quaestors, {he Roman Quintus Rutilius and Quintus Cornelius being quaes- firming tors of the city, second tablet, first column.? Three {uS., days before the Ides of April,’ in the Temple of oe Concord, there being present at the writing Lucius the iene Calpurnius Piso of the Menenian tribe, Servius Sulpicius® Quintus of the Lemonian tribe, Gaius Caninius Rebilus of the Teretine tribe, Publius Tedetius,? son of Lucius, of the Pollian tribe,’ Lucius Apulius, son of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe, Flavius, son of Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe, Publius Plautius, son of Publius, of the Papirian tribe, Marcus Gellius,’ son of Marcus, of the Maecian tribe, Lucius Erucius,? son of Lucius, of the Steletinian tribe, Marcus Quintus Plancinus, son of Marcus, of the * Text emended; mss. “ second tablet and from the first ones.”’ Viereck’s emendation is supported by the rescript of 73 5.6. to the magistrates of Oropus (cf. Viereck, p. 39), δέλτῳ πρώτῃ κηρώματι τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτῳ. κήρωμα -Ξ] καἰ. cera “ column”? or “‘ page,” cf. Horace, Serm. ii. 5. 51-54, Suetonius, Vero 17. > April 11, 44 8.c. This was the date of the registration of the senatus consultum enacted before Caesar’s death, as stated below, § 222. © Conjectured for mss. ‘‘ Papinius.”’ 4 “ Titius ” is conjectured by Mendelssohn. ε The variant omits “ἡ son of Lucius, of the Pollian tribe.”’ 7 Conjectured for mss. *‘ Sellius,’’ ‘‘ Asellius,” ete. Grono- vius conjectures ‘* Aquilius.” 9 ** Raiscius ᾿ is conjectured by Mendelssohn. 16 Σερούκιος P: Ῥαίσκιος Mendelssohn. 17 Ῥ; Τηλητίνα aut TyArviva rell. 565 JOSEPHUS 22 λία' Πλαγκῖνος,; TlovmAvos Σέρριος." Πόπλιος" Δολαβέλλας Μᾶρκος ᾿Αντώνιος ὕπατοι λόγους ἐποιήσαντο. περὶ ὧν δόγματι συγκλήτου Γάιος Καῖσαρ ὑπὲρ ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔκρινε καὶ εἰς τὸ ταμιεῖον οὐκ ἔφθασεν ἀνενεχθῆναι, περὶ τούτων ἀρέσκει ἡμῖν γενέσθαι, ὡς καὶ Ποπλίῳ Δολαβέλλᾳ καὶ Μάρκῳ ᾿Αντωνίῳ τοῖς ὑπάτοις ἔδοξεν, ἀνενεγκεῖν τε ταῦτα εἰς δέλτους καὶ πρὸς τοὺς κατὰ πόλιν ταμίας ὅπως φροντίσωσι καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐν δέλτοις 999 ἀναθεῖναι διπτύχοις. ἐγένετο" πρὸ πέντε εἰδῶν Φεβρουαρίων ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς Ὁμονοίας. οἱ δὲ πρεσβεύοντες παρ᾽ “ἵρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἦσαν οὗτοι: Λυσίμαχος Ilavoaviov, ᾿Αλέξανδρος Θεο- δώρου, IldtpoxAos Χαιρέου, ᾿Ιωνάθηςἷ ᾿Ονείου"᾽᾽ ο95 (11) "ἔπεμψε δὲ τούτων ᾿ἵρκανὸς τῶν πρεσβευ- τῶν ἕνα καὶ πρὸς Δολαβέλλαν τὸν τῆς ᾿Ασίας τότε ἡγεμόνα, παρακαλῶν ἀπολῦσαι τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους τῆς στρατείας" καὶ τὰ πάτρια τηρεῖν αὐτοῖς ἔθη, καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ζῆν ἐ ἐπιτρέπειν" οὗ τυχεῖν αὐτῷ ῥᾳδίως 294 ἐγένετο" λαβὼν γὰρ ὁ Δολαβέλλας τὰ παρὰ τοῦ “Ὑρκανοῦ γράμματα, μηδὲ βουλευσάμενος ἐπιστέλ- λει τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἅπασι, γράψας καὶ τῇ 1 ἸΠοπλία FAM. 2 P: Πλάγκιλος aut Τ]λάκιλλος το ]], 3 Σέριος AM: Σέργιος aut Σήστιος coni. Mendelssohn. 4 περὶ ὧν Πόπλιος coni. Mendelssohn. 5 woe P. ® quod decretum est Lat. 7 ᾿Ιωάννης PE. 8 ed. pr.: ᾽Ὄνσιου P: ’Oviov rell. ® στρατιᾶς PAM. 10 kat om. P. α “ Sergius” or ‘‘ Sestius ”’ is conjectured by Mendelssohn. The text is obviously incomplete. » Antony, after Caesar’s death, agreed to Dolabella’s assumption of consular office, although he had previously objected. 566 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 221-224 Pollian tribe, and Publius Serrius.* Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made speeches.” As for the decision rendered by Gaius Caesar, with the concurrence of the Senate, concerning the Jews, which there was not time to have registered in the Treasury, this matter we wish to be disposed of as the consuls Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius have decided, and that these decisions be recorded in tablets and brought to the quaestors of the city, and that they take care to have them inscribed on two-leaved tablets. They were dated the fifth day before the Ides of February “ in the Temple of Con- cord. The envoys from the high priest Hyrcanus were the following : Lysimachus, son of Pausanias, Alexander, son of Theodorus, Patroclus, son of Chaireas, and Jonathan, son of Onias.” (11) One of these envoys Hyrcanus sent also to Dolabella, who was then governor of Asia,’ requesting him to exempt the Jews from military service and permit them to maintain their native customs and live in accordance with them. And this request he readily obtained ; for Dolabella, on receiving the letter from Hyrcanus, without even taking counsel, sent to all (the officials) in Asia, and wrote to Ephesus, © λόγους ἐποιήσαντο = Lat. verba fecerunt, ef. Viereck, p. 36. 4 February 9, 44 B.c. 4 The Temple of Concord, however, was the place of re- gistration, not of enactment, of the decree, cf. above, § 219 note b. 7 Dolabella was appointed governor of Syria (not of the province of Asia) in June, 44 B.c., and set out for Syria at the end of the year. On his way through Asia he killed Tre- bonius, governor of Asia, who had been one of Caesar’s assassins. Soon after, in 43 B.c., Dolabella was blockaded in Laodicea by Cassius, and committed suicide. 567 Dolabella also grants privileges to the Jews of Asia. 227 228 JOSEPHUS ᾿Εφεσίων πόλει πρωτευούσῃ τῆς ᾿Ασίας περὶ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων. ἡ δὲ ἐπιστολὴ τοῦτον περιεῖχε τὸν τρόπον" (12) “᾽πὶ πρυτάνεως ᾿Αρτέμωνος μηνὸς Λη- ναιῶνος προτέρᾳ." Δολαβέλλας αὐτοκράτωρ *Ede- σίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ᾿Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου, πρεσβευτὴς Ὑρκανοῦ, τοῦ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου υἱοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων, ἐν- εφάνισέ μοι περὶ τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι στρατεύεσθαι τοὺς πολίτας αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ μήτε ὅπλα βαστάζειν δύνασθαι μήτε ὁδοιπορεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῶν σαββάτων, μήτε “τροφῶν τῶν πατρίων καὶ συνήθων κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς εὐπορεῖν. ἐγώ τε οὖν αὐτοῖς, καθὼς καὶ ot πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἡγεμόνες, δίδωμι τὴν ἀστρατείαν καὶ συγχωρῶ χρῆσθαι τοῖς πατρίοις ἐθισμοῖς, ἱερῶν ἕνεκα καὶ ἁγίων" συναγομένοις, καθὼς αὐτοῖς νόμιμον, καὶ τῶν πρὸς τὰς θυσίας ἀφαιρεμάτων, ὑμᾶς τε βούλομαι ταῦτα γράψαι κατὰ πόλεις. (13) Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν 6 Δολαβέλλας “Ὑρκανοῦ πρεσβευσαμένου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐχαρίσατο τοῖς ἡμε- τέροις. Λεύκιος δὲ Λέντλος ὕπατος εἶπεν" “ πο- λίτας Ρωμαίων Ιουδαίους, ἱερὰ ᾿Ιουδαϊκὰ ἔχοντας καὶ ποιοῦντας ἐν ᾿Εφέσῳ, πρὸ τοῦ βήματος δει- σιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα στρατείας ἀπέλυσα" πρὸ δώδεκα καλανδῶν ᾿Οκτωβρίων' Λευκίῳ Λέντλῳ [Τ᾽ αΐῳ 1 Ῥ: πρώτῃ rell. Lat., cf. 8 262. 2 ἁγίοις Ῥ. 3 ex Lat. edd.: ἀπέλυσε codd. Κουιντιλίων ex seqq. (§§ 234, 237) coni. Viereck, Niese. = January 24, 43 B.c. On this special use of πολῖται see Ant. xii. 46 note ὦ. © Lucius Lentulus Crus, consul in 49 B.c., was commissioned 568 8 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 224-228 the chief city of Asia, about the Jews. His letter read as follows. (12) “ In the presidency of Artemon, on the first day of the month of Lenaeon,* Dolabella, Imperator, to the magistrates, council and people of Ephesus, greeting. Alexander, son of Theodorus, the envoy of Hyreanus, son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, has explained to me that his co-religionists ® cannot undertake military service because they may not bear arms or march on the days of the Sabbath; nor can they obtain the native foods to which they are accustomed. I, there- fore, like the governors before me, grant them exemption from military service and allow them to follow their native customs and to come together for sacred and holy rites in accordance with their law, and to make offerings for their sacrifices ; and it is my wish that you write these instructions to the various cities.” (13) These, then, were the favours which Dola- bella granted to our people when Hyrcanus sent an envoy to him. And Lucius Lentulus, the consul,’ declared. ‘‘ Those Jews who are Roman citizens and observe Jewish rites and practise them in Ephesus, I¢ released from military service before the tribunal on the twelfth day before the Kalends of October ὁ in consideration of their religious scruples, in the consul- ship of Lucius Lentulus and Gaius Marcellus. ‘Those by the Senate to recruit two legions in the province of Asia, cf. Caesar, Bell. Civ. iii. 4. His decree is cited by subordinate {oman officials in the cities of Asia, §§ 230-246. 4 Conjectured from Latin for mss. ‘* he.” ® September 19, 49 B.c., but ᾿Οκτωβρίων is probably a copyist’s error for ΙΚουιντιλίων, which would give June 19th as in §§ 234, 237. VOL. VII os 569 Dolabella’s letter to Hphesus. Lentulus exempts Jewish citizens of Ephesus from mili- tary service. JOSEPHUS 229 Μαρκέλλῳ ὑπάτοις. παρῆσαν Τίτος “Apmuos* Τίτου υἱὸς Βάλβος" ‘Oparia πρεσβευτής, Τίτος Τόγγιος Τίτου vids Kpooropiva, Κόιντος Katavos* Koivrov, Τίτος Πομπήιος" Τίτου Λογγῖνος, Γάιος Σερουίλιος Tatov υἱὸς Τηρητίνα Βράκχος" χιλί- αρχος, [Πόπλιος Κλούσιος" Ποπλίου Ovderwpia’ Γάλλος, Γάιος Σέντιος Γαΐου" υἱὸς Σαβατίνα.᾽᾽ 230 πνς΄ Tiros “Aptos? Τίτου υἱὸς Βάλβος" πρεσ- βευτὴς καὶ ἀντιστράτηγος ᾿Εφεσίων ἄ ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ᾿Ιουδαίους τοὺς ἐν τῇ͵ ᾿Ασίᾳ Λεύ- κιος Λέντλος ὁ ὕπατος, ἐμοῦ ἐντυγχάνοντος ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν, ἀπέλυσε τῆς στρατείας. αἰτησάμενος δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ παρὰ Φαννίου τοῦ ἀντιστρατήγου"" καὶ παρὰ Λευκίου ᾿Αντωνίου τοῦ ἀντιταμίου ἐπ- ἔτυχον, ὑμᾶς τε βούλομαι φροντίσαι ἵνα μή τις αὐτοῖς διενοχλῇ.᾽ 21 (14 Ψήφισμα Δηλίων. “én? ἄρχοντος Βοιωτοῦ μηνὸς Θαργηλιῶνος εἰκοστῇ, χρηματισμὸς στρατη- γῶν. Μᾶρκος. Πείσων πρεσβευτὴς ἐνδημῶν ἐ ἐν τῇ πόλει ἡμῶν, ὁ καὶ τεταγμένος ἐπὶ τῆς στρατο- λογίας, προσκαλεσάμενος ἡμᾶς καὶ ἱκανοὺς τῶν 232 πολιτῶν προσέταξεν ἵνα εἴ τινές εἰσιν ᾿Ιουδαῖοι 1 Borghesi: ἔλππιος codd. ® Borghesi: BaAyos PLA: Βάλιος F: Τάλβος M. 8 Κάσιος F: Κάσσιος L: Ῥάσιος AM: Ῥαίσιος Gronovius: Ῥαίκιος Mendelssohn. 4 TIjuos ex seqq. Niese qui vero hic Σήιος coni. 5 Βράκκος P: Bpayyos M ὃ Καλούσιος vel Κλούιος coni. Niese. 7 Gronovius: ἐγὼ P: ’Etwpia V: "Epwpia rell. 8. post Γαΐου lacunam indicavit Gronovius, ef. ὃ 239. ® Borghesi: ἴλππιος codd. 10 Borghesi cum Lat.: Βάλλος PF: Βέλβος rell. τι Ernesti: ἀρχιστρατήγου codd.: tribunum plebis Lat. 570 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 229-232 present were the legate Titus Ampius Balbus,’ son of Titus, of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius, son of Titus, of the Crustuminian tribe, Quintus Caesius,? son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius Longinus, son of Titus, the military tribune Gaius Servilius Bracchus, son of Gaius, of the Teretine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, son of Publius, of the Veturian ¢ tribe, Gaius Sentius, son of Gaius . . . sonof . . . of the Sabatine tribe.” “ Titus Ampius Balbus, son of Titus, legate and propraetor,? to the magistrates, council and people of Ephesus, greeting. Lucius Lentulus, the consul, has at my petition exempted the Jews in Asia from military service. And on making the same request later of Fannius, the propraetor, and of Lucius Antonius,’ the proquaestor, I obtained my request ; and it is my wish that you take care that no one shall molest them.” (14) Decree of the Delians. “ In the archonship pecree of of Boeotus, on the twentieth day of the month of a Thargelion,’ response of the magistrates. The legate Marcus Piso, when resident in our city, having been placed in charge of the recruiting of soldiers, sum- moned us and a considerable number of citizens, and ordered that if there were any Jews who were Roman 2 Name slightly emended. » =Lat. legatus pro praetore, cf. Magie, p. 9. * Identified by Reinach and Juster, i. 145, with Lucius Antonius, son of Marcus, mentioned below, § 235. 4 —=May/June in the Roman calendar. ‘The year is probably 49 B.c., cf. Juster, i. 146, vs. Mendelssohn and aussoullier, BCH 8 (1884), 150, who place it in 48 B.c. Reinach conjectures that Delos at this time was attached to the Roman province of Asia. 9 : 571 JOSEPHUS A « / / ‘ > ~ ‘ πολῖται Ῥωμαίων τούτοις μηδεὶς ἐνοχλῇ περὶ 1 \ \ \ “ ΄ 1 ee στρατείας, διὰ TO τὸν ὕπατον Λούκιον, ἹΚορνήλιον Λέντλον δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπολελυκέναι τοὺς > , A , \ , δ, a2 a Ἰουδαίους τῆς στρατείας: διὸ πείθεσθαι ἡμᾶς" δεῖ τῷ στρατηγῷ. ὅμοια δὲ τούτοις καὶ Σαρδιανοὶ περὶ ἡμῶν ἐψηφίσαντο. 933 (15) “Γάιος Φάννιος Γαΐου υἱὸς στρατηγὸς ὕπατος" Κῴων ἄρχουσι χαίρειν. βούλομαι ὑμᾶς Ὁ 7 ἃν οὖν , > , χὰ εἰδέναι ὅτι πρέσβεις ᾿Ιουδαίων μοι προσῆλθον ἀξιοῦντες λαβεῖν τὰ ὑπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγματα περὶ αὐτῶν γεγονότα. ὑποτέτακται δὲ τὰ δεδογ- μένα. ὑμᾶς οὖν θέλω φροντίσαι καὶ προνοῆσαι τῶν ἀνθρώπων κατὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα, ὅπως διὰ τῆς ὑμετέρας χώρας εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἀσφαλῶς ἀνακομισθῶσιν.᾽ 934 (16) ““ Λεύκιος Λέντλος ὕπατος λέγει" ‘ πολίτας “Ῥωμαίων ᾿Ιουδαίους, οἵτινές μοι ἱερὰ ἔχειν καὶ A > ow AX > > / > / / ποιεῖν ᾿Ιουδαϊκὰ ev ᾿Εφέσῳ ἐδόκουν, δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπέλυσα. τοῦτο ἐγένετο πρὸ δώδεκα" κα- λανδῶν Κουιντιλίων". cei 235 (17) “Λούκιος ᾿Αντώνιος Μάρκου υἱὸς ἀντι- ταμίας καὶ ἀντιστράτηγος Σαρδιανῶν ἀρχουσι 1 Λούκιον om. AM Lat. 2 Niese: ὑμᾶς codd. Lat. 3 ἀνθύπατος coni. Viereck. 4 γνῶναι AM. 5 δεκατριῶν FLAM. 8 ᾽Οκτωβρίων ΚΚουιντιλίων F: ᾿Οκτωβρίων LAM: Tuliarum Lat. « Conjectured for mss. ** you.” > See below, § 235. ¢ =Lat. praetor pro consule ; it is not necessary to emend ὕπατος to ἀνθύπατος, cf. Magie, p. 84 and Juster i. 146. This document does not belong to the decrees based on the ruling of Lucius Lentulus in 49 B.c., unless Gaius Fannius is to be 572 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 232-235 citizens, no one should bother them about military service, inasmuch as the consul Lucius Cornelius Lentulus had exempted the Jews from military service in consideration of their religious scruples. We? must therefore obey the magistrate.” Similar to this was the decree concerning us w πος the people of Sardis passed.? (15) “ Gaius Fannius, son of Gaius, procieeane Letter of praetor,’ to the magistrates of Cos, greeting. I would ee ἿΣ have you know that envoys have come to me from the people the Jews, asking to have the decrees concerning ° — them which were passed by the Senate. These decrees are herewith appended. It is my wish there- fore that you take thought and care for these men in accordance with the decree of the Senate, in order that they may safely be brought through your country to their home.” (16) ¢“ Lucius Lentulus, consul, declares: ‘In con- statement sideration of their religious scruples I have released οἵ rae those Jews who are Roman citizens and appeared Jews of to me to have and to practise Jewish rites in Ephesus. PP": Dated the twelfth® day before the Kalends of July.’ Ὁ, (17) 9“ Lucius Antonius, son of Marcus, proquaes- setter of tor and propraetor, to the magistrates, council and Lucius Antonius identified with the Fannius mentioned in § 230. For the * Sardis. various conjectures about the date of this document (rang- ing from 161 to 44 B.c.) see works listed in Appendix J. 4 This document seems to be a variant of that cited in §§ 228-229. ¢ Variant “ thirteenth.” 7 Variant “ἡ October,” cf. § 228 note e. The reading here adopted corresponds to June 19, 49 B.c. 9 This document seems to be an extension of the rights anted to the Jews of Ephesus by Lucius Lentulus, to include general religious toleration, cf. Juster i. 145. 573 JOSEPHUS βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ᾿Ιουδαῖοι πολῖται ἡμέτεροι᾽ προσελθόντες μοι ἐπέδειξαν αὑτοὺς" σύνοδον ἔχειν ἰδίαν κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς καὶ τόπον ἴδιον, ἐν ᾧ τά τε πράγματα καὶ τὰς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀντιλογίας κρίνουσι, τοῦτό τε αἰτησα- μένοις ἵν᾽ ἐξῇ ποιεῖν αὐτοῖς" τηρῆσαι καὶ ἐπιτρέψαι ἔκρινα. 286 (18) “᾿ Μᾶρκος [Πόπλιος Σπουρίου υἱὸς καὶ Μᾶρκος Μάρκου καὶ Ποπλίου υἱὸς Λούκιος" λέ- { / ~ > / / > yovow: ‘ Λέντλῳ τῷ ἀνθυπάτῳ προσελθόντες ἐδι- δάξαμεν αὐτὸν περὶ ὧν Δοσίθεος ἸΚλεοπατρίδου 231 ᾿Αλεξανδρεὺς λόγους ἐποιήσατο, ὅπως πολίτας Ῥ U al; 5 / q ς \ ial | ὃ oe NX - ὠμαίων Ιουδαίους) ἱερὰ ᾿ΪΙουδαϊκὰ ποιεῖν > / Ἃ > ~ ~ ’ Lid εἰωθότας, av αὐτῷ φανῇ, δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα > ΄ a #454 8 \ , 9 a ἀπολύσῃ: καὶ ἀπέλυσε" πρὸ δώδεκα" καλανδῶν ΕΣ, ἹΚουιντιλίων"". , oh 4, (19) “‘ Aevkiw Λέντλῳ [Γαΐῳ Μαρκέλλῳ ὑπά- 1 ὑμέτεροι Ῥ. 2 αὐτοὺς codd.: ἑαυτοὺς Hudson. 3 αὐτοῖς ποιεῖν tr. AM. 4 Gronovius: Σπιρίου P: Iloupiov rell.: Publii Lat. 5 καὶ om. Ἐς 5 Λουκίου P: Μάρκος... Λούκιος] Marcus Lucius Marci Publii filius Lat. 7 + ποιήσῃ FLAM. 8 ex Lat. Hudson: ἀπολύσαι P: ἀπέλυσα rell. 9. δεκατριῶν FLAM. 10 ᾽Οκτοβρίῳ Κουντιλίῳ F: ᾿Οκτωβρίων Κυιντιλίῳ LAM: Tulias Lat. ® Variant “ὁ yours,”’ which would mean the Jewish citizens — of Sardis alone. ὃ Probably a synagogue, cf. S. Krauss, Synagogale Alter- tiimer, p. 185. © The statement in §§ 236-237 and the subjoined decree in 574 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 235-237 people of Sardis, greeting. Jewish citizens of ours? have come to me and pointed out that from the earli- est times they have had an association of their own in accordance with their native laws and a place of their own,? in which they decide their affairs and con- troversies with one another ; and upon their request that it be permitted them to do these things, I decided that they might be maintained, and per- mitted them so to do.” (18) °“* Marcus Publius, son of Spurius,? and Marcus, son of Marcus, and Lucius, son of Publius,?¢ declared: ‘We have gone to the proconsul’ Lentulus and informed him of the statement made by Dosi- theus, son of Cleopatrides, the Alexandrian, to the effect that, if it seemed proper to him, in considera- tion of their religious scruples he should exempt from military service those Jews who are Roman citizens and are accustomed to practise Jewish rites. And he 2 did exempt them on the twelfth” day before the Kalends of July.’ ἢ (19) “In the consulship of Lucius Lentulus and §§ 238-240 probably refer to the same decree of Lentulus as is cited in § 234. 4 Name slightly emended. « Others read, with one ms. and Lat., “ὁ Marcus Lucius, son of Marcus Publius.’’ As Lucius and Publius are not gentilicia we should have to assume a corruption in the latter reading, as well as in the name “ὁ Marcus Publius, son of Spurius.” Possibly, however, as Gronovius suggests ap. Hudson-Havercamp, these men were Roman plebeians and converts to Judaism ; in that case the names Marcus Publius, Marcus Lucius might be genuine. 7 Reinach alters to ‘“‘ consul ”’ as in § 234. oe Variant ols” * Variant “ thirteenth.” * Some mss. combine the variants ‘‘ July “ἢ and ‘‘ October.” On the date see ὃ 228 note 6. 575 Petition to Lentulus, Decree of 238 239 240 241 JOSEPHUS τοις. παρῆσαν Τίτος “Apumos' Τίτου υἱὸς Βάλβος “ἢ / /, / / / patia πρεσβευτής, Τίτος Toyyros Kpooropiva, Kowtos Καίσιος" Kotvrov, Τίτος Πομπήιος" Τίτου υἱὸς Κορνηλία Λογγῖνος, Γάιος Σερουίλιος [Γαἴου Τηρητίνα Βράκχος χιλίαρχος, [Πόπλιος Ἰζλούσιος Ποπλίου υἱὸς Οὐετωρία' Γάλλος, Τ Γάιος Τεύτιος" Γαΐου Αἰμιλία χιλίαρχος, Σέξτος ᾿Ατίλιος Σέξτου e\ A > λί hs / Ε / II / 1s he υἱὸς Αἰμιλία Σέρρανος, Ἰάιος Πομπήιος [Γαἴου υἱὸς Σαβατίνα, Τίτος "Αμπιος" Τίτου Μένανδρος, Πόπλιος Σερουίλιος Ποπλίου υἱὸς Στράβων, Λεύ- κιος Πάκκιος Λευκίου KodAWwa απίτων, Αὖλος Φούριος, Αὐλου" υἱὸς Τέρτιος, "Ἄππιος Μηνᾶς. Shy , ε , , EF 9 , ἐπὶ τούτων ὁ Λέντλος δόγμα ἐξέθετο. πολίτας ῬῬ / ZI ὃ / -“ «ς ΜΘ, ὃ “ \ - ὠμαίων ᾿Ιουδαίους, οἵτινες ἱερὰ ᾿Ιουδαϊκὰ ποιεῖν + SY bd > ’ὔ \ ~ ,ὔ εἰώθασιν ἐν ᾿Εφέσῳ, πρὸ τοῦ βήματος δεισιδαι- μονίας ἕνεκα ἀπέλυσα.᾽᾽ (20) ““Λαοδικέων ἄρχοντες [᾿αἴῳ “Ραβηρίῳ" Γαΐου υἱῷ ἀνθυπάτῳ" χαίρειν. Σώπατρος “Υ̓ρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως πρεσβευτὴς ἀπέδωκεν ἡμῖν τὴν παρὰ a? / θιδι 0. 7 19 ££ ΄ς δι Ὁ ~ σοῦ ἐπιστολήν, du’ ἧς ἐδήλους"" ἡμῖν παρὰ “Ὑρκανοῦ 1 Borghesi: λππιος codd. 2 ex § 229 coni. Niese: Ῥαίσιος codd. 3 FL: Πήιος rell. 4 Gronovius: ᾿Εγωρεία P: "Epwopia rell. 5 Τέττιος F. 6 Mendelssohn: “Azzuos codd. 7 Αὖλος Φούριος Gronovius: Αὔλιος Φρούριος codd. 8 Παύλου FLAM. ® Ps ἐξήνεγκε rell. 10 Homolle: ‘PaBedAAiw P: Ῥαβιλλίῳ FAM: αγιλλίῳ L: Rabilio Lat.: ‘PeBiAw Ritschl. 11 Homolle: ὑπάτῳ codd. 12 Niese: ἐδήλου codd. * Name slightly emended. δ᾽ Conjectured from ὃ 229 for ms. “* Raesius.” 576 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 245-249 pressed wish you are attacking the Jews and forbid them to observe their Sabbaths, perform their native rites or manage their produce? in accordance with their custom; and that he had announced this decree ὃ in accordance with the laws. I would there- fore have you know that after hearing the arguments of the opposing sides, I have decided that the Jews are not to be forbidden to follow their customs.” (22) Decree of the people of Pergamum. “ In the presidency of Cratippus,’ on the first of the month Daisios, a decree of the magistrates. As the Romans in pursuance of the practices of their ancestors have accepted dangerous risks for the common safety of all mankind and strive emulously to place their allies and friends in a state of happiness and lasting peace, the Jewish nation and their high priest Hyrcanus 4 have sent as enyoys to them Straton,son of Theodotus, Apollonius, son of Alexander,’ Aeneas, son of Anti- pater, Aristobulus, son of Amyntas, and Sosipater,/ son of Philip, worthy and excellent men, and have made representations concerning certain particular matters, whereupon the Senate passed a decree con- cerning the matters on which they spoke, to the effect « Exactly what priestly revenues (for Jerusalem) are meant is not clear; καρπός in the Lxx sometimes means “‘ first-fruits,” but here it may include tithes, as Reinach suggests. ὃ Text slightly uncertain. ¢ A prytanis named Cratippus is mentioned in a Perga- mene inscription to be dated 150-50 B.c., according to Juster, i. 134 n. 3, citing Ath. Mitt. 17 (1902), 126 and υ0 4] 8 (1905), 238. See further note a on p. 582. 4 Hyrcanus I is meant. ¢ An Apollonius, son of Alexander, is mentioned as an envoy of Hyrcanus I to Rome in Ant. xiii. 260. 7 Cf. § 241 note ὁ. 581 Decree οἵ Pergamum. 250 252 JOSEPHUS μηδὲν ἀδικῇ ᾿Αντίοχος ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αντιόχου; υἱὸς ᾿Ιουδαίους συμμάχους Ρωμαίων, ὅπως τε φρούρια καὶ λιμένας καὶ χώραν καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἀφείλετο 2 “- » a 12 eA o> inngs ἃ - , αὐτῶν ἀποδοθῇ, καὶ" ἐξῇ αὐτοῖς" ἐκ τῶν λιμένων 5 ae ‘ > \ :} “ὦ ne , ἐξάγειν," ἵνα τε μηδεὶς ἀτελὴς ἢ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίων χώρας ἢ τῶν λιμένων αὐτῶν ἐξάγων βασιλεὺς ἢ δῆμος ἢ μόνος [[τολεμαῖος ὁ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων βα- σιλεὺς διὰ τὸ εἶναι σύμμαχος ἡμέτερος καὶ φίλος, \ \ orate 5 \ > a ‘ > ΄ καὶ τὴν ἐν ᾿Ιόππῃ φρουρὰν ἐκβαλεῖν, καθὼς ἐδεή- θησαν: τῆς τε βουλῆς ἡμῶν Λούκιος [Πέττιος ἀνὴρ καλὸς καὶ ἀγαθὸς προσέταξεν ἵνα φροντίσωμεν ταῦτα οὕτως γενέσθαι καθὼς ἡ σύγκλητος ἐδογ- μάτισε, προνοῆσαί τε τῆς ἀσφαλοῦς εἰς οἶκον τῶν ~ > ~ > 4 A ‘ > ‘ πρεσβευτῶν ἀνακομιδῆς. ἀπεδεξάμεθα δὲ Kai ἐπὶ A \ ‘ \ > , ‘ ,ὔ τὴν βουλὴν καὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τὸν Θεόδωρον, ἀπολαβόντες τε τὴν ἐπιστολὴν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα, καὶ ποιησαμένου μετὰ πολ- 1 Δημητρίου coni. Ritschl. 2 καὶ μὴ ΕἸ ΑΜ, 3 αὐτῶν Gronovius: αὐτῷ Gutschmid. 4 μηδ᾽ ἐξαγαγεῖν P: deportare quae volunt Lat. 5 + δὲ FLAM. * Most scholars assume that this is Antiochus IX Cyzi- cenus, son of Antiochus VII Sidetes, cf. Ant. xiii. 246 ff., 270 ff. Some scholars, however, propose to read “son of Demetrius,’’ meaning Antiochus Sidetes, son of Demetrius I (less probably Antiochus VIII Grypus, son of Demetrius II). With the latter I agree. The emendation “son of Deme- trius ’’ is not too arbitrary, considering that in several places Josephus’ text gives the wrong surname to a Seleucid ruler ; see further the following notes. » This seems to be a reference to the harbours, including Joppa, taken from the Jews by Antiochus Sidetes, cf. Ant. xiii. 261. © The variant ‘‘ shall not be lawful’ makes no sense if “for them ’’ means “ for the Jews.” 582 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 249-252 that King Antiochus, son of Antiochus,? shall do no injury to the Jews, the allies of the Romans ; and that the fortresses, harbours, territory and whatever else he may have taken from them shall be restored to them”; and that it shall be lawful® for them to export goods from their harbours and that no king or people exporting goods from the territory of the Jews or from their harbours shall be untaxed except only Ptolemy, king of Alexandria,’ because he is our ally and friend ; and that the garrison in Joppa shall be expelled, as they have requested. And one of our council, Lucius Pettius,? a worthy and excellent man, has given orders that we shall take care that these things are done as the Senate has decreed, and that we shall see to the safe return of the envoys to their homes. We have also admitted Theodorus to the council and assembly, accepting from him the letter and the decree of the Senate ; and after he had addressed us with great earnest- 4 Reinach suggests that Ptolemy IX Alexander is meant; he was called to Egypt from Cyprus by his mother Cleopatra III in 107 s.c. If the Pergamene decree is to be dated in the reign of Antiochus Sidetes (who died in 129 B.c.), Reinach’s conjecture is impossible, and Ptolemy VII Euer- getes II (Physcon) must be meant. On his friendly relations with Rome, ef. Diodorus xxxiii. 28 a; he says that Scipio Aemilianus and his colleagues visited Egypt (c. 135 B.c.) and Syria, τὴν προὔπάρχουσαν αὐτοῖς φιλίαν πρὸς ἅπαντας avavew- σάμενοι. e F. Miinzer in PW 19 (1938), 1381 suggests that in spite of the wording of the text L. Pettius may have been a member of a Commission of the Roman Senate or even a praetor in tome. This would be more likely if we accepted Reinach’s emendation of τῇ βουλῇ for τῆς βουλῆς, meaning that L. Pettius gave orders to the council of Pergamum, not that he was _ one of the council. 583 JOSEPHUS ~ ~ > ~ Ἁ / ‘ \ « ~ λῆς σπουδῆς αὐτοῦ τοὺς λόγους καὶ τὴν “Ὑρκανοῦ 253 ἐμφανίσαντος ἀρετὴν καὶ μεγαλοψυχίαν, ὅτι καὶ κοινῇ πάντας εὐεργετεῖ καὶ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν τοὺς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφικνουμένους, τά τε γράμματα εἰς τὰ δημόσια ἡμῶν ἀπεθέμεθα, καὶ αὐτοὶ πάντα ποιεῖν ὑπὲρ ᾿Ιουδαίων, σύμμαχοι ὄντες Ῥωμαίων, κατὰ 254 τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα ἐψηφισάμεθα. ἐδεήθη δὲ \ « ὃ « \ > \ « a > ὃ ’ καὶ ὁ Θεόδωρος, ὃ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἡμῖν ἀποδούς, τῶν ἡμετέρων στρατηγῶν ἵνα πέμψωσι πρὸς ‘Yp- κανὸν τὸ ἀντίγραφον τοῦ ψηφίσματος καὶ πρέσβεις δηλώσοντας τὴν τοῦ ἡμετέρου δήμου σπουδὴν καὶ παρακαλέσοντας συντηρεῖν τε καὶ αὔξειν αὐτὸν' \ NITSe: fe (ate 1 > a > \3 αὶ τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς φιλίαν" Kai ἀγαθοῦ τινος ἀεὶ αἴτιον / 255 γίνεσθαι, ws ἀμοιβάς τε τὰς προσηκούσας ἀπο- ληψόμενον, μεμνημένον τε ὡς καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατὰ "ABpapov καιροῖς, ὃς ἦν πάντων Ἑβραίων πατήρ, οἱ πρόγονοι ἡμῶν ἦσαν αὐτοῖς φίλοι, καθὼς" ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις εὑρίσκομεν γράμμασιν. κρ ε 250 (235) Ῥηήφισμα ᾿Αλικαρνασέων. “᾿ ἐπὶ ἱερέως Μέμνονος) τοῦ ᾿Αριστείδου, κατὰ δὲ ποίησιν Εὐ , 6 >? θ a 7 ἊΝ ae, ὑωνύμου," “AvOearnpidvos’ . . . ἔδοξε TH δήμῳ, 1 αὐτῶν Hudson. 2 αὐτὸν. . . φιλίαν] cum eis nostras amicitias Lat. 3 ἀεὶ add. Niese. 4 + καὶ P. 5 Néwvos coni. Wilhelm. 5 Μενόλλου Wilhelm. ? ᾿Ανθεστηρίας P, unde ᾿Ανθεστηριῶνος va’ coni. Niese. 2 The term ὁ allies of the Romans” might still have been used some years after Pergamum became a Roman possession in 133 B.c. For a parallel Prof. James Oliver kindly refers me to an inscription of Sagalassus of a.p. 292 in Suppl. Epigr. Gr. ii. 735. 584 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 238-241 Gaius Marcellus. Present were the legate Titus Leutulus Ampius ® Balbus, son of Titus, of the Horatian tribe, 5s°"PUs Titus Tongius of the Crustuminian tribe, Quintus citizens of 4 b Ξ 3 2 ° Ephesus Caesius,’ son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius Longinus, from mili- son of Titus, of the Cornelian tribe, the military ry service. tribune Gaius Servilius Bracchus, son of Gaius, of the Teretine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, son of Publius, of the Veturian®’ tribe, the military tribune Gaius Teutius, son of Gaius, of the Aemilian tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus, son of Sextus, of the Aemilian tribe, Gaius Pompeius, son of Gaius, of the Sabatine tribe, Titus Ampius Menander, son of ‘Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, son of Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe, Aulus Furius “ Tertius, son of Aulus,° Appius Menas. In their presence Lentulus announced the following decree. In consideration of their religious scruples I have released before the tribunal those Jews who are Roman citizens and are accustomed to observe Jewish rites in Ephesus.” (20) “The magistrates of Laodicea to the proconsul Letter of Gaius Rabirius,¢ son of Gaius, greeting. Sopatrus, "{s'sates the envoy of the high priest Hyrcanus,’ has delivered - os to us a letter from you, in which you have informed ae us that certain persons have come from Hyrcanus, © Variant * Paulus.” 4 The readings ‘‘ proconsul”’ for ms. ‘‘ consul” and ‘“ Rabirius ” for ‘‘ Rabellius “ἢ are proposed by Homolle, BCH 6 (1882), 608-612, on the basis of an inscription found at Delos. Juster, i. 146 n. 7, suggests that the document is to be dated in 45 B.c. ¢ Probably Hyrcanus II (see preceding note) ; but strong arguments have been advanced for the view that this docu- ment like the Pergamene decree below, §§ 247-255 (which mentions a Jewish envoy named Sosipater), is to be dated in the reign of Hyrcanus | ; see works listed in Appendix J. VOL. VII T 2 δὴ 242 243 244 245 JOSEPHUS ~ > / > ,ὔ > / ‘ / τοῦ ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέως ἐληλυθότας τινὰς γράμ- ματα κομίσαι περὶ τοῦ ἔθνους αὐτῶν γεγραμμένα, σ 4 . 1 a1 A Μ ‘ \ ‘ ἵνα τά τε σάββατα αὐτοῖς" ἐξῇ ἄγειν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ἱερὰ ἐπιτελεῖν κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, ὅπως \ > A > / A ‘ / > \ τε μηδεὶς αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάσσῃ διὰ TO φίλους αὐτοὺς ἡμετέρους εἶναι καὶ συμμάχους, ἀδικήσῃ τε μηδεὶς αὐτοὺς ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ἐπαρχίᾳ, ὡς Γραλλιανῶν τε ἀντειπόντων κατὰ πρόσωπον μὴ ἀρέσκεσθαι τοῖς περὶ αὐτῶν δεδογμένοις ἐπέταξας ταῦτα οὕτως γίνεσθαι: παρακεκλῆσθαι δέ ce,” ὥστε καὶ ἡμῖν ταῦτα γράψαι περὶ αὐτῶν. ἡμεῖς οὖν κατακολου- θοῦντες τοῖς ἐπεσταλμένοις ὑπὸ σοῦ, τήν τε > A \ > A > / \ ἐπιστολὴν τὴν ἀποδοθεῖσαν ἐδεξάμεθα καὶ κατ- εχωρίσαμεν εἰς τὰ δημόσια ἡμῶν γράμματα, καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὧν ἐπέσταλκας προνοήσομεν A \ ~ ” ὥστε μηδὲν μεμφθῆναι. (21) “ᾷΠόπλιος Σερουίλιος Ποπλίου υἱὸς Γάλβας" > / / ΝΜ ~ / / ἀνθύπατος Μιλησίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. Πρύτανις Ἑρμοῦ" υἱὸς πολίτης ὑμέτερος προσ- / > / ” \ > /, ελθών μοι ἐν Τράλλεσιν ἄγοντι τὴν ἀγόραιον > / \ \ € / / > / « a ἐδήλου παρὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν γνώμην ᾿Ιουδαίοις ὑμᾶς 1 τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις AM Lat. 2 ve AM et Lat. vid. 3 Οὐατίας coni. Bergmann. 4 Σίμου coni. Wilhelm. @ Reinach, assuming that Hyreanus I is meant here, believes that the documents in question are decrees of the Roman Senate. Juster, who thinks that Hyrcanus II is meant, argues contra that in the earlier period the Roman Senate adopted, in such cases, a tone “ trés modéré, plutot courtois.”’ 578 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 241-245 the high priest of the Jews, bringing documents concerning their nation,’ to the effect that it shall be lawful for them” to observe their Sabbaths and per- form their other rites in accordance with their native laws, and that no one shall give orders to them, because they are our friends and allies, and that no one shall do them an injury in our province®; and as the people of Tralles “ objected in your presence that they were dissatisfied with the decrees concern- ing them, you gave orders that they should be carried out, adding that you have been requested to write also to us about the matters concerning them. We, therefore, in obedience to your instruc- tions, have accepted the letter delivered to us and have deposited it among our public archives ; and to the other matters on which you have given us instructions we shall give such attention that no one shall incur blame.” (21) “ Publius Servilius Galba,’ son of Publius, pro- consul to the magistrates, council and people of Mi- letus,/ greeting. Prytanis, son of Hermas,’ a citizen of yours, came to me when I was holding court at Tralles and informed me that contrary to our ex- » Variant ‘*‘ the Jews.” © The province of Phrygia. 2 Probably Tralles in Caria, 6. 75 miles W. of Laodicea. Both cities lay near the Maeander river. * The reading ‘* Vatias”’ for " Galba’’ proposed by Berg- mann, Philologus 2 (1847), p. 684, is adopted by many scholars, but rejected by Reinach and Juster i. 147 ἢ. 1. 7 Juster, citing Haussoullier, Milet, p. 258, points out that under Roman rule Miletus had no assembly or civic auto- nomy before 46 B.c. 9 Wilhelm, JO A/ 8 (1905), 242 (cited by Juster), proposes “son of Simos” on the basis of an inscription, probably Ist century s.c., found at Thera. 579 Letter of Publius Servilius Galba to Miletus. JOSEPHUS προσφέρεσθαι καὶ κωλύειν αὐτοὺς τά τε σάββατα ἄγειν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τὰ πάτρια τελεῖν καὶ τοὺς καρ- \ ,ὔ A ” > \ > “ ποὺς μεταχειρίζεσθαι, καθὼς ἔθος ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς, 57 42 \ \ , , 1 ΠῚ , αὐτόν τε κατὰ τοὺς νόμους τεθεικέναι' τὸ ψή- 240 φισμα. βούλομαι οὖν ὑμᾶς εἰδέναι ὅτι διακούσας" > ἐγὼ λόγων ἐξ ἀντικαταστάσεως γενομένων ἐπ-" / \ / > / “ > ~ » ἔκρινα μὴ κωλύεσθαι ᾿Ιουδαίους τοῖς αὐτῶν ἔθεσι ~ }) χρῆσθαι. 941 (92) ϑήφισμα Ἰ]εργαμηνῶν. “ ἐπὶ πρυτάνεως Κρατίππου μηνὸς Δαισίου πρώτῃ γνώμη στρα- ~ > « A ~ ~ τηγῶν. ἐπεὶ ot “Ῥωμαῖοι κατακολουθοῦντες τῇ ~ ~ ~ ~ c / TOV προγόνων ἀγωγῇ τοὺς ὑπὲρ THs κοινῆς ἁπάν- 3 / > , / > / των ἀνθρώπων ἀσφαλείας κινδύνους ἀναδέχονται, ‘ ~ A / A / > καὶ φιλοτιμοῦνται τοὺς συμμάχους καὶ φίλους ἐν ~ > 248 εὐδαιμονίᾳ καὶ βεβαίᾳ καταστῆσαι εἰρήνῃ, πέμψαν- \ > \ ~ ” ~ 5 Ῥ \ Tos πρὸς αὐτοὺς τοῦ ἔθνους τοῦ ᾿Ιουδαίων καὶ cy ~ a > / > ~ / ng Ypkavod τοῦ ἀρχιερέως αὐτῶν πρέσβεις, Στράτωνα > > Θεοδότου, ᾿Απολλώνιον ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, Αἰνείαν *Av- 249 τιπάτρου, ᾿Αριστόβουλον ᾿Αμύντου, Σωσίπατρον Φιλίππου, ἄνδρας καλοὺς καὶ ἀγαθούς, καὶ περὶ ~ x Ψ' >’ 4 > / € τῶν κατὰ μέρη ἐμφανισάντων, ἐδογμάτισεν ἡ e σ σύγκλητος, περὶ ὧν ἐποιήσαντο τοὺς λόγους, ὅπως 1 εὐθυνκέναι Ῥ. 2 τὸ δίκαιον P, 3 αὐτόν. . . ψήφισμα om. Lat. 4 ἀκούσας FLAM. 5 πρώτῃ om. P Lat. 580 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 260-263 restored to them by the Roman Senate and people,’ they may, in accordance with their accepted customs, come together and have a communal life? and adjudi- cate suits among themselves,° and that a place be given them in which they may gather together with their wives and children and offer their ancestral prayers and sacrifices “ to God, it has therefore been decreed by the council and people that permission shall be given them to come together on stated days to do those things which are in accordance with their laws, and also that a place shall be set apart by the magistrates for them to build and inhabit,’ such as they may consider suitable for this purpose, and that the market-officials of the city shall be charged with the duty of having suitable food for them brought in.” (25) Decree of the people of Ephesus. “In the presidency of Menophilus, on the first of the month Artemision,’ the following decree was passed by the people on the motion of the magistrates, and was announced by Nicanor. Whereas the Jews in the city have petitioned the proconsul Marcus Junius » The variant omits ‘‘ and have a communal life’’; the reference is to the organization of the Jewish community (politeuma) in Sardis. © Variant ‘‘ and that we shall not have legal disputes with them *—an inferior reading. The document cited in ὃ 235 states that the Jews of Sardis have had their own courts “from the earliest times.’’ In this document they are per- mitted to have a synagogue in addition. 4 “ Sacrifices ᾿ (θυσίας) must here be used in the larger sense of “ offerings.” * Reinach assumes that a “ ghetto’ is meant, but τόπον here probably means a synagogue or communal building, ef. A. D. Nock in HTR 29 (1936), 46. ! March 24th in the Roman calendar, according to Gardt- hausen, Augustus, i. 64, ii. 72 (cited by Juster i. 148 n. 10). 589 Decree of Ephesus, 264 265 266 JOSEPHUS ἀνθυπάτῳ, ὅπως ἄγωσι ta σάββατα καὶ πάντα ποιῶσι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια αὐτῶν ἔθη μηδενὸς αὐτοῖς ἐμποδὼν γινομένου, ὁ -στρατηγὸς συνεχώρησε, δὲε- δόχθαι τῇ βουλῇ καὶ; τῷ δήμῳ, τοῦ πράγματος Ῥωμαίοις ἀνήκοντος, μηδένα κωλύεσθαι παρα- τηρεῖν τὴν τῶν σαββάτων ἡμέραν μηδὲ πράσσεσθαι ἐπιτίμιον, ἐπιτετράφθαι" δ᾽ αὐτοῖς πάντα ποιεῖν κατὰ τοὺς ἰδίους" αὐτῶν νόμους. (26) IloAAa μὲν οὖν ἐστιν καὶ ἄλλα τοιαῦτα τῇ συγκλήτῳ καὶ τοῖς αὐτοκράτορσι τοῖς Ρωμαίων δόγματα πρὸς “Ὑρκανὸν καὶ τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν γε- γενημένα, καὶ πόλεσιν ψηφίσματα, καὶ γράμματα πρὸς τὰς περὶ τῶν ἡμετέρων δικαίων ἐπιστολὰς ἀντιπεφωνημένα τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν, περὶ ὧν ἁπάντων ἐξ ὧν παρατεθείμεθα πιστεύειν τοῖς ἀναγνωσο- μένοις οὐ βασκάνως ἡμῶν τὴν συγγραφὴν" πάρ- εστιν. ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἐναργῆ καὶ βλεπόμενα τεκμήρια παρεχόμεθα τῆς πρὸς “Ῥωμαίους ἡμῖν φιλίας γενο- μένης, ἐπιδεικνύντες αὐτὰ χαλκαῖς στήλαις καὶ ἑή ἐν τῷ Καπετωλίῳ μέχρι νῦν διαμένοντα i διαμενοῦντα, τὴν μὲν πάντων παράθεσιν ὡς περιττήν TE ἅμα καὶ ἀτερπῆ παρῃτησάμην, οὐδένα δ᾽ οὕτως ἡγησάμην σκαιόν, ὃς" οὐχὶ καὶ περὶ τῆς 1 τῇ βουλῇ καὶ om. P Lat. 2 ἐπιτετράφθω FLAM. ὃ Iudaicas Lat. 4 γραφὴν P. 5 ὡς coni. Niese. @ Variant ‘‘ Marcus Junius Pompeius, son of Brutus.” Ritschl, Mendelssohn, Schiirer and others think that the original reading gave the name of the celebrated Marcus Brutus, who was in Asia in 42 B.c. Reinach suggests that the name was that of Marcus Juncus, governor of Asia and Bithynia in 74 B.c. See works listed in Appendix J. > i.e. the proconsul. 590 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 263-267 Brutus, son of Pontius,* that they might observe their Sabbaths and do all those things which are in accord- ance with their native customs without interference from anyone, and the governor?’ has granted this request, it has therefore been decreed by the council and © people that as the matter is of concern to the Romans, no one shall be prevented from keeping the Sabbath days nor be fined for so doing, but they shall be permitted to do all those things which are in accordance with their own laws.”’ (26) Now there are many other such decrees, Conclusion passed by the Senate and the Imperators? of the of citations from official Romans, relating to Hyrcanus¢ and our nation, as well documents. as resolutions of cities and rescripts of provincial governors‘ in reply to letters on the subject of our rights, all of which those who will read our work without malice will find it possible to take on faith from the documents we have cited. For since we have furnished clear and visible proofs of our friend- ship with the Romans, indicating those decrees engraved on bronze pillars and tablets which remain to this day and will continue to remain in the Capitol, I have refrained from citing them all as being both superfluous and disagreeable ; for 1 cannot suppose that anyone is so stupid that he will actually refuse to believe the statements about the friendliness of © The variant omits ‘‘ council and.” 4 Such as Julius Caesar, Mark Antony and Dolabella. ¢ Josephus must mean Hyrcanus II, although some of the decrees cited above probably date from the time of Hyrcanus I (e.g. 88 247 81... 7 Chamonard translates, ‘‘d’actes des magistrats en réponse aux lettres des gouverneurs”; but ἡγεμόσιν is clearly dative of agent depending on the passive participle ἀντιπεφωνημένας. ἡγεμών here=Lat. praeses provinciae (Magie, p. 85). 591 268 269 270 JOSEPHUS « , Pee , 1 , 2¢ ΄ Ρωμαίων ἡμῖν πιστεύσει; φιλανθρωπίας," ὅτι ταύ- τὴν καὶ διὰ πλειόνων ἐπεδείξαντο πρὸς ἡμᾶς δογ- μάτων, καὶ ἡμᾶς οὐχ ὑπολήψεται περὶ ὧν εἶναί > , > τ ᾽ ͵ \ ‘ 5 φαμεν ἀληθεύειν ἐξ ὧν ἐπεδείξαμεν. τὴν μὲν οὖν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν κατ᾽ ἐκεί- νους τοὺς καιροὺς γενομένην δεδηλώκαμεν. Ψ' ΄ ae Δα \ Mi \ (xi. 1) Συνέβη δ᾽ ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν Tapay- θῆναι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης" Βάσσος Καικίλιος" εἷς τῶν τὰ Πομπηίου φρονούν- > \ \ > \ / / / των ἐπιβουλὴν συνθεὶς ἐπὶ Σέξτον Ἰζαίσαρα κτείνει μὲν ἐκεῖνον, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸ στράτευμα αὐτοῦ παρα- λαβὼν ἐκράτει τῶν πραγμάτων, πόλεμός τε μέγας περὶ τὴν ᾿Απάμειαν συνέστη τῶν Καίσαρος στρα- τηγῶν en αὐτὸν ἐλθόντων μετά τε ἱππέων" καὶ πεζῆς δυνάμεως. τούτοις δὲ καὶ ᾿Αντίπατρος συμμαχίαν ἔπεμψε μετὰ τῶν τέκνων, κατὰ μνήμην ὧν εὐεργετήθησαν᾽ ὑπὸ Καίσαρος, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τιμωρεῖν αὐτῷ καὶ δίκην παρὰ τοῦ πεφονευκότος εἰσπράξασθαι δίκαιον ἡγούμενος. χρονιζομένου δὲ ~ /, ~ 6 \ > θ > « / > τοῦ πολέμου Μοῦρκος" μὲν ἦλθεν ἐκ “Ῥώμης εἰς \ > \ \ ANY / K - δ᾽ «ς \ ~ ‘ τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν Σέξτου, Katcap δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ Κάσσιον καὶ Βροῦτον ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ κτείνεται, 1 πιστεῦσαι Ῥ. * φιλίας Hudson. 8 Lat.: Κέλιος PFV: Κικίλιος LAM: Κικίλλιος E: Κεκίλιος ed. pr. 4 Niese: ἵππων P: ἱπποτῶν rell. 5 P: εὐεργετηθείησαν rell. 6 ex B.J. edd.: Μάρκος codd. E Lat. hie et infra. « Here is resumed the parallelism with B.J.; §§ 268-279 are parallel with B.J. i. 216-224, cf. Laqueur, pp. 186-188. 592 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 252-256 ness and pointed out the virtues and generosity of Hyrcanus and how he confers benefits upon all men generally, and in particular upon those who come to him, we deposited the documents in our public archives and passed a decree that we on our part, being allies of the Romans,? would do everything possible on behalf of the Jews in accordance with the decree of the Senate.” And when he delivered the letter to us, Theodorus also requested our magis- trates to send a copy of the decree to Hyrcanus, as well as envoys who would inform him of the friendly interest of our people, and would urge him to pre- serve and increase his friendship with us and always* be responsible for some act of good in the knowledge that he will receive a fitting recompense, and also remembering that in the time of Abraham, who was the father of all Hebrews, our ancestors were their friends, as we find in the public records.”’ @ (23) Decree of the people of Halicarnassus. “ In the priesthood of Memnon,’ son of Aristides and, by adoption, of Euonymus, . . . of Anthesterion,’ the people passed the following decree on the motion δ Presumably by supporting the Jews against Antiochus, at least in theory. Possibly some practical support might have been given in the form of trade agreements. © “ Always ”’ is added conjecturally. 4 On the similar claim of kinship between the Jews and Spartans dating from the time of Abraham, see Ant. xii. 226 and works listed in Appendix F. ¢ Wilhelm, JOAT 8 (1905), 238-241 (cited by Juster i. 148 n. 3), proposes to read ‘* Neon ’’ on the bases of inscrip- tions (of unknown date) in BCH 4 (1880), 397 and 14 (1890), 102, 402. 4 Wilhelm, loc. cit., emends to “ἡ Menollus.”’ 9 February/March. The day of the month must have been given originally. 585 Decree ot Halicar- nassus. JOSEPHUS 257 εἰσηγησαμένου Μάρκου ᾿Αλεξάνδρου. ἐπεὶ τὸ 258 260 ‘ A a 5» \ \ -“ > “ ~ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβὲς καὶ ὅσιον ἐν ἅπαντι καιρῷ - ~ ~ / διὰ σπουδῆς ἔχομεν, κατακολουθοῦντες TH δήμῳ ~ « ,ὕ / > / » > / τῶν “Ῥωμαίων πάντων ἀνθρώπων ὄντι εὐεργέτῃ, \ ~ > / / \ / καὶ ols περὶ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίων φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἔγραψεν, ὅπως συντελῶνται αὐτοῖς αἱ εἰς τὸν θεὸν ἱεροποιίαι καὶ ἑορταὶ ai εἰθισμέναι \ / / \ «ε ~ > / A καὶ σύνοδοι, δεδόχθαι Kai ἡμῖν ᾿Ιουδαίων τοὺς βουλομένους ἄνδρας τε καὶ γυναῖκας τά τε σάββατα ἄγειν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ συντελεῖν κατὰ τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαϊκοὺς" νόμους, καὶ τὰς προσευχὰς ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς τῇ / \ \ 7 ” nn / / ἢ θαλάττῃ κατὰ τὸ πάτριον ἔθος. ἂν δέ τις κωλύσῃ 7) ἄρχων ἢ ἰδιώτης, τῷδε" τῷ ζημιώματι ὑπεύθυνος ἔστω καὶ ὀφειλέτω τῇ πόλει." (24) Ψήφισμα Σαρδιανῶν. “᾿ ἔδοξε τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ, στρατηγῶν εἰσηγησαμένων. ἐπεὶ οἱ ~ ~ » ~ / > a a κατοικοῦντες ἡμῶν ev TH πόλει" ᾿Ιουδαῖοι πολῖται" \ \ / / > ,ὔ A πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα φιλάνθρωπα ἐσχηκότες διὰ lol / “- παντὸς παρὰ τοῦ δήμου, καὶ νῦν εἰσελθόντες ἐπὶ τὴν βουλὴν καὶ τὸν δῆμον παρεκάλεσαν, ἀποκαθι- σταμένων αὐτοῖς τῶν νόμων καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ὑπὸ 1 Ιουδαίων PF. 3 ὅδε Hudson. 3 4+ ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς P. 4 πολῖται 560]. Tarn. « Probably, but not certainly, a Roman official. » Reinach prefers to translate tas προσευχὰς ποιεῖσθαι as κε faire des priéres,”’ which is possible though less likely ; ef. the implied reference to a synagogue in the following decree. ¢ On synagogues built near the water see Ant. xii. 106 note c. 4 The decree must originally have specified the amount of the fine. ¢ The relation between this decree and the letter of Lucius 586 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 257-260 of Marcus Alexander.* Whereas at all times we have had a deep regard for piety toward the Deity and holiness, and following the example of the people of Rome, who are benefactors of all mankind, and in conformity with what they have written to our city concerning their friendship and alliance with the Jews, to the effect that their sacred services to God and their customary festivals and religious gatherings shall be carried on, we have also decreed that those Jewish men and women who so wish may observe their Sabbaths and perform their sacred rites in accordance with the Jewish laws, and may build places of prayer” near the sea,’ in accordance with their native custom. And if anyone, whether magis- trate or private citizen, prevents them, he shall be liable to the following fine ὦ and owe it to the city.” (24) Decree of the people of Sardis.¢ “ The follow- ing decree was passed by the council and people on the motion of the magistrates. Whereas the Jewish citizens ἢ living in our city 5 have continually received many great privileges from the people and have now come before the council and the people and have pleaded that as their laws and freedom have been Antonius to Sardis in 8 235 (ef. § 232) is not clear, but the present document seems to be later. ’ W. Tarn, Hellenistic Civilization, p. 176 ἢ. 1, remarks, “ of κατοικοῦντες ἐν τῇ πόλει ᾿Ιουδαῖοι πολῖται is a contradiction in terms; the interpolation of πολῖται is self-evident.”” So also Reinach had earlier noted that πολῖται is “* tres embarras- sant,”’ and may be an error arising from the following πολλὰ or else mean πολῖται Ῥωμαῖοι. Conceivably, however, the members of a Jewish politewma within the Hellenistic polis may have been called πολῖται (for ἰσοπολῖται). See further the appendix on the status of Jews in the Diaspora in the last volume of this translation. 9 One ms. adds “ from the earliest times.” 587 Decree of Sardis, JOSEPHUS “ / \ ~ Δ ae , σ΄ τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ τοῦ δήμου τοῦ “Ῥωμαίων, ἵνα κατὰ τὰ νομιζόμενα ἔθη συνάγωνται καὶ πολι- τεύωνται' καὶ διαδικάζωνται" πρὸς αὑτούς," δοθῆ" - Ἁ τε καὶ τόπος αὐτοῖς εἰς ὃν συλλεγόμενοι μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων ἐπιτελῶσι τὰς πατρίους 261 εὐχὰς καὶ θυσίας τῷ θεῷ: δεδόχθαι" τῇ βουλῇ καὶ ~ 7 ~ - Ψ τῷ δήμῳ συγκεχωρῆσθαι αὐτοῖς συνερχομένοις ἐν ταῖς προαποδεδειγμέναις ἡμέραις πράσσειν τὰ κατὰ τοὺς αὐτῶν νόμους, ἀφορισθῆναι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ τόπον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν εἰς οἰκοδομίαν καὶ “- " a> > οἴκησιν αὐτῶν, ὃν ἂν ὑπολάβωσι πρὸς τοῦτ᾽ ἐπι- Me - ~ > τήδειον εἶναι, ὅπως TE τοῖς τῆς πόλεως ἀγορανόμοις 5» > > / A ἐπιμελὲς ἢ Kal τὰ ἐκείνοις πρὸς τροφὴν ἐπιτήδεια ποιεῖν εἰσάγεσθαι. / > baa! 262 (25) Ψήφισμα ᾿Εφεσίων. “ ἐπὶ mputavews Μη- U A > / ~ / Μ ΄ νοφίλου, μηνὸς ᾿Αρτεμισίου τῇ προτέρᾳ, ἔδοξε τῷ / / / > δήμῳ, Νικάνωρ Eddypov εἶπεν, εἰσηγησαμένων ~ ~ > ~ Ψ ~ 263 TOV στρατηγῶν. ἐπεὶ ἐντυχόντων τῶν ἐν TH πόλει 3 / / 3 / ca Ἰουδαίων Μάρκῳ ᾿Ιουνίῳ Ποντίου" υἱῷ Βρούτῳ καὶ πολιτεύωνται om. AM Lat. μὴ διαδικαζώμεθα FLAM. αὑτούς ex Lat. Niese: αὐτούς codd. P: ἐδόθη rell. Lat. 5 P: δέδοκται οὖν rell. Lat. Πομπηΐῳ FLAM. Βρούτου FLAM: Μάρκῳ... Βρούτῳ] Μάρκῳ “lovviw Μάρκου υἱῷ Bergmann: Μ. Ἴ. Καιπίωνι vel M. I. Μάρκου υἱῷ Καιπίωνι Ritschl. re ιν» α Viereck, p. 109, argues that this last clause refers to the Jews of Palestine in the time of Hyreanus II, but if so one would expect the decree to state this explicitly. 588 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 267-270 the Romans towards us, when they have demon- strated this in a good many decrees relating to us, or will not admit that we are making truthful state- ments on the basis of the examples we have given. And herein we have set forth our friendship and alliance with the Romans in those times. (xi. 1) “About the same time disturbances broke out in Syria for the following reason. Bassus Caecilius, one of Pompey’s sympathizers,? formed a plot against Sextus Caesar,° and after killing him, took over his army and made himself master of the country’; thereupon a great war began® near Apamea, for Caesar’s generalsf marched against him with a force of cavalry and infantry. Antipater also sent them reinforcements together with his sons, being mindful of the benefits they had received from Caesar and on that account thinking it just to avenge Sextus and exact satisfaction from his murderer. As the war was prolonged, Murcus 5 came from Rome to take Sextus’ command, and (Julius) Caesar was killed by Cassius, Brutus and their followers in the Senate-house, after having held power for three > Holmes, iii. 326 n. 5, accepts this statement that Bassus was a Pompeian sympathizer (with which Livy and Dio Cassius agree) as more accurate than other ancient accounts that Julius Caesar had left a legion in Syria under Bassus. © Of. § 170. 4 In 46-45 8.c., while Julius Caesar was fighting the Pom- peians in Africa. ¢ Autumn of 45 B.c.3 πόλεμος συνέστη is a Thucydidean phrase (Thue. i. 15. 2), found elsewhere in Josephus. 7 Under C. Antistius Vetus, cf. Dio Cassius xlvii. 27 and Dr. Thackeray’s note on B.J. i. 218. 9 Emended (with B.J.) from mss. “‘ Marcus.” L. Statius Murcus was sent to Syria by Julius Caesar at the beginning of 44 B.c. to oppose Bassus. 593 Antipater supports the Caesarians against the Pompeians, 271 273 274 JOSEPHUS κατασχὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔτη τρία Kal μῆνος ἕξ. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται. (2) Τοῦ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ Καίσαρος θανάτῳ πολέμου συνερρωγότος καὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει πάντων ἐπὶ στρα- τιᾶς συλλογὴν ἄλλου ἄλλῃ διεσπαρμένων, ἀφικνεῖ- ται Κάσσιος εἰς Συρίαν, παραληψόμενος τὰ περὶ τὴν ᾿Απάμειαν στρατόπεδα" καὶ λύσας τὴν πολιορ- κίαν ἀμφοτέρους “προσάγεται τόν τε Βάσσον καὶ τὸν Μοῦρκον, τάς τε πόλεις ἐπερχόμενος ὅπλα τε καὶ στρατιώτας συνήθροιζε, καὶ φόρους αὐταῖς μεγάλους ἐπετίθει: μάλιστα δὲ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἐκά- κωσεν, ἑπτακόσια τάλαντα ἀργυρίου εἰσπραττό- μενος. ᾿Αντίπατρος δ᾽ ὁρῶν ἐν μεγάλῳ φόβῳ καὶ ταραχῇ τὰ πράγματα, μερίζει τὴν τῶν χρημάτων εἴσπραξιν καὶ ἑκατέρῳ τῶν υἱῶν συνάγειν δίδωσι τὰ μὲν' Μαλίχῳ κακοήθως πρὸς αὐτὸν διακειμένῳ, τὰ δὲ ἄλλοις προσέταξεν εἰσπράττεσθαι. καὶ πρῶτος Ἡρώδης ἀπὸ τῆς Γαλιλαίας εἰσπραξά- μενος ὅσα ἦν αὐτῷ προστεταγμένα, φίλος ἦν εἰς τὰ μάλιστα Κασσίῳ" σῶφρον “γὰρ ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ “Ῥωμαίους ἤδη θεραπεύειν καὶ τὴν παρ᾽ αὐτῶν κατασκευάζειν εὔνοιαν ἐκ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων πόνων. 1 δὲ V: in his verbis corruptelam latere suspicatur Niese. 2 From the battle of Pharsalia, Aug. 9, 48 B.c. to March 15, 44 B.c. was a little over three years and seven months, the figure given in B.J. i. 218. ® By other historians. β πολέμου συνερρωγότος is another Thucydidean phrase (Thue. i. 66), found also in B.J. and Ap. 4 Richards and Shutt, guided by the Latin, would change the punctuation and the tense of παραληψόμενος to read, “‘ Cassius arrived in Syria; and after having taken over.” 594 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 270-274 years and six months.? This, however, has been related elsewhere.’ (2) On the outbreak of the war® that followed Caesar's death and the dispersal to various quarters of all in authority in order to raise an army, Cassius arrived in Syria to take over? the armies near Apamea. And after raising the siege, he won over both Bassus and Murcus, and descending upon the cities, he collected arms and soldiers from them, and imposed heavy tribute upon them. Worst of all was his treatment of Judaea, from which he exacted seven hundred ὁ talents of silver. But Antipater, seeing that affairs were in fearful disorder,’ apportioned the exacting of money and gave each of his sons a part to collect, and gave orders that some of it was to be raised by Malichus,’ who was hostile toward him, and the rest by others. And Herod, being the first to raise the sum set for him from Galilee,” became especially friendly with Cassius. For he thought it prudent to court the Romans and secure their good- will at the expense of others.* But the officials of “ So B.J. also; Syncellus, i. 576, gives 800, but see note ἢ below. 7 Prof. Post suggests, “ viewing events in great terror and confusion.” ἐν φόβῳ καὶ ταραχῇ is also Thucydidean (‘Thuc. iii. 79. 3) cf. Ant. ii. 100. 2 Text slightly uncertain. Malichus (or Malchus—both forms are found in mss. of Josephus and contemporary in- scriptions) was a Jewish noble who supported Hyrcanus, cf. § 84; he should not be confused with the Arab king Malchus, cf. §§ 370 ff. * 100 talents, according to B.J. i. 221. Apparently Syncellus (note e above) has included this with the 700 talents raised in Judaea in the sum obtained by Cassius. * “ At the expense of others’”’ is a phrase not found in B.J. On this ‘“‘anti- Herodian”’ addition see Laqueur, p- 187. 595 Cassius becomes master of Syria, and is supported by Anti- pater and his sons, JOSEPHUS 275 ἐπιπράσκοντο δ᾽ αὔτανδροι ὅσοι' τῶν ἄλλων πό- Newr® ἐπιμεληταί, καὶ τέσσαρας πόλεις ἐξηνδραπό- μελη ρα ηνδρ , ΄, x , δισε τότε" Κάσσιος, ὧν ἦσαν αἱ δυνατώταται Vodva \ 3 ~ \ 7 \ / . τε καὶ ᾿Αμμαοῦς, πρὸς ταύταις δὲ Λύδδα καὶ z / > ~ > Ἃ ε > > ~ / a 276 Θάμνα. ἐπεξῆλθε δ᾽ av ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς Κάσσιος ὥστε \ / 5 A a A i i] / > καὶ Μάλιχον ἀνελεῖν (ὥρμητο yap ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν), εἰ A € \ > > / « ‘ / > μὴ Ὑρκανὸς δι’ ᾿Αντιπάτρου ἑκατὸν τάλαντα ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων" αὐτῷ πέμψας ἐπέσχε τῆς ὁρμῆς. 277 (8) ᾿Επεὶ δὲ Κάσσιος ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας" ἀπῆρε, Μάλιχος ἐπεβούλευσεν ᾿Αντιπάτρῳ, τὴν τούτου ΑΔ 3 / « ~ ~ > ΄ ” 6 τελευτὴν ἀσφάλειαν Ὑρκανοῦ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔσεσθαι νομίζων. οὐ μὴν ἔλαθε τὸν ᾿Αντίπατρον ταῦτα φρονῶν, ἀλλ᾽ αἰσθόμενος γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ἐχώρει πέραν | ὃ / \ \ > / “ \ > / ορδάνου, καὶ στρατὸν ᾿Αράβιον ἅμα καὶ ἐγχώριον , A | ¢ , > a 278 συνήθροιζεν. δεινὸς de’ ὧν ὁ Μάλιχος ἠρνεῖτο \ "ἡ ? / > / \ > hid μὲν τὴν ἐπιβουλήν, ἀπολογούμενος δὲ μεθ᾽ ὅρκων αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς παισίν, καὶ ὡς Φασαήλου μὲν Ἵ / ~ « 7 \ \ εροσόλυμα φρουροῦντος, ᾿Ηρώδου δὲ ἔχοντος τὴν Soule 2 πόλεων om. PE. 8 ἐξηνδραπόδισε τότε P: ἐξηνδραπόδισε E: ἐξανδροποδίζεται rell 4 Ιουδαίων PEL. 5. cum multis pecuniis a ludea Lat. 6 εἶναι P. 7 μέντοι ed. pr. α According to Abel, ii. 339 and Avi Yonah, p. 11, this is mod. Jifna (3 miles) N.W. of Bethel. It was the capital of a toparchy in Roman times, as were the other cities here mentioned, cf. Dr. Thackeray’s note on B.J, iii. 55. » Later Nicopolis, Mod. ‘Amwas, cf. Ant. xiii. 15 note 6. ¢ Later Diospolis, mod. Ludd, cf. Ant. xiii. 127 note σ (p. 289). @ Cf, Ant. xiii, 5 note ὁ. ¢ Cf. BJ. i. 222, “* He was proceeding so far as to put Malichus to death for tardiness in levying the tribute.” 596 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 275-278 the other cities, every last man of them, were sold as slaves, and at that time Cassius reduced to servitude four cities, of which the most important were Gophna* and Emmaus,’ the others being Lydda’ and Thamna.4 And Cassius was moved by anger to the point of doing away with Malichus—for he had started to attack him ’—had not Hyrcanus through the agency of Antipater sent him a hundred talents of his own money 7 and so stopped his hostile move. (3) ‘But when Cassius had left Judaea,? Malichus plotted against Antipater, thinking that his death? would Sates for the security of “Hyrcanus’ rule.” These plans of his did not, however, remain unknown to Antipater, who, on learning of them, moved across the Jordan and collected an army of Arabs as well as natives. ‘Thereupon Malichus, being a shrewd? fellow, denied the plot and defended himsele under oath hefore both him and his sons,’ saying that with Phasael guarding Jerusalem and Herod having 7 Hyrcanus is not mentioned in B.J.; cf. Laqueur, p. 187, who cites a similar anti-Herodian alteration in § 127. 9 Lat. adds, ‘“‘ with much money. Whether Josephus here refers to the events of the first half of 43 B.c., w.en Cassius was preparing to fight Dolabella (§ 223) or of the first half of 42 8.c., when he was preparing to fight Mark Antony and Octavian, is not clear. If the latter, he is anticipating events that took place after the murder of Antipater in 43 B.c, (§ 282); ef. Otto, Herodes, pp. 21-22. ” In B.J. Malichus is said to have plotted against Antipater ‘‘ to remove one who was an obstacle to his mal- practices.” This difference of motive is duly stressed by Laqueur, p. 188. έ “ Shrewd ” (δεινός) in Ant. replaces the stronger “ shame- lessness ᾿᾿ (ἀναιδείᾳ) ascribed to Malichus in B.J. 7 In B.J. Phasael and Herod act as mediators with Anti- pater, who apparently was not directly approached by Malichus. 597 Malichus plots against Antipater’s life. JOSEPHUS φυλακὴν τῶν ὅπλων, οὐδ᾽ ἂν εἰς νοῦν ἐβάλετο" τοιοῦτον οὐδὲν ὁρῶν τὴν" ἀπορίαν, καταλλάσσεται , 279 πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντίπατρον, καὶ συνέβησαν Μούρκου" 280 28] κατὰ Συρίαν στρατηγοῦντος, ὃς αἰσθόμενος νεω- τεροποιοῦντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν᾽ τὸν Μάλιχον ἦλθε μὲν ὡς" παρὰ μικρὸν αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν, ᾿Αντι- πάτρου δὲ παρακαλέσαντος περιέσωσεν. (4) "EAade’ δὲ ἄρα φονέα περισώσας ᾿Αντίπατρος αὑτοῦ" τὸν Μάλιχον: Κάσσιος μὲν γὰρ καὶ Μοῦρκος στρατὸν ἀθροίσαντες τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἅπασαν ἐν- εχείρισαν «Ἡρώδῃ, καὶ στρατηγὸν αὐτὸν κοίλης" Συρίας ἐποίησαν, πλοῖα δόντες καὶ δύναμιν ἱππικήν τε καὶ πεζικήν, ὑποσχόμενοί τε καὶ βασιλέα τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας ἀναδείξειν μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον: συνειστήκει γὰρ τότε πρός τε τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον καὶ τὸν νέον Καίσαρα. Μάλιχος δὲ δείσας τότε" μάλιστα τὸν ᾿Αντίπατρον ἐκποδὼν ἐποιεῖτο, καὶ πείσας ἀργυρίῳ τὸν “Ὑρκανοῦ οἰνοχόον, map’ ᾧ ἑκάτεροι εἱστιῶντο, « , , \ » \ φαρμάκῳ ΚΤεινει TOV ἄνδρα, και ὁπλίτας ἔχων 1 ἔβαλλε FLA: ἔβαλε MV. 2 δὲ τὴν ΊΑΜΝΨ : οὖν τὴν E. 8 ex B.J. edd.: Μάρκου codd. E Lat. hic et infra. 4 τὰ FE: om. codd. 5 Συρίαν P. 6 PE: ὥστε rell. τῆν ἘΣ ® Naber: αὐτοῦ codd. ® totius Lat., ef. B.J. 10 τοῦτο Herwerden. « Correction of mss. ‘‘ Marcus,” ef. § 270 note g. > One ms. ‘‘ Syria:”’ ¢ On the parallelism between §§ 280-369 and B.J. i. 225-273 see Laqueur, pp. 188-193. He is unable to find any * markable ’’ discrepancies or tendentious alterations in these sections, 598 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 278-281 custody of the arms, he would never have entertained such a notion seeing how impossible it would be ; and so he became reconciled with Antipater, and they came to an agreement at the time when Murcus 4 was governing Syria, who, on learning that Malichus was stirring up a revolt in Judaea,? came very near putting him to death, but on the plea of Antipater spared his life. (4) ©Now Antipater in saving Malichus’ life had unwittingly, it turned out, saved his own murderer. For Cassius and Murcus collected an army and en- trusted the entire charge of it to Herod; and they made him governor of Coele-Syria,? giving him ships? and a force of cavalry and infantry, and also promised to appoint him king of Judaea after the war which they had just then begun with Antony and the young Caesar. And as Malichus was now in greater fear than ever of Antipater, he sought to put him out of the way, and with money persuaded Hycanus’ butler, at whose house they were both being enter- tained, to kill Antipater?’ by poisoning ; and having 4“ Procurator of all Syria,” according to B.J. Otto, Herodes, p. 22, doubts this latter appointment in view of the chronology (ef. ὃ 277 note g), and because it is contradicted by a statement in Appian, Bell. Civ. iv. 63, that Cassius entrusted Syria to his nephew, who is not named, see below, § 295 note g. Momigliano, Ricerche, pp. 219 f., notes these difficulties, but suggests that Herod held two different posts at different times. More probably Ant. is a correction of BJ. ¢ Ships are not mentioned in B.J. 7 That is, Octavian, the later Augustus, ef. 8 301 note f. 9 Lit. “the man”; whether τὸν ἄνδρα is merely neutral here or has favourable connotation (‘‘ worthy,’’ as sometimes in Josephus) is difficult to tell. Below, in § 283, applied to Malichus, it means “the fellow” (although the English context there requires the translation “ἡ man ”’), 599 The Herodians’ growing power under the Romans leads Malichus to poison Antipater. JOSEPHUS ᾿] / ‘ \ \ / / A \ 282 εὐτρέπιζε τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν. γνόντων δὲ τὴν >? \ \ \ ~ \ « / \ ἐπιβουλὴν τὴν κατὰ τοῦ πατρὸς Ἡρώδου Kat Φασαήλου καὶ χαλεπῶς ἐχόντων, ἠρνεῖτο πάλιν ὁ 288 Μάλιχος καὶ ἔξαρνος ἦν τοῦ φόνου. καὶ ᾿Αντί- \ πατρος μὲν εὐσεβείᾳ τε Kal δικαιοσύνῃ διενεγκὼν - - - > Kal τῇ περὶ τὴν πατρίδα σπουδῇ, τοῦτον ἐτε- λεύτησε τὸν τρόπον. τῶν δὲ παίδων αὐτοῦ ‘Hpa- A ~ αἱ δης μὲν εὐθὺς ἔγνω τιμωρεῖν τῷ πατρὶ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐπὶ Μάλιχον ἐλθών, Φασαήλῳ δὲ τῷ / / ~ > / ’ A πρεσβυτέρῳ δόλῳ μᾶλλον ἐδόκει περιγίνεσθαι ~ > τἀνδρός, μὴ πολέμου κατάρχειν νομισθῶσιν ἐμ- , 7 PhS , \ , 284 φυλίου. τήν τε οὖν ἀπολογίαν τὴν Μαλίχου προσ- δέχεται, καὶ πιστεύειν ὑποκρίνεται μηδὲν αὐτὸν περὶ τὸν ᾿Αντιπάτρου κακουργῆσαι θάνατον, τάφον τε ἐκόσμει τῷ πατρί. καὶ παραγενόμενος Ἡρώδης εἰς Σαμάρειαν καὶ καταλαβὼν αὐτὴν κεκακωμένην ἀνεκτᾶτο καὶ τὰ νείκη διέλυε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις. 285 (5) Μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ δ᾽ ἐνστάσης τῆς ἐν ἱἱεροσο- λύμοις ἑορτῆς παραγίνεται σὺν τοῖς στρατιώταις εἰς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ δείσας ὁ Μάλιχος ἔπειθεν “Ὑρκανὸν μὴ ἐπιτρέπειν αὐτῷ εἰσιέναι. καὶ πείθεται μὲν" Ὗ / / δὲ ae F, a > AU pkavos, προβέβλητο δὲ αἰτίαν τῆς ἀποκωλύσεως \ A - » 3 \ « es > / TO μὴ δεῖν ὄχλον ἀλλοδαπὸν ἁγνεύοντος εἰσδέχε- 286 σθαι τοῦ πλήθους. ὀλίγον δὲ φροντίσας ‘Hpwdys 1 ἀνέπεισεν PE: ἔπεισεν V. 2 πείθεται μὲν οὖν FLAM. ‘ 2 In B.J. Josephus characterizes Antipater as “a man of great energy in the conduct of affairs, especially in recover- ing and preserving the kingdom for Hyrcanus.’’ Here, if 600 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 282-286 soldiers there, he restored order in the city. But to Herod and Phasael, who, on learning of the plot against their father, were incensed, Malichus again denied any part in it and professed to have no knowledge of the murder. This was the manner in which Antipater died, a man distinguished for piety, justice and devotion to his country.* But while one of his sons, Herod, resolved to avenge his father at once by leading his army against Malichus, the elder son Phasael thought it better to get their man by cunning lest it should be thought that they were beginning a civil war. He?” therefore accepted Malichus’ defence and pretended to believe that he had done nothing criminal in connexion with Anti- pater’s death; he then arranged the burial of his father. As for Herod, he came to Samaria and find- ing it in a sorry condition, repaired the damage, and put an end to the quarrels among its people. (5) Not long afterwards, when the festival’ took place at Jerusalem, he came to the city with his soldiers, and Malichus in fear sought to persuade Hyrcanus not to permit him to enter. Hyrcanus let himself be so persuaded, and gave the pretext for keeping him out that it was not proper to admit a crowd of foreigners when the people were in a state of ritual purity. But Herod paid little attention to anywhere, one would expect a considerably less favourable estimate in Ant. if Laqueur’s theory of the anti-Herodian revision of B.J. in Ant. is correct. But, on the contrary, Ant. is more favourable than B./. It is significant that Laqueur passes over this difficulty in silence. » Apparently Phasael is meant, but possibly, as in B.J/., it is Herod who accepts Malichus’ defence and buries Anti- ater. ἐν The festival of Tabernacles (Oct. 43 B.c.) is probably meant, cf. Ant. xiii. 372 note d. VOL. VII U 601 Herod enters Jerusalem in defiance of Hyreanus and Malichus. JOSEPHUS a > “λ 1 , ” 9 \ 5X ‘ τῶν ayyéAwy’ νύκτωρ εἴσεισιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ \ \ > ~ / ς > , 2 4 φοβερὸς μὲν ἦν τῷ Μαλίχῳ, 6 δ᾽ οὐκ ἀνίει \ « / > > ? / \ > / \ τὴν ὑπόκρισιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐδάκρυε τὸν ᾿Αντίπατρον Kal ἀνεκαλεῖτο φανερῶς ὡς φίλος, κρύφα δὲ φυλακὴν 281 τοῦ σώματος ἐποιεῖτο. ἔδοξε δὲ καὶ τοῖς περὶ Ἡρώδην μὴ ἀπελέγχειν αὐτοῦ τὴν προσποίησιν, 3 \ \ > \ > \ > / > “ ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ ἀνύποπτον ἀντιφιλοφρονεῖ- σθαι τὸν Μάλιχον. , / \ ~ ~ ~ ‘ 288 (6) Κασσίῳ μέντοι περὶ τῆς τελευτῆς τοῦ πατρὸς ς , > 7 3 hogee ς γῶν τ ” \ Ηρώδης éeméoteAdc,® κἀκεῖνος εἰδὼς οἷος εἴη τὸν τρόπον Μάλιχος, ἀντεπιστέλλει τιμωρεῖν τῷ πατρί, \ / / \ \ >? / καὶ λάθρα διαπέμπει πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Τύρῳ χιλι- / / > \ Δ « / , apxous, κελεύων αὐτοὺς συμπράττειν Ἡρώδῃ δίκαια 289 μέλλοντι πράξειν. ὡς δὲ Λαοδίκειαν ἡρηκότος Κασσίου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπήεσαν κοινῇ στεφάνους τε αὐτῷ καὶ χρήματα κομίζοντες, Ηρώδης μὲν προσ- εδόκα δώσειν τὸν Μάλιχον τιμωρίαν ἐκεῖ γενό- ε \ \ , a , ε ΄, 4 290 μενον, 6 δὲ περὶ Τύρον τῆς Φοινίκης ὑπιδόμενος τὸ πρᾶγμα μειζόνων ἐφήπτετο, καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς > ~ ¢ / ΗΝ / \ > \ / αὐτῷ ounpevovtos ev Τύρῳ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἔγνω τοῦτόν τε ὑπεκκλέψαι καὶ εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν 3 / / / ae > / / ἀπαίρειν, σπεύδοντός τε em ᾿Αντώνιον Κασσίου τὸ ἔθνος ἀποστήσας αὐτὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν κατέχειν“ a“ A / id / > / 291 Tots δὲ βεβουλευμένοις 6 τε δαίμων ἀντέπραξε, praecepta Lat.: ἁγνειῶν coni. Niese. φίλον Lat. Zonaras. ἐπέσταλκε FLAMV: ἐπέστειλε E. Dindorf: ὑπειδόμενος codd. FE. 5 ἥπτετο ΕἼ ΑΜ. καθέξειν FLAMV: κατασχεῖν E: ἀποστῆσαι. . . καθέξων Naber. 602 cor ὦ τῷ μ᾿ JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 286-291 his messengers,” and entered the city by night, to the terror of Malichus, who, however, did not give up his assumption of innocence but wept for Antipater and ostensibly mourned his memory as a friend ; nevertheless he secretly provided himself with a bodyguard.” But Herod and his friends still thought it best not to unmask his pretence ; on the contrary, they, in turn, treated Malichus with friendliness in order to avoid suspicion. (6) However Herod wrote to Cassius about the death of his father, and he, knowing what kind of man Malichus was,’ wrote in reply that he should avenge his father, and he secretly sent to the military tribunes at Tyre, ordering them to assist Herod in his plan to carry out justice. Now when Cassius had taken Laodicea,’ and they presented themselves officially, bringing him crowns and money, Herod expected that Malichus would meet his punishment on coming there. He, however, being near Tyre in Phoenicia, suspected what was being done, and played for greater stakes; and as his son was a hostage in Tyre, he came to the city, determined to steal him away and depart for Judaea and then, when Cassius was marching in haste against Antony,? to cause the nation to revolt, and seize power for himself. These plans, however, were opposed by @ Variant, conjectured from Latin, “ to the laws of purity.” Ὁ This detail is not given in B.J. © Cf. B.J. i. 230, “ Cassius, who had other grounds for hating Malichus”’; the reference is to Malichus’ attempt to stir up a revolt in Judaea, cf. ὃ 279. 4 After besieging Dolabella, who surrendered and com- mitted suicide c. June, 43 B.c., cf. Miinzer in PIV iy. 1308. * Cassius did not leave Syria until early in 42 B.c. The events here referred to took place in the latter half of 43 b.c. 603 Cassius authorizes Herod to kill Malichus for the murder of Antipater. 292 293 294 295 JOSEPHUS ‘ ‘ nn « / \ / > ~ καὶ δεινὸς ὧν Ἡρώδης τὴν προαίρεσιν αὐτοῦ κατανοῆσαι, ὃς" προεισπέμψας θεράποντα τῷ μὲν δοκεῖν ἐπὶ δείπνου παρασκευήν (καὶ γὰρ ἑστιά- σειν αὐτοὺς ἅπαντας προειρήκει) ταῖς δὲ ἀληθείαις ‘ A / > - > \ / / πρὸς τοὺς χιλιάρχους, ἐξελθεῖν ἐπὶ Μάλιχον πείθει \ bu « > > / 3 ‘ ‘ ~ μετὰ ξιφιδίων. οἱ δ᾽ ἐξελθόντες" καὶ πλησίον τῆς πόλεως αὐτῷ περιτυχόντες ἐπὶ τοῦ αἰγιαλοῦ κατακεντοῦσι τὸν ἄνδρα. “Ὑρκανὸς μὲν οὖν ὑπ᾽ ἐκπλήξεως τοῦ γεγονότος εἰς ἀφωνίαν ἐτράπη, μόλις δὲ ἀνενεγκὼν ἐπυνθάνετο τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἡρώδην, ὅ τί ποτ᾽ εἴη τὸ γεγενημένον καὶ τίς ὁ Μάλιχον ἀνῃρηκώς; εἰπόντων δὲ Κάσσιον τοῦτο προστάξαι, ἐπήνεσε τὸ ἔργον, πονηρὸν “γὰρ εἶναι πάνυ καὶ τῆς πατρίδος ἐπίβουλον. καὶ Μάλιχος μὲν ταύτην ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰς ᾿Αντίπατρον παρανομίας δίκην ἐξέτισεν. , > > / > / Ά La (7) Κασσίου δ᾽ ἐκ Συρίας ἀπάραντος ταραχὴ γί- νεται κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν᾽ "EAE" “yep ὑπολειφθεὶς ἐν ἹἹεροσολύμοις μετὰ στρατιᾶς ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ Φα- σάηλον 6 τε δῆμος ἔνοπλος" ἦν. “Ἡρώδης δὲ παρὰ Φάβιον ἐπορεύετο ἐν Δαμασκῷ στρατηγοῦντα, καὶ 1; κατανοήσας rell. E. 2 ὃς P: om. rell. 3 ἐπεξελθόντες P. 4 Φηλιξ ex Lat. coni. Richards et Shutt. 5 ἕν ὅπλοις FLAMV. @ Lit. “daimon”; B.J. i. 233 has “ Destiny ” (τὸ χρεών). Schlatter, Theol. Jos., p. 35, remarks that Josephus uses τὸ δαιμόνιον as equivalent to τὸ θεῖον. » B.J. has merely, ‘‘ invited him (Malichus) and Hyreanus to dinner.” ¢ In B.J. Hyreanus says more concretely, “ Cassius has saved both me and my country by destroying one who con- spired against both.’’ Josephus there adds, “‘ Whether he 604 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 291-295 a heavenly power® and by Herod, who was clever enough to perceive his intention, and sent ahead his servant, ostensibly to prepare a dinner—for he had earlier spoken of entertaining them all ’—but in reality to go to the military tribunes, whom he persuaded to come out against Malichus with their daggers ready. So they came out, and meeting him near the city on the seashore, stabbed him to death. Hyreanus was struck speechless with amazement at what had been done, and on re- covering with some difficulty, inquired of Herod’s men what this act might mean and who had had Malichus slain. But when they said that Cassius had ordered this, he commended the deed, saying that Malichus was a very bad man and a con- spirator against his country. Such, then, was the penalty which Malichus paid for his lawless act against Antipater. (7) But when Cassius left Syria,’ disturbances arose in Judaea. For Helix,¢ who had been left behind with an army in Jerusalem, marched against Phasael, and the citizens took up arms. Now Herod was on his way to Fabius, who was governor at Damascus,’ expressed his real opinion or from fear acquiesced in the deed, was uncertain.” 4 See above, § 290 note e. eo Neate +> Helix.:: By Hyreanus, probably, on his leaving for Tyre, as Reinach suggests. 9 Reinach queries whether this Fabius may not have been the nephew left by Cassius in Syria, whose name is not given by Appian, Bell. Civ. iv. 63 (cf. § 280 note ἃ). Schiirer, however, citing Noris, Cenotaphia Pisana, 1681, p. 280, suggests that the nephew was Lucius Cassius, later killed at Philippi, according to Appian, Bell. Civ. iv. 135. If this is true, Fabius must have been the governor appointed to succeed Cassius’ nephew, probably early in 42 B.c. 605 Disturb- ances in Judaea after the de- parture of Cassius. 297 298 299 JOSEPHUS βουλόμενος προσδραμεῖν πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὑπὸ νόσου κωλύεται, ἕως οὗ Φασάηλος δι᾽ αὑτοῦ' κρεῖτ- των “EAucos γενόμενος κατακλείει μὲν αὐτὸν εἰς / \ « / > / / « πύργον, εἶτα δὲ ὑπόσπονδον ἀφίησι, τόν τε ‘Yp- \ > , e 4 \ \ “ἡ ΄ ΦΧ κανὸν ἐμέμφετο ὡς" πολλὰ μὲν εὖ παθόντα ὑπ αὐτῶν συμπράττοντα δὲ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς. ὁ γὰρ 3 ‘ U / > / > > , , ἀδελφὸς Μαλίχου τότε ἀποστήσας οὐκ ὀλίγα χωρία ἐφρούρει καὶ Μάσαδαν τὸ πάντων ἐρυμνότατον. ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν τοῦτον" ῥαΐσας ᾿Πρώδης ἐκ τῆς νόσου παραγίνεται, καὶ ἀφελόμενος αὐτὸν πάντα ὅσα εἶχε χωρία ὑπόσπονδον ἀπέλυσεν. (xii. 1) ᾿Αντίγονον δὲ τὸν ᾿Αριστοβούλου, στρα- τιὰν ἀθροίσαντα καὶ Φάβιον τεθεραπευκότα χρή- μασι, κατῆγε Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Μενναίου διὰ τὸ κήδευμα. συνεμάχει δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ Μαρίων, ὃν Τυρίων καταλελοίπει Κάσσιος τύραννον. τυραννίσι" γὰρ διαλαβὼν τὴν Συρίαν οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐφρούρησεν. ὁ δὲ Μαρίων καὶ εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν ὅ ὅμορον οὖσαν ἐνέβαλε, καὶ τρία καταλαβὼν ἐρύματα διὰ φρουρᾶς > A \ ‘ > ‘ ~ « , a εἶχεν. ἐλθὼν δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦτον Ἡρώδης ἅπαντα \ > ‘ > “ \ \ ΄ Α μὲν αὐτὸν ἀφείλετο, τοὺς δὲ Τυρίων φρουροὺς / > /, ΝΜ τ ‘ ‘ ss φιλανθρώπως ἀπέλυσεν, ἔστιν οἷς καὶ δωρεὰς δοὺς διὰ τὸ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν εὔνουν. ταῦτα διαπραξά- 1 Naber: αὐτοῦ codd. 2 ed. pr.: καὶ V: om. rell. 3 οὖν τοῦτον] τούτων PE. 4 τυραννίδι FLAMY Lat. α Modern Sebbé on the E. shore of the Dead Sea; see the full description of the Hasmonaean and Herodian fortresses in B.J. vii. 280 ff., and A. Schulten (et al.), Die Burg des Herodes, 1933. » Ptolemy, ruler of Chalcis in Lebanon, had married Alexandra, the sister of Antigonus, a few years earlier, see above, § 126. 606 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 295-299 but although he wished to rush to his brother’s side, was prevented by illness ; finally Phasael by his own efforts got the better of Helix and shut him up in a tower, but later let him go under a truce ; he also reproached Hyrcanus for acting with his foes although he had received many kindnesses from him. For Malichus’ brother, having stirred up a revolt, was then guarding a good many fortresses, including Masada,’ the strongest of all. Accordingly when Herod had recovered from his illness, he came against him and took from him all the fortresses he held, after which he released him under a truce. (xii. 1) But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, who had collected an army and sought the favour of Fabius with bribes, was brought back to his country by Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus, because of their kinship.’ He was also aided by Marion, whom Cassius had left as prince ° of Tyre, for that worthy on occupying Syria had controlled it through small principalities.’ Marion therefore invaded Galilee, which lay on his borders, and captured three strong- holds, in which he placed garrisons. But Herod came against him also and took from him all these places ¢ ; the Tyrian garrison, however, he considerately re- leased, and even gave gifts to some of them out of goodwill to their city. After achieving these things, © On this meaning of τύραννος see Ant. xiii. 235 note a. 4 Variant “ through tyranny ”’; the reading here adopted is supported by B.J. i. 239. ¢ From the decree of Antony cited below, §§ 314 ff., it appears that Herod was not entirely successful in expelling the Tyrians from Jewish territory. 7 B.J. i. 238 says more frankly, “ to procure for himself "Ἢ favour of the citizens, and for the prince (Marion) their atred.”’ 607 Herod defeats Antigonus, JOSEPHUS μενος ὑπήντησεν ᾿Αντιγόνῳ, Kal μάχην αὐτῷ συνάψας νικᾷ καὶ ὅσον οὔπω τῶν ἄκρων ἐπιβάντα ~ > / > /, > « / A τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας ἐξέωσεν. εἰς “Ἱεροσόλυμα δὲ παρα- γενόμενον στεφάνοις ἀνέδουν “Ὑρκανός τε καὶ ὃ > , 1 ΝΣ > ¢ , A 300 δῆμος. ἐγεγάμβρευτο δὲ ἤδη καθ ὁμολογίαν τῷ i κανοῦ ένει, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἄλλον αὐτοῦ προ- μ ειστήκει, μέλλων ἄγεσθαι τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ ᾿Αριστοβούλου θυγατέρα Ὑρκανοῦ δὲ ,θυγατριδῆν, ἐξ ἧς πατὴρ γίνεται τριῶν μὲν ἀρρένων δύο δὲ θηλειῶν. ἧκτο δὲ καὶ πρότερον γυναῖκα δημότιν Δῶριν ὄνομα ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ πρεσ- “-“ > , βύτατος γίνεται παῖς ᾿Αντίπατρος. / \ > ~ > /, / ‘ 301 (2) Κάσσιον μὲν οὖν χειροῦνται ᾿Αντώνιός τε Kal “ \ / c εὖ > Μ Καῖσαρ περὶ Φιλίππους, ὡς καὶ παρ᾽ ἄλλοις δε- δήλωται." μετὰ δὲ τὴν νίκην Καῖσαρ μὲν ἐπ᾽ 3 / 3 >? / > / δὲ > A > / Ἰταλίας" ἐχώρει, ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ eis τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἀπῆρε: γενομένῳ δὲ ἐν τῇ Βιθυνίᾳ at πανταχόθεν 302 ἀπήντων πρεσβεῖαι. παρῆσαν δὲ καὶ ᾿Ιουδαίων οἱ ἐν τέλει, κατηγοροῦντες τῶν περὶ Φασάηλον καὶ 1 ἐπεγαμβρεύετο AME. 2 ὡς. . . δεδήλωται om. VE. 8 ᾿Ιταλίας ex Lat. et B.J. coni. Aldrich: Γαλλίας codd. E. * B.J. is also vague about the site of the battle. > Cf. BJ. i. 240, “ he returned to Jerusalem, where his success won him all men’s hearts.” © This was Mariamme, who is named at this point in B.J., which inaccurately speaks of Herod’s marriage (ἐπιγαμίαν) to her. The marriage did not take place until some five years later, see below, § 467 (parallel with B.J. i. 344). 4 The three sons were Alexander, Aristobulus (III), and one who died in infancy ; the two daughters were Salampsio and Cypros, cf. BJ. i. 435, 566 and Ant. xviii. 130. ¢ Perhaps we should interpret ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους as “ of the (Jewish) nation,”’ rather than of Herod’s nation, the Idu- 608 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 299-302 he went to meet Antigonas, and joining battle with him, defeated him and drove him out of Judaea before he had time to penetrate further than its border.* And when he arrived in Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people wreathed his head with crowns.” As Herod had already become connected by an agree- ment of marriage with the family of Hyrcanus, he was for that reason the more protective of him; he was, in fact, about to marry the daughter of Aristo- bulus’ son Alexander and granddaughter of Hyr- canus,° by whom he was ὑσὶ become “the father of three sons and two daughters.? He had previously married a plebeian woman of his own nation,’ named Doris, by whom he had his eldest son Antipater. (2) Meanwhile Cassius was conquered by Antony and Caesar’ at Philippi,’ as has been related by others.” And after their victory Caesar proceeded to Italy,* while Antony departed for Asia’; when he came to Bithynia, he was met by embassies from all parts. Also present were the leading Jews, who brought accusations against Phasael and Herod to maean. In B.J. i. 241 Doris is said to be a “ distinguished native” (τῶν ἐπιχωρίων οὐκ ἄσημον), and in 432 she is called δα native of Jerusalem ”’ (γένος ἦν ἐξ ‘lepocoAdvpwv). The latter statement is suspected by Otto, Herodes, p. 23 note. 7 The young Gnaeus Octavius was officially recognized as Julius Caesar’s heir in August 43 5.6. under the name of Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus. Later, in 27 B.c., he adopted the surname (or epithet) Augustus. 9 In Macedonia, October 42 B.c. » The variant omits the last clause. * “Ttaly”” is conjectured from Lat. and B.J. for ss. “Gaul.” The former is historically correct. 4 Antony was in Asia Minor in the spring of 41 B.c. On his activity there see Plutarch, Ant. 24, Appian, Bell. Civ. vy. 4 and Dio Cassius xlviii. 24. VOL. VII u2 609 M. Antony in Asia shows favour to Herod and Hyrcanus. JOSEPHUS Ἡρώδην, πρόσχημα μὲν εἶναι λέγοντες τῆς _Ba- σιλείας “Ὑρκανόν, τούτους δὲ τὴν πᾶσαν ἔχειν 803 ἐξουσίαν. Ἡρώδην δὲ ᾿Αντώνιος διὰ πολλῆς εἶχε τιμῆς, ἐλθόντα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπὶ ἀπολογίᾳ τῶν κατ- ηγορούντων, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο συνέβη μηδὲ λόγου τυχεῖν τοὺς ἀντιστασιώτας" διεπέπρακτο δὲ τοῦτο 304 χρήμασιν ᾿Ηρώδης παρ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίου. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ εἰς Ἔφεσον ἧκεν ᾿Αντώνιος, ἔπεμψεν “Ὑρκανὸς ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ τὸ ἔθνος τὸ ἡμέτερον πρεσβείαν πρὸς αὐτόν, στέφανόν τε κομίζουσαν χρυσοῦν καὶ παρα- καλοῦσαν τοὺς αἰχμαλωτισθέντας ὑπὸ Κασσίου ᾿Ιουδαίους οὐ νόμῳ πολέμου, γράψαντα τοῖς κατὰ τὰς ἐπαρχίας, ἐλευθέρους. ἀπολῦσαι, καὶ τὴν χώραν ἣν ἐν τοῖς Κασσίου καιροῖς ἀφῃρέθησαν, ἀποδοῦναι. 305 ταῦτα κρίνας ᾿Αντώνιος δίκαια τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ἀξιοῦν, παραχρῆμα ἔγραψεν “Ὑρκανῷ καὶ τοῖς ᾿Ἰουδαίοις, ἐπέστειλε δὲ dpa" καὶ τοῖς" Τυρίοις" διάταγμα" περιέχον" ταὐτά." 806 (8) ᾿᾿ ᾿ Μᾶρκος ᾿Αντώνιος αὐτοκράτωρ Ὑρκανῷ ἀρχιερεῖ καὶ ἐθνάρχῃ καὶ τῷ ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔθνει χαί- ρειν. εἰ ἔρρωσθε, εὖ ἂν ἔχοι, ἔρρωμαι δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς 307 ail τοῦ στρατεύματος. Λυσίμαχος Παυσανίου b ᾿Ιώσηπος Μενναίου καὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου adeietees ἐν ᾿Εφέσῳ μοι συντυχόντες τήν τε 1 ἅμα om. P. 2 χοῖς P: om. rell. 3 + Kal P. 4 + ἔπεμπε P. 5 διατάγματα περιέχοντα coni. Richards et Shutt. ὃ. coni. Hudson: ταῦτα codd. 7 καὶ τῷ Ἶ. ἔθνει Ῥ : (τῶν) ᾿Ιουδαίων rell. Lat. α This detail is not mentioned at this point in B.J. On Antony’s friendship with Herod’s father, who had been his host more than a decade earlier, see § 326 (parallel with B.J. i. 244). 610 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 302-307 the effect that while Hyreanus had the outward ap- pearance of sovereignty, it was they who had all the power. But Herod, who was held in great honour by Antony,? came to him to defend himself against his accusers, and in this way his adversaries did not even get a chance to speak, for this service had been obtained by Herod from Antony with money. And” when Antony came to Ephesus, the high priest Hyrcanus and our nation sent an embassy to him, bringing a golden crown and requesting that he would write to the provincial governors to set free those Jews who had been taken captive by Cassius in violation of the laws of war, and restore to them the territory of which they had been deprived in the time of Cassius. These demands Antony decided the Jews were justified in making, and so he im- mediately wrote to Hyrcanus and the Jews. He also sent to the Tyrians a decree ὦ to the same effect.? (3) 7“ Mareus Antonius, Imperator, to Hyrcanus, high priest and ethnarch, and to the Jewish nation,’ greeting. If you are in good health, it is well. I also am in good health, as is the army. ‘The envoys Lysimachus, son of Pausanias, Josephus, son of Mennaeus, and Alexander, son of Theodorus,” who met me at Ephesus, have renewed the mission pre- » §§ 304-323 have no parallel in B.J. © See above, 8 297. 4 'Two decrees are cited, 88 314 ff., 319 ff. ¢ Conjectured for mss. ‘‘ containing these things.” 7 For a brief discussion of the following decrees see works listed in Appendix J. 9 So ms. P; the rest have, “ to Hyrcanus, high priest and ethnarch of the Jews.” " Two of these men, Lysimachus and Alexander, are mentioned above in § 219 as enyoys sent to Rome by Hyrcanus. 61l M. Antony s letter to Hyrcanus and the Jews, grant- ing them privileges in Tyre. 308 309 310 JOSEPHUS Μ > « / A > - / ἔμπροσθεν ev Ρώμῃ τελεσθεῖσαν αὐτοῖς πρεσβείαν ἀνενεώσαντο, καὶ τὴν νῦν ὑπὲρ σοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους σπουδαίως διέθεντο, ἣν ἔχεις εὔνοιαν πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἐμφανίσαντες. πεπεισμένος οὖν καὶ ἐκ τῶν πραγ- μάτων καὶ ἐκ τῶν λόγων ὅτι οἰκειότατα' ἔχετε πρὸς ἡμᾶς, καὶ τὸ ἀραρὸς ὑμῶν ἦθος καὶ θεοσεβὲς κατανοήσας, ἴδιον ἥγημαι" καταδραμόντων δὲ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἅπασαν τῶν ἐναντιωθέντων ἡμῖν τε καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τῶν Ρωμαίων, καὶ μήτε πόλεων" μήτε ~ / ἱερῶν' ἀποσχομένων μήτε ὅρκους οὗς ἐποιήσαντο A 3 ~ φυλαξάντων, ἡμεῖς ὡς οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἰδίου μόνον aya- νος, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων κοινοῦ, τοὺς αἰτίους καὶ τῶν εἰς ἀνθρώπους παρανομιῶν καὶ τῶν εἰς \ > , B , Biel (Ae θεοὺς ἀνομημάτων" ἠμυνάμεθα, dv ἃ καὶ τὸν ἥλιον ἀπεστράφθαι δοκοῦμεν, ὃς καὶ αὐτὸς ἀηδῶς ἐπεῖδε \ - : ΤΆ , / > \ \ > \ > ~ τὸ ἐπὶ Kaioapt μύσος. ἀλλὰ τὰς ἐπιβουλὰς αὐτῶν A / Δ « / « / / / τὰς θεομάχους, ἃς ὑπεδέξατο ἡ Μακεδονία καθάπερ ἴδιος αὐτοῖς τῶν ἀνοσίων τολμημάτων ἀήρ, καὶ τὴν σύγχυσιν τῆς ἡμιμανοῦς κακοηθείας ἣ ἣν κατὰ Φιλίππους τῆς Μακεδονίας συνεκρότουν," τόπους" εὐφυεῖς καταλαμβανόμενοι μέχρι θαλάσσης ἀπο- τετειχισμένους ὄρεσιν, ὡς πύλῃ μιᾷ τὴν" πάροδον 1 οἰκειότητα LAMW Lat. 2 ἴδιον ἥγημαι] proprium te nobiscum esse iudicavimus Lat.: post ἥγημαι excidisse verba non paueca putat Niese. πολέμων W: ὁσίων coni. Naber. ἡρῴων PFLY. ἁμαρτημάτων Ῥ. post συνεκρότουν lacunam indicat Dindorf. Bekker: καὶ τόπους codd. τὴν πᾶσαν LAMW. Ὁ. Ὁ ὅδ᾽ ᾽ ὦ & « The text is obscure and probably incomplete. The 612 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 307-310 viously carried out by them in Rome, and have con- scientiously discharged their present mission on behalf of you and the nation, making clear the good- will you have for us. Being, therefore, persuaded by both deeds and words that you have the friendliest feelings for us, and being aware of your obliging and pious nature, I regard your interests as my own. For when our adversaries and those of the Roman people overran all Asia, sparing neither cities nor temples, and disregarding the sworn agreements they had made, it was not only our own battle but that of all mankind in common that we fought when we avenged ourselves on those who were guilty both of lawless deeds against men and of unlawful acts against the gods, from which we believe the very sun turned away, as if it too were loath to look upon the foul deed against Caesar.’ But their god-defying plots, which Macedonia received as though its climate were proper to their unholy crimes, and the confused mob of half-crazed villains whom they got together at Philippi in Macedonia, where’ they oc- cupied places naturally favourable and walled in by mountains as far as the sea, so that the passage @ could be controlled through only one gate ’—these latter part of the sentence may have read originally, ‘“ 1 regard it as my own concern that you have suffered injury at the hands of Cassius ”’ or the like. > This bit of rhetoric appears to be based on a passage from a lost play of Sophocles on Thyestes or Atreus, describ- ing the sun’s behaviour when Thyestes feasted on his sons; cf. Seneca, Thyestes 775 ff. and Hyginus, Fabulae 88, “ ad id scelus etiam sol cursum avertit.”’ © Text slightly uncertain. 4 Variant *‘ the entire passage.” ° A rather different description of the site is given, in some detail, by Appian, Bell. Civ. iv. 105-106. 613 311 312 JOSEPHUS ταμιεύεσθαι," τῶν θεῶν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀδίκοις ἐγχειρήμασιν κατεψηφισμένων ἐκρατήσαμεν. καὶ Βροῦτος συμφυγὼν εἰς Φιλίππους καὶ συγκλεισ- θεὶς ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐκοινώνησε Κασσίῳ τῆς αὐτῆς ἀπωλείας. τούτων κεκολασμένων εἰρήνης τὸ λοι- πὸν ἀπολαύσειν" ἐλπίζομεν καὶ ἀναπεπαῦσθαι τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου. κοινὴν οὖν ποιούμεθα καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις τὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ δοθεῖσαν ἡμῖν εἰρήνην: ὥσπερ οὖν" ἐκ νόσου μεγάλης τὸ τῆς ᾿Ασίας σῶμα νῦν διὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν νίκην ἀναφέρει." ἔχων τοίνυν καὶ σὲ διὰ μνήμης καὶ τὸ ἔθνος αὔξειν, 313 φροντίσω τῶν ὑμῖν συμφερόντων. ἐξέθηκα δὲ καὶ 314 315 γράμματα κατὰ πόλεις, ὅπως εἴ τινες ἐλεύθεροι ἢ δοῦλοι ὑπὸ δόρυ ἐπράθησαν ὑπὸ Τ αἴου Κασσίου ἢ τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ τεταγμένων ἀπολυθῶσιν οὗτοι, τοῖς τε ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ δοθεῖσιν καὶ Δολαβέλλα φιλανθρώποις" χρῆσθαι ὑ ὑμᾶς βούλομαι. Τυρίους τε κωλύω βιαίους εἶναι περὶ ὑμᾶς, καὶ ὅσα κατέχουσιν ᾿Ιουδαίων ταῦτα ἀποκαταστῆσαι κελεύω. τὸν δὲ στέφανον ὃν ἔπεμψας ἐδεξάμην. (4) “Μᾶρκος ᾿Αντώνιος αὐτοκράτωρ Τυρίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ἐμφανισάντων" μοι ἐν ᾿Εφέσῳ “Ὑρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου πρεσβευτῶν Kal’ χώραν αὐτῶν ὑμᾶς κατέχειν λε- γόντων, εἰς ἣν ἐνέβητε κατὰ τὴν τῶν ἐναντιου- μένων" ἡμῖν ἐπικράτειαν, ἐπεὶ τὸν ὑπὲρ" τῆς ᾿ 2 Pe ταμιεύεσθαι lacunam statuit Gutschmid. ἀπολαύειν rell. 3 ὥσπερ οὖν] ws παρὸν coni. Gutschmid. 4 Dindorf: ἀναφέρειν codd.: refovemus Lat.: ἀναφέρεται ed. pr. ὁ Mendelssohn : φιλανθρώπως codd. Lat. Ε occurrissent Lat., unde ὑπαντησάντων con}. Dindorf. 7 καὶ P: om. rell. Lat. vid. 614 I . JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 310-315 plots and this mob, condemned by the gods for their unjust enterprise, we have overcome. And Brutus, who fled to Philippi and was hemmed in by us, shared the ruin of Cassius. Now that these men have been _ punished, we hope that henceforth we shall enjoy peace and give Asia respite from war. We are therefore ready to let our allies also participate in the peace given us by God; and so, owing to our victory, the body of Asia is now recovering, as it were, from a serious illness. Having, therefore, in mind to promote the welfare both of you and your nation, I shall take care of your interests. And I have also sent notices throughout the cities that if any persons, whether freemen or slaves, were sold at auction ® by Gaius Cassius or by those subordinate to him, they shall be released ; and it is my wish that you shall enjoy the privileges granted by me and Dolabella.2. And I forbid the Tyrians to use violence against you, and command that they re- store whatever they possess belonging to the Jews. As for the crown which you have sent, I have accepted it.”’ (4) ‘““ Marcus Antonius, Imperator, to the magis- trates, council and people of Tyre, greeting. It has been made known to me“ at Ephesus by the envoys of Hyrcanus, the high priest and ethnarch, that you are in possession of their territory, which you in- vaded during the time when our adversaries were in control? ; and since we have undertaken a war for 2 The Greek here closely follows the Latin idiom sub hasta venire. > See above, 88 217 ff., 224 ff. © Text slightly uncertain. 4 Cf. 88 297-298. 8 ἐναντιωθέντων AMW. ® περὶ Hudson. 615 M. Antony’s letter to Tyre, on behalf of Jewish rights. 316 317 318 319 JOSEPHUS « / / > , ‘ ~ ΕῚ ~ ἡγεμονίας πόλεμον ἀνεδεξάμεθα καὶ τῶν εὐσεβῶν ’ὔ , Kal δικαίων ποιούμενοι πρόνοιαν ἠμυνάμεθα τοὺς /, / μήτε χάριτος ἀπομνημονεύσαντας μήτε ὅρκους ,ὔ / " ‘A > > c ~ >, / φυλάξαντας, βούλομαι Kat τὴν ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν εἰρήνην ἂ ~ / ~ τοῖς συμμάχοις ἡμῶν ὑπάρχειν, καὶ ὅσα παρὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐλάβετε ἀνταγωνιστῶν μὴ συγχωρεῖν, > \ A > A 1 a > , » ἀλλὰ ταῦτα ἀποδοῦναι' τοῖς ἀφῃρημένοις. οὔτε γὰρ ἐπαρχίας ἐκείνων οὐθεὶς οὔτε στρατόπεδα τῆς τ συγκλήτου δούσης ἔλαβεν, ἀλλὰ βίᾳ καθαρπά- σαντες ἐχαρίσαντο βιαίως τοῖς πρὸς ἃ ἠδίκουν χρησίμοις αὐτοῖς γενομένοις. δίκην οὖν αὐτῶν ’ , / 4 ¢ δεδωκότων, τούς TE συμμάχους τοὺς ἡμετέρους ὅσα ποτ᾽ εἶχον ἀξιοῦμεν ἀκωλύτους διακατέχειν, ~ ᾿ « ~ » ~ Kal ὑμᾶς, εἴ τινα χωρία “Υ̓ρκανοῦ ὄντα τοῦ ἐθνάρ- ϑ ,ὔ ‘ ~ ¢ , ” / ’ὔ χου ᾿Ιουδαίων πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας ἢ Τ᾿άιον Κάσσιον 3 / ~ πόλεμον οὐ συγκεχωρημένον ἐπάγοντα ἐπιβῆναι τῆς ἐπαρχίας ἡμῶν, νῦν ἔχετε, ἀποδοῦναι αὐτῷ, - Ε] ~ a βίαν τε αὐτοῖς μηδεμίαν προσφέρειν ἐπὶ τῷ ἀσθενεῖς 3 ‘ = = Ὁ.) , > , αὐτοὺς ποιεῖν τῶν ἰδίων δεσπόζειν. εἰ δέ τινα ” \ Seen , “ ” ΓΕ ΝΕ ἔχετε πρὸς αὐτὸν δικαιολογίαν, ὅταν ἔλθωμεν ἐπὶ ‘ - 4 ~ x τοὺς τόπους ἐξέσται ὑμῖν ταύτῃ χρῆσθαι, ἡμῶν - 4 c ,ὔ - ἕκαστα τοῖς συμμάχοις ὁμοίως τοῖς κρίμασιν φυλασσόντων.᾽᾿ (5) “ Μᾶρκος ᾿Αντώνιος αὐτοκράτωρ Τυρίων "» ~ , ,’ὔ ’ὔ > ‘4 ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. διάταγμα ἐμὸν 1 ἀποδοθῆναι P, 616 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 315-319 the supreme power, and having in mind the cause of piety and justice, have taken vengeance on those who neither remembered kindnesses nor observed their oaths, it is my wish that our allies? shall have peace at your hands, and that whatever you have received from our opponents shall not be retained by you but shall be restored to those from whom it was taken. For none of these men” obtained his province or army by grant of the Senate, but they seized them by force, and by an act of violence presented them to those who had been useful to them in their unjust activities. And now that they have paid the penalty, we think it right that our allies shall remain in undisturbed possession of what- ever they formerly owned, and also that you, if you now hold any places which belonged to Hyrcanus, the ethnarch of the Jews, as recently as one day before Gaius Cassius, waging an unlawful war, in- vaded our” province, you shall return them to him, and shall not use any force against them in order to make them incapable of managing their own posses- sions. And if you have any plea against him in justification, you will be permitted to make it when we come to these parts, for we preserve the rights of all our allies equally in giving judgment.” (5) “ Marcus Antonius, Imperator, to the magis- trates, council and people of Tyre, greeting. I have « The word “‘ allies ”’ (συμμάχοις) should not be taken too seriously, since Judaea was in reality a vassal state within the Roman empire. » The party of Brutus and Cassius. ° For ἡμῶν “our” Reinach suggests ὑμῶν “ your,”? on the ground that Syria had never been assigned to Antony as a province. But * our’ may refer to the Caesarian party, represented in this case by Dolabella, see above, § 289 note d. 617 M. Antony to the Tyrians. 320 3 3 23 JOSEPHUS > / \ « ~ \ Φ 4 δ -“ ἀπέσταλκα πρὸς ὑμᾶς, περὶ οὗ βούλομαι ὑμᾶς φροντίσαι, ἵνα αὐτὸ εἰς τὰς δημοσίας ἐντάξητε δέλτους γράμμασι Ῥωμαϊκοῖς καὶ ᾿Βλληνικοῖς, καὶ ἐν τῷ" ἐπιφανεστάτῳ ἔχητε αὐτὸ γεγραμμένον, ὅπως ὑπὸ τ ίντων “ἀναγινώσκεσθαι δύνηται. ἡ Μᾶρ- KOS ᾿Αντώνιος αὐτοκράτωρ τριῶν" ἀνδρῶν κατα- στάντων περὶ τῶν δημοσίων πραγμάτων εἶπεν" ἐπεὶ Γάιος Κάσσιος ταύτῃ τῇ ἀποστάσει" ἀλλο- τρίαν ἐπαρχίαν κατεχομένην ὑπὸ στρατοπέδων" καὶ συμμάχους ὄντας διήρπασε, καὶ ἐξεπολιόρκησε \ > / ” / « / a ¢ / τὸ ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔθνος, φίλον ὑπάρχον τοῦ Ῥωμαίων δήμου, τὴν ἀπόνοιαν τὴν ἐκείνου τοῖς ὅπλοις κρατήσαντες διατάγμασιν καὶ κρίμασιν ἐπανορθού- μεθα τὰ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ διηρπασμένα, ὥστε ἀποκατα- σταθῆναι ταῦτα τοῖς συμμάχοις ἡμῶν' καὶ ὅσα ἐπράθη ᾿Ιουδαίων ἤτοι σώματα" ἢ κτῆσις," ταῦτα » , \ \ , > , > 7 ε ᾿ ἀφεθήτω, τὰ μὲν σώματα ἐλεύθερα εἶναι, ὡς ἦν ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς, ἡ δὲ κτῆσις τοῖς πρότερον κυρίοις. τὸν δ᾽ οὐχ ὑπακούσαντα τῷ ἐμῷ διατάγματι δίκην συστήσασθαι βούλομαι, κἂν ἁλῷ τότε κατὰ τὴν τοῦ πράγματος ἀξίαν μελήσει μοι ἐπεξελθεῖν" τὸν οὐχ ὑπακούσαντα.᾽ ie \ / \ vie 3 (6) To δ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο Kai Σιδωνίοις καὶ ᾿Αντιο- ~ \ > δί θέ θ \ χεῦσιν καὶ Apai tous® ἔγραψεν. παρεθέμεθα μὲν οὖν καὶ ταῦτα εὐκαίρως, τεκμήρια γενησόμενα ἧς φαμὲν “Ῥωμαίους ποιήσασθαι προνοίας ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἡμετέρου ἔθνους. 1 τόπῳ coni. Gutschmid. 2 PF Lat.: τυρίων LVW: om. AM. 3. Hudson: ὑποστάσει codd, 4 στρατοπέδῳ FLAMW Lat.: hic lacunam statuit Niese. 5 + ᾿Ιουδαίων P. 5 κτήσεις AMW. 7 εἶναι om. PFV. 8 P: ὑπεξελθεῖν rell. 618 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 319-323 sent you my edict, and it is my wish that you take care to register it in the public tablets in Latin and Greek characters, and, when it is written, keep it in the most conspicuous place in order that it may be read by all. ‘Statement of Marcus Antonius, Imperator, one of the triumvirs appointed to govern the republic.*7 Whereas Gaius Cassius in the late rebellion ὃ seized a province which did not belong to him, and after occupying it with armed forces, plundered it and our allies,’ and forced the surrender of the Jewish nation, which was a friend of the Roman people, we, therefore, having overcome his madness by our arms, do establish order by our edicts and decisions in the territories plundered by him, so that they may be restored to our allies. And whatever was sold belonging to the Jews, whether persons or possessions, shall be released, the slaves to be free, as they were originally, and the possessions to be returned to their former owners. And it is my wish that whoever disobeys my edict shall be brought to trial, and if such a person is convicted, it shall be my concern to prosecute the offender in accordance with the seriousness of his act.’ ”’ 6) In the same way he also wrote to the people of Sidon, Antioch and Aradus.4¢ Now we have cited these documents in a suitable place, for they will be proofs of our statements concerning the thoughtful- ness which the Romans showed for our nation. α Here the Greek translates the Latin formula triumviratus rei publicae constituendae (this passage is not noted by Magie, p. 100). > Text slightly emended. ¢ Text slightly uncertain, perhaps incomplete. 4 The variant ‘‘ the Arabs ”’ is a scribal error. ® *ApaBios F corr. AMV : ᾿Αβίοις Wie 619 Letters to Sidon, Antioch and Aradus, 324 325 326 JOSEPHUS see ‘ “- > (xiii. 1) Mera δὲ ταῦτα εἰς Συρίαν ᾿Αντωνίου ’ὔ / \ / > παραγενομένου, Κλεοπάτρα περὶ Κιλικίαν ἐντυ- ~ \ > χοῦσα δι’ ἔρωτος αὐτὸν ἐκεχείρωτο. καὶ δὴ / > / « \ ¢ / /, πάλιν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἑκατὸν ot δυνατώτατοι παραγί- / ~ vovTat πρὸς αὐτόν, κατηγοροῦντες Ἡρώδου καὶ ~ ‘ / / ~ ~ τῶν περὶ αὐτόν, προστησάμενοι σφῶν αὐτῶν τοὺς" , , 2 > , > svt en δεινοτάτους λέγειν. ἀντέλεγεν δ᾽ αὐτοῖς Meo- σάλας ὑπὲρ τῶν νεανίσκων, παρόντος καὶ “YpKavod, \ » / ὃς κηδεστὴς" ἐτύγχανεν ἤδη γενόμενος. ἀκροασά- > μενος δὲ ἀμφοτέρων ᾿Αντώνιος ἐπὶ Δάφνης, πυνθά- ey ~ ~ νεται ‘Ypxavod πότεροι τοῦ ἔθνους ἄμεινον mpo- / ἵστανται: φήσαντος δὲ τοὺς περὶ ᾿Ηρώδην, ᾿Αντώ- " > / ” vios Kal πάλαι οἰκείως ἔχων πρὸς αὐτοὺς διὰ A / / Δ ¢€ / \ / ~ τὴν πατρῴαν ξενίαν, ἣν ἡνίκα σὺν LaBwiw παρῆν / ~ ἐπεποίητο πρὸς τὸν πατέρα αὐτῶν, τούτους μὲν / ~ ἀμφοτέρους τετράρχας καθίστησι, Kal τὰ τῶν > / > cal > / / NA \ Ἰουδαίων αὐτοῖς ἐπιτρέπει πράγματα, γράφει δὲ καὶ γράμματα' καὶ πεντεκαίδεκα τῶν ἀντιστα- αὐτῶν τοὺς VE: αὐτῶν P: τοὺς rell. προστησάμενοι. .. λέγειν om. Lat. ὃς κηδεστὴς] κηδεστὴς γὰρ FLAMW. γράφει... γράμματα om. Lat.: post γράμματα quaedam sse putat Niese. καὶ πεντεκαίδεκα (ιε΄) Vi: δέκα (Om. γράμματα πεντεκαι.) P: καὶ δέκα Τὰ : πεντεκαίδεκα δὲ rell. Lat. Ὁ. on = de σῷ α At this point is resumed the parallelism with B.J.; §§ 324-354 are parallel with B.J. i. 245-263. » In the late summer of 41 B.c. Antony had summoned her to answer a charge (not founded in fact) of aiding Cassius. It was on this occasion that Cleopatra, adorned as Aphrodite, 620 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 324-326 (xiii. 1) *When Antony afterwards came to Syria, sntony at Cleopatra met him in Cilicia” and made him a captive [2Phne of love. And once again’ a hundred of the most Herod. influential Jews came before him to accuse Herod and his friends,’ putting forward their most skilful speakers. But Messala® spoke against them on behalf of the young men in the presence of Hyrcanus, who had by then become Herod’s kinsman by marriage.’ And when Antony had listened to both sides at Daphne 5 and inquired of Hyrcanus which were the better leaders of the nation, he replied, ‘‘ Herod and his people,’’ whereupon Antony, who had from of old been friendly with them because of the hospitable relations which he had formed with their father when he was with Gabinius,” appointed both Herod and Phasael tetrarchs,’ and entrusted to them the govern- ment of the Jews; he also wrote letters (to this effect), and put in chains fifteen of their adversaries, sailed up the Cydnus river in a golden barge, cf. Plutarch, Ant. 26. © See above, § 302. 4 B.J. “ accused the brothers ”’ (Herod and Phasael). ¢ M. Valerius Messala Corvinus; see Dr. Thackeray’s note on B.J. i. 243. 7 Herod was still only the betrothed, not the husband of Hyrcanus’ granddaughter Mariamme, cf. ὃ 300 note c. 9 A suburb of Antioch, as B.J. explains. h Of, 88 84-86. * This (with the parallel B.J. i. 244) is the first occurrence in Josephus of this title, so well known from the New Testa- ment in connexion with the later Herodians. Whatever the official position of Herod and Phasael as tetrarchs (see works listed in Appendix L), it is likely that the Romans still regarded Hyrcanus, the ethnarch, as nominally head of the state. 7 Variant ‘“‘ of the rebels.”’ These fifteen were of the influential Jewish spokesmen mentioned above, as B.J. makes clear. 621 JOSEPHUS A 1 ἜΣ Wy δὲ \ , ᾽ ‘ σιαστῶν' ἔδησε, μέλλοντος δὲ Kal κτείνειν αὐτοὺς παρῃτήσαντο οἱ περὶ ᾿Πρώδην. 321 (ὁ) ᾿Ηρέμουν δὲ οὐδ᾽ οὕτως ἐπανελθόντες ἐκ ΄ , > > > / / > , τῆς πρεσβείας, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπήντων πάλιν ᾿Αντωνίῳ , > , > - ,ὔ > / Ά, “e χίλιοι εἰς Τύρον ἐκεῖ δόξαντι ἀφικέσθαι. Kat ὁ > / A » id , ε / Αντώνιος πολλοῖς ἤδη διεφθαρμένος χρήμασιν ὑπό τε Ἡρώδου καὶ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ, τῷ κατὰ ” / τόπον ἄρχοντι προσέταξε κολάσαι τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων, νεωτέρων ἐπιθυμοῦντας πραγμάτων, καὶ τοῖς περὶ ‘Hpwdnv συγκαθιστάναι τὴν ἀρχήν. \ ΔῈ , ὭΣ 2 \ > \ a , 328 ταχὺ δὲ “Hpwdns (iSpuvto* yap emt τῆς ψάμμου πρὸ τῆς πόλεως) προϊὼν" ἀπιέναι παρεκελεύετο a a“ « ~ (συνῆν δὲ αὐτῷ" Kat ‘Ypkavds) ὡς μεγάλου κακοῦ >’ 329 εἰ προέλθοιεν εἰς φιλονεικίαν ἐσομένου. καὶ οἱ μὲν οὐκ ἐπείθοντο. παραχρῆμα δὲ ἐκδραμόντες “Ῥωμαῖοι σὺν ἐγχειριδίοις τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπ- έκτειναν, πλείους" δὲ κατέτρωσαν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ διαφυγόντες ἐπ᾽ οἴκου περιδεεῖς" ἡσύχαζον. τοῦ \ / ~ « / ‘ δὲ δήμου καταβοῶντος Ἡρώδου, παροξυνθεὶς ᾿Αντώνιος τοὺς δεδεμένους ἀπέκτεινεν. 320 (3) Δευτέρῳ δ᾽ ἔτει Συρίαν κατέσχον Ἰάκορός 1 PVE: στασιωτῶν rell. 2 EF et Lat. vid.: ἵδρυτο codd. 3 προσιὼν AM : πρὸς Σιδῶνα P. 4 αὐτῷ ex B.J. coni. Lowthius: αὐτοῖς codd. E. 5 PVE Lat.: ἐνίους rell. 8 περιδεεῖς om. P. @ Herod’s intercession is not mentioned in 8.0, >» See above, § 303. The bribe is not mentioned a second time as here in the parallel, B.J. i. 245. ¢ BJ.“ the tetrarchs.” 4 So the Epitome and Lat.: mss. “ he.” 622 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 326-330 but as he was about to kill them, Herod’s intercession saved their lives.? (2) Not even on their return from the embassy, The Romans however, did they remain quiet, but again a thousand Sas men met Antony at Tyre, where he had decided to Herod's go. And as Antony had already been heavily bribed °PPO"*?'S: by Herod and his brother,’ he ordered the local magistrate to punish the envoys of the Jews, who were bent on revolution, and to establish Herod “ in power. But Herod hastily went out to them—for they ὦ had taken up a position on the beach before the city—, and urged them, Hyrcanus being with him,’ to go away, saying that great harm would befall them if they proceeded to a contest. But as they refused to take his advice, the Romans 7 immediately rushed upon them with their daggers and killed some and wounded a still greater number,’ while the rest escaped to their homes and remained there in great terror without moving.” But when the populace cried out against Herod, Antony in a rage killed those who had been taken prisoners. (3) * Two years later? Syria was occupied by Pacorus, 4 utisonns ¢ The sing. pron. is conjectured from B.J. for mss. “ them ” Purchases (i.e. the deputies). / At Antony’s command, according to B.J. 9 Variant ‘‘ wounded some.” » Ant. omits the statement, in B.J. i. 246, that ‘* burial for the dead and medical attention for the wounded were granted by Hyrcanus.” * The parallelism between §§ 330-369 and B.J. i. 248-273, dealing largely with the Parthians, is discussed by Laqueur, pp. 189-193. 7 The dating seems to be from about the time of the battle of Philippi (cf. § 301), as the Parthians invaded Syria in 40 5.6. (spring). Olmstead, JAOS 56 (1936), 255 sees an allusion to the Parthian invasion in Enoch, ch. 56. For rabbinic traditions see works listed in Appendix K. 623 331 332 333 334 JOSEPHUS τε ὁ βασιλέως παῖς καὶ Βαρζαφράνης" σατράπης ὧν Πάρθων. τελευτᾷ δὲ καὶ [Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Μενναίου, καὶ τὴν αρχὴν ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ Λυσανίας ‘A / 4 ‘ > / παραλαβὼν διαπράττεται φιλίαν πρὸς ᾿Αντίγονον τὸν ᾿Αριστοβούλου, πρὸς τοῦτο χρήσιμον τὸν σατράπην παραλαβών, μέγα παρ᾽ αὐτῷ δυνάμε- νον.ἢ ᾿Αντίγονος δὲ ὑπισχνεῖτο χίλια τάλαντα καὶ πεντακοσίας γυναῖκας δώσειν Ildpbos, εἰ τὴν ἀρχὴν “Ὑρκανὸν ἀφελόμενοι παραδώσουσιν αὐτῷ, καὶ τοὺς περὶ Tov “Ἡρώδην ἀνέλοιεν. οὐ μὴν ἐδωκεν" ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν Πάρθοι διὰ τοῦτο ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἐστράτευσαν κατάγοντες ᾿Αντίγονον," Πάκορος μὲν διὰ τῆς παραθαλαττίου, ὁ δὲ σα- τράπης Βαρζαφράνης διὰ τῆς μεσογείου. Τύριοι μὲν οὖν ἀποκλείουσι Πάκορον, Σιδώνιοι δὲ καὶ Πτολεμαεῖς ἐδέξαντο. ἴλην μέντοι Πάκορος ἵπ- , > wre) , 54 7 ΄, 4 πέων εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἐξέπεμψε κατασκεψομένην τε τὰ κατὰ τὴν χώραν καὶ ᾿Αντιγόνῳ συμπράξου- σαν, ἡγεμόνα τε ὁμώνυμον τοῦ βασιλέως οἰνοχόον. > Ὑηςφ εῦρα \ , 1» > , \ ἐκ δὲ τῶν περὶ Κάρμηλον τὸ ὄρος ᾿Ιουδαίων πρὸς 1 AMW: Βαζαφράνης P: Βαρζαφαρμάνης FV: Βαρζαφρα- μάνης L Lat.: Βαζαφαρμάνης E Photius: Bapfadapyns Hudson; sim. infra. 2 δυνάμενον Niese: δυνάμενος codd. 3 κατάγοντες ᾿Αντίγονον] deducente eos Antigono Lat. 4 κατασκαψαμένην P: vexaturam Lat. 5 ἐκ δὲ sqq. corrupta esse monet Niese. « Orodes II (see the list of Parthian rulers in Debevoise, 270). > Variants ‘‘ Bazaphranes,” “ Barzapharmanes,” ete. ; in B.J. most mss. have “ Barzaphranes.”’ The Iranian original, roughly transcribed, was Barzafarna “ exalted in glory ᾿ (cf. F. Justi, Jranisches Namenbuch, p. 65). © See above, § 297. 624 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 330-334 the son of the Parthian king,” and Barzaphranes,? the Parthian satrap. At the same time Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus, died,’ and his son Lysanias on succeeding to his throne made a pact of friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, in which matter he found the satrap useful, for he had great influence with him.? And Antigonus promised to give the Parthians a thousand talents and five hun- dred women ὁ if they would deprive Hyrcanus of power and give it over to him, and destroy Herod and his people. He did not in fact give them these,’ but nevertheless the Parthians for the sake of these rewards marched against Judaea, bringing Antigonus back to his country; Pacorus went along the sea-coast while the satrap Barzaphranes went through the in- terior. Now whereas the Tyrians excluded Pacorus, the people of Sidon and Ptolemais admitted him. However, Pacorus sent out a troop of cavalry to Judaea to make a reconnaissance of the country and also to co-operate with Antigonus under the command of the cupbearer of the king, who had the same name as himself.» And as some of the Jews near Mount 4 Niese’s slight alteration of the text (one consonant), here adopted, makes the clause mean that the satrap had great influence with Antigonus; the mss. reading means that Lysanias had great influence with the satrap. * According to B.J. i. 248 it was Lysanias who promised the bribe to the Parthians. From this and similar dis- crepancies, Laqueur argues (unconvincingly) that Ant. shows a more intense nationalism than B.J. But in B.J. i. 257 Antigonus is cited as the one responsible for the promised bribe—a passage that Laqueur does not mention. 7 The request for the destruction of the Herodians is not mentioned in B.J. Again Laqueur fails to comment. 9 This statement too is an addition to B.J. δ i.e. Pacorus, as is more clearly stated in B.J. 625 support from the Parthians. JOSEPHUS ᾿Αντίγονον ἐλθόντων Kat συνεισβαλεῖν ἑτοίμως ἐχόντων, προσεδόκα δι᾿ αὐτοὺς" τῆς χώρας μέρος τι λαβεῖν ὁ ᾿Αντίγονος: δρυμοὶ δὲ τὸ χωρίον καλεῖται" καί τινων ὑπαντιασάντων αὐτοῖς, δι- ἐκπίπτουσιν εἰς “Ιεροσόλυμα οἱ ἄνθρωποι. προσ- γενομένων δέ τινων, πολλοὶ συστραφέντες ἐπὶ τὰ 335 βασίλεια ἧκον καὶ ταῦτα ἐπολιόρκουν. προσ- βοηθούντων δὲ τῶν περὶ Φασάηλον καὶ Ἡρώδην, καὶ μάχης γενομένης κατὰ τὴν ἀγοράν, νικῶσιν ot νεανίσκοι τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ συνδιώξαντες εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν πέμπουσιν ὁπλίτας τινὰς εἰς τὰς πλησίον οἰκίας φρουρήσοντας αὐτάς, οὗς ἐπαναστὰς ὁ δῆμος συμμάχων ὄντας ἐρήμους σὺν αὐτοῖς 320 οἴκοις κατέπρησεν. ὑπὲρ μὲν οὖν τῆς ἀδικίας ταύτης Ἡρώδης μετ᾽ ὀλίγον τιμωρίαν παρὰ τῶν ἀντιστασιωτῶν λαμβάνει, συμβαλὼν αὐτοῖς εἰς μάχην καὶ πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀποκτείνας." 337 (4) Γινομένων δὲ ὁ ὁσημέραι ἀκροβολισμῶν αὐτοῖς, ἀνέμενον οἱ πολέμιοι τὸν ἐκ τῆς χώρας ὄχλον εἰς τὴν καλουμένην πεντηκοστὴν (ἑορτὴ δ᾽ ἐστὶν αὕτη) 328 μέλλοντα ἥξειν. τῆς δὲ ἡμέρας ἐνστάσης πολλαὶ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀθροίζονται μυριάδες ἀνθρώπων 1 δι’ αὐτοὺς Hudson: διὰ FLV: ras. 1-2 litt. A: δὲ PW: om. ME. 2 συμβαλὼν... ἀποκτείνας om. Lat. ® The text 5 slightiy uncertain. B.J. i. 250 has, *‘ while these troops (of Pacorus) were raiding Carmel, Jews flocked to Antigonus,”’ ete. δ “ With their help” is an emendation of mss. reading, a Antigonus expected them to take,”’ ete. ¢ Apparently the Plain of Sharon is meant, ef. Abel, GP i. 414 (who refers to Strabo xvi. 2. 27 f., as does Debevoise, 626 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 331-338 Carmel came to Antigonus* and were ready to join him in the invasion, Antigonus expected to take some part of the territory with their help,® namely, the place called The Grove (Drymoz)°; and although some opponents engaged them, these men got away to Jerusalem,? and on being joined by others, formed a large body and came against the palace, which they proceeded to besiege. But Phasael and Herod’ came to the assistance of the besieged, and in the battle which was fought in the market-place the young men? defeated the enemy ; and after pursuing them into the temple, they sent some soldiers 5 to the adjacent houses to guard them, but as the soldiers were left without reinforcements,” the people rose against them and burnt them to death in the houses. For this outrage Herod, however, soon afterwards took ven- geance on his adversaries, and engaging them in battle, killed many of them. (4) During the daily skirmishes that took place the enemy were waiting for the arrival of the multitude from the country’ who were coming for the celebra- tion of Pentecost, as it is called, which is a festival. And when this day came, there were many tens of thousands of armed and unarmed men gathered p. 111 πη. 74). Avi Yonah, p. 18, identifies it more closely as a wood near Arsiaf (Apollonia). 4 BJ. i. 250 says that Antigonus’ partisans “ repulsed the enemy and rushed in pursuit to Jerusalem.” e BJ. here has Hyrcanus in place of Herod, but see next note. 7 B,J. " Herod and his men.” σι BJ. “ sixty men.” » The lacl of reinforcements is a detail omitted in B.J. { B.J. i. 253 speaks of the arrival of the country people but does not say that the Herodians’ enemies were waiting for them. The use of the word ‘‘ enemies ”’ here points to a source favourable to Herod, i.e. Nicolas of Damascus. 627 Herod and Phasael engage their enemies in Jerusalem, JOSEPHUS « , 4 0.30. 2 1 a \ ‘ ὡπλισμένων τε Kal ἀνόπλων. κατεῖχον δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τὴν πόλιν οἱ παρόντες, πλὴν τῶν περὶ τὰ βασίλεια" ταῦτα γὰρ σὺν ὀλίγοις στρατιώταις ot \ / \ ey \ 339 περὶ “Ἡρώδην ἐφρούρουν. Φασάηλος μὲν οὖν τὸ τεῖχος ἐφύλασσεν, Ἡρώδης δὲ λόχον ἔ ἔχων ἐπέξεισι τοῖς πολεμίοις κατὰ τὸ προάστειον, καὶ καρτερῶς μαχεσάμενος πολλὰς" μυριάδας τρέπει, τῶν μὲν εἰς τὴν πόλιν φευγόντων, τῶν δὲ εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, ἔστι δ᾽ ὧν εἰς τὸ ἔξω χαράκωμα: ἦν γάρ τι αὐτόθι: 340 παρεβοήθει δὲ καὶ Φασάηλος. Πάκορος δ᾽ ὁ dp wy στρατηγὸς σὺν ἱππεῦσιν ὀλίγοις ᾿Αντι- γόνου δεηθέντος εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἔρχεται, λόγῳ μὲν ὡς καταπαύσων τὴν στάσιν, τὸ δ᾽ ἀληθὲς συμπρά- 441 ἕων ἐκείνῳ τὴν ἀρχήν. Φασαήλου δ᾽ ὑπαντή- σαντος καὶ δεξαμένου ξενίᾳ, ἸΙάκορος πείθει > / / πρεσβεύσασθαι παρὰ Βαρζαφράνην αὐτόν, δόλον \ a , 8 \ , 2D’ oe ΄ τινὰ τοῦτον συνθείς. καὶ Φασάηλος οὐδὲν ὑπιδό- μενος" πείθεται, μὴ ἐπαινοῦντος ᾿Ηρώδου τοῖς πραττομένοις διὰ τὸ τῶν βαρβάρων a ἄπιστον, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἰ]ακόρῳ καὶ τοῖς ἥκουσιν ἐπιτίθεσθαι κε- λεύοντος. 44. (56) "Quyovto δ᾽ οὖν" πρεσβεύοντες ‘YpKaves τε \ / / \ \ « ee Kal Φασάηλος, Mdxopos δὲ καταλιπὼν “Hpwdn διακοσίους" ἱππεῖς καὶ δέκα τῶν ἐλευθέρων λεγο- μένων προύπεμψεν αὐτούς. γενομένοις δ᾽ ἐν τῇ 1 ἀόπλων cum L Dindorf coni. Naber. 2 ἘΣ; πολλάς τε codd. 3 συντιθείς PV W. 4 Dindorf: ὑπειδόμενος codd. E. 5 δ᾽ οὖν P: οὖν M: γοῦν rell. E. ὃ. πεντακοσίους EB. « ΒΒ... “ killed very many and routed the rest.” 628 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 338-342 round the temple. ‘The newcomers held the temple and the city except for the palace and its environs, for these Herod was protecting with a few soldiers. And so, while Phasael guarded the wall, Herod with a company attacked the enemy in the suburbs and after a stout fight routed many tens of thousands 4; some of them fled to the city, others to the temple, and still others to some outer ramparts which were there. And Phasael also gave him assistance. Thereupon Pacorus, the Parthian general,’ at Anti- gonus’ request came to the city with a few horsemen,° ostensibly to put an end to the uprising, but in reality to help Antigonus obtain power. And when Phasael met him and received him hospitably,? Pacorus per- suaded him to go on an embassy himself to Barza- phranes, for this was part of a plot he had devised against him. Phasael, suspecting nothing, let him- self be persuaded although Herod did not approve of what was being done because of the faithlessness of the barbarians, and advised him, instead, to attack Pacorus and the others who had come.’ (5) And so Hyrcanus and Phasael went off on the embassy, and Pacorus escorted them, leaving with Herod two hundred’ horsemen and ten of the Free- men,’ as they were called. But when they came to » The cupbearer (§ 333), not the king’s son. © B.J.“ with five hundred horsemen.” 4 In this statement and in § 346 Otto, Herodes, p. 26, sees an indication of Phasael’s attempt to win the Parthians over from Antigonus. e B.J.* to kill the plotter ” (Pacorus). ’ The Epitome has “ five hundred ” ; B.J. does not specify the number. ’ Most of the Parthian soldiers were slaves, according to Justinus xli. 25, cited (after Reinach) in Dr. Thackeray’s note on B,J. i. 255. 629 The Parthians plot against Phasael, JOSEPHUS / > -“ « - « , “- Γαλιλαίᾳ μεθ᾽ ὅπλων ὑπαντῶσιν οἱ ταύτῃ τῶν ᾿ , 151} aA 2 \ , \ κ᾿ 343 πολεμίων' ἐφεστῶτες. καὶ Βαρζαφράνης τὸ μὲν πρῶτον αὐτοὺς ὑποδέχεται προθύμως καὶ δῶρα ῃ ” 3 its , , Shins δίδωσιν, ἔπειτα, ἐπεβούλευεν. πλησίον δ᾽ ἜἜκ- δί 4 «ς \ / c \ / / ἱππων' ὑπὲρ θαλάττης ot περὶ Φασάηλον κατά- γονται: καὶ ἐνταῦθ᾽ ἀκούσαντες ὡς ᾿Αντίγονος ὑπόσχοιτο χίλια τάλαντα καὶ γυναῖκας πεντα- / ~ / > > ~ > « , koalas τοῖς Ἰ]άρθοις Kar’ αὐτῶν, dv ὑποψίας 844 εἶχον ἤδη τοὺς βαρβάρους. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ νύκτωρ ἐπιβουλευομένους αὐτοὺς ἀπήγγειλέ τις, φυλακῆς αὐτοὺς ἐκ ταἀφανοῦς περιισταμένης, καὶ συνελήφθησαν ἄν, εἰ μὴ περιέμενον ἕως" οἱ περὶ Ἱεροσόλυμα Πάρθοι “Ἡρώδην συλλάβοιεν, μὴ προανῃρημένων τούτων ἐκεῖνος αἰσθόμενος δια- φύγοι. καὶ ἦν ταῦτα οὕτως ἔχοντα, καὶ οἱ φύλακες 345 αὐτῶν ἑωρῶντο. Φασαήλῳ μὲν οὖν παρήνουν τινὲς εὐθὺς ἀφιππάσασθαι καὶ μὴ περιμένειν, / / \ ~ > \ > / μάλιστα μέντοι πρὸς ταῦτα αὐτὸν ᾿Οφέλλιος ἐνῆγεν, ὃς ἠκηκόει παρὰ Σαραμάλλα τοῦ πλου- σιωτάτου τῶν ἐν Συρίᾳ τότε, καὶ πλοῖα πρὸς τὴν 346 φυγὴν ὑπισχνεῖτο: ἐγγὺς γὰρ ἦν ἡ θάλασσα. ὁ A Ψ \ > A > > / ᾽ \ δὲ ‘Ypxavov ἀπολιπεῖν οὐκ ἠξίου οὐδὲ παρακινδυ- νεύειν τἀδελφῷ: προσελθὼν δὲ πρὸς τὸν Βαρζα- φράνην οὐ δίκαια ποιεῖν αὐτὸν ἔλεγε, τοιαῦτα 1 πόλεων AMW: provinciae Lat. 2 ὑφεστῶτες PFL: ἀφεστῶτες ex B.J. coni. T. Reinach. 3 PE: εἶτα rell. 4 δ᾽ ᾿Εκδίππων ex B.J. Niese: δὲ μετὰ ἱππέων codd. E. 5 Niese: ἕως ἂν codd. α Text uncertain; the variant has *“‘ those who were in com- - 4) ες - - 42) -' mand of the cities’’; for ‘‘ were stationed "ἢ Reinach con- jectures, from B.J., “‘ those of the enemy who were in revolt.” 630 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 342-346 Galilee, those of the enemy who were stationed in that region? met them with arms. And though Barzaphranes at first received them cordially and gave them gifts, he then began to plot against them. Phasael and his party were thereupon brought to Ecdippa? overlooking the sea; and when they there heard that Antigonus had promised the Parthians a thousand talents and five hundred women at their expense,° they now had suspicions of the barbarians. Furthermore someone informed them that a plot was being hatched against them to be carried out by night, and that an unseen guard was placed round them ; and they would have been seized had it not been that the enemy were waiting until the Parthians at Jerusalem should have seized Herod lest upon their doing away with the envoys first, Herod should learn of it and escape. And these reports were actually so, and their guards were seen. Accordingly some of the men urged Phasael to mount his horse immediately and not wait any longer; especially was he pressed to do this by Ophellius, who had heard these things from Saramalla, at that time the wealthiest man in Syria, and he promised him boats for his flight, for the sea was near.? Phasael, however, did not think it right to desert Hyrcanus or to en- danger his brother’; but he went to Barzaphranes and told him that he was doing the wrong thing in > The name Ecdippa is restored from B.J.; the mss. have the awkward reading ‘“‘ with horsemen.”’ Ecdippa is bibl. Achzib, mod. ez Zib on the coast midway between Carmel and Tyre, cf. Ant. v. 85 note ec. σ According to B.J. the five hundred women included ** most of their own ”’ (the Herodians’). 4 The promise of boats is a detail omitted in δι, ¢ The second motive is not mentioned in B.J. 631 JOSEPHUS βουλευόμενον' περὶ αὐτῶν" χρημάτων τε γὰρ δεομένῳ πλείονα ἔσεσθαι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ ὧν ᾿Αντίγονος δίδωσι, καὶ ἄλλως δεινὸν εἶναι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπὶ πίστει συνελθόντας πρεσβευτὰς ἀποκτεῖναι μηδὲν 347 ἀδικοῦντας. ὁ δὲ βάρβαρος, ταῦτα λέγοντος, » \ > \ > ~ « ΄ > 4 ὥμνυε μηδὲν ἀληθὲς εἶναι τῶν ὑπονοουμένων, ἀλλὰ ψευδεῖς αὐτὸν ὑποψίας ταράξαι, ἀπήει τε πρὸς Πάκορον. 3485 (6) Οἰχομένου δὲ τῶν Πάρθων ἐδέσμευόν τινες ‘Ypxavov καὶ Φασάηλον πολλὰ τῆς ἐπιορκίας , 2 \ , tics, (35 νον. , κακίζοντας" τοὺς Πάρθους. ὁ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸν Ηρώδην ἀπεσταλμένος οἰνοχόος" ἐντολὰς εἶχε προαγαγὼν 349 αὐτὸν ἔξω τοῦ τείχους συλλαμβάνειν. ἔτυχον δὲ Μ ‘A 7 ΄, > \ 4 ἄγγελοι παρὰ Φασαήλου πεμφθέντες ἐπὶ δηλώσει τῆς ἸΙάρθων ἀπιστίας, ots τῶν πολεμίων συλ- , ‘ € , , 4 ΄ Ἢ λαβόντων γνοὺς “Ηρώδης πρόσεισι Ἰ]ακόρῳ καὶ Πάρθων τοῖς δυνατοῖς" ὡς οὖσιν τῶν ἄλλων 400 δεσπόταις." οἱ δὲ τὸ πᾶν εἰδότες ὑπεκρίνοντο ~ \ - > A ” A ~ ? δολερῶς, Kai δεῖν αὐτὸν ἔφασαν μετὰ σφῶν ἐξελ- θόντα πρὸ τοῦ τείχους ὑπαντᾶν τοῖς τὰ γράμματα κομίζουσιν: οὐδέπω γὰρ αὐτοὺς εἰλῆφθαι πρὸς τῶν ἀντιστασιωτῶν, ἥκειν μέντοι δηλοῦντας ὅσα κατ- / , / « ͵ὔ » > ‘ 451 ορθώσειε Φασάηλος. τούτοις ΗἩρώδης οὐκ ἐπίο- > / A \ / > ~ » Tevev? ἠκηκόει yap τὴν σύλληψιν τἀδελφοῦ παρ ἑτέρων: καὶ παραινούσης δὲ τῆς ᾿“ἵρκανοῦ θυγατρός, 1 βουλόμενον FLY. 2 ex B.J. Niese: κακίζοντα codd. 3 ex Lat. et B.J. (cf. supra ὃ 333) Hudson: εὐνοῦχος codd. 4 πρόσεισι ἀγανακτῶν ex Lat. (cum querelis) coni. Richards et Shutt. 5 AMW: δυνατωτάτοις rel]. Lat. 8 us . . δεσπόταις OM. Lat. 2 Variant ‘‘in wishing such things”; δι, agrees with the reading adopted. 632 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 346-351 forming such plots? against them, for if it was money he wanted, he would get more from him (Phasael) than Antigonus was giving him, and that in any case it was a terrible thing to kill envoys who had come to him trustfully and were doing no wrong.’ But in reply to this speech the barbarian swore that there was no truth in these suspicions and that, on the contrary, the suspicions that disturbed Phasael were false ; he then went off to join Pacorus.° (6) But when he had gone, some of the Parthians put Hyrcanus and Phasael inchains, and they “ bitterly reviled the Parthians for their perfidy. Now the eup-bearer © who had been sent to Herod had orders to lead him outside the walls and seize him. But fortunately messengers had been sent by Phasael to inform him of the faithlessness of the Parthians ; and so, when Herod learned that the enemy had seized them, he went to Pacorus/ and the influential Parthians as the masters of the others. But they, although they knew everything, deceitfully pretended innocence and said that he should go with them before the wall in order to meet the bearers of letters, for they had not yet been seized by their adversaries but had come with a report of all that Phasael had accomplished. Herod, however, did not believe them, for he had heard from others of his brother’s capture; and at the prompting of Hyrcanus’ » The last clause has no parallel in B.J. ¢ The king’s son. The cupbearer Pacorus was busy with Herod, cf. B.J. i. 261 = Ant. 8 349. 4“ They” is conjectured from B.J. for mss. ‘‘ he” (Phasael). £\So B.Js: sss. “eunuch.” ‘ From the Latin Richards and Shutt conjecturally supply “ indignantly.” VOL. VII x 633 Herod is informed of; Phiasael’s danger in the Parthian camp. JOSEPHUS > 4 A ΄ Μ - « / ἧς ἐγγεγύητο τὴν παῖδα, ἔτι μᾶλλον ὑπώπτευε τοὺς Ilapovs. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι ταύτῃ οὐ προσ- cal > ‘ > > , / ” / εἶχον, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐπίστευε λίαν ἔμφρονι γυναικί. 352 (7) Βουλευομένων δὲ τῶν Πάρθων τί χρὴ ποιεῖν ‘ Μ ΄- ~ ~ - (οὐ γὰρ ἤρεσκεν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ ἐπιχειρεῖν 3 ἀνδρὶ τηλικούτῳ) καὶ ὑπερθεμένων εἰς τὴν ὕστε- ΄ > ~ ραίαν, ev τοιαύταις ταραχαῖς Ἡρώδης γενόμενος \ ~ - ” \ > aA ‘ a καὶ μᾶλλον οἷς ἤκουσε περὶ τἀδελφοῦ Kal τῆς ΄, > ~ - Πάρθων ἐπιβουλῆς ἢ τοῖς ἐναντίοις προστιθέμενος, ἑσπέρας ἐπελθούσης ἔγνω ταύτῃ πρὸς φυγὴν χρή- \ \ , eyes) _ wane a St σασθαι καὶ μὴ διαμέλλειν ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀδήλοις τοῖς παρὰ 353 τῶν πολεμίων κινδύνοις. ἄρας οὖν σὺν οἷς εἶχεν ὁπλίταις, καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας τοῖς ὑποζυγίοις ἐπι- ’,ὔ / « ~ \ > a’ ‘ a θέμενος, μητέρα τε αὑτοῦ Kai ἀδελφὴν Kai ἣν ἔμελλεν ἄξεσθαι πρὸς γάμον ᾿Αλεξάνδρου θυγατέρα τοῦ ᾿Αριστοβούλου παιδός, τήν τε ταύτης μητέρα (Ὑρκανοῦ δ᾽ ἦν θυγάτηρ) καὶ τὸν νεώτατον ἀδελφόν, τήν τε θεραπείαν πᾶσαν καὶ τὸν ἄλλον ” ‘ A ? “- 59. ,ὔἶἢ 4 9... λ΄ ὦ / ὄχλον τὸν σὺν αὐτοῖς, ἐδίωκε τὴν ἐπὶ ᾿Ιδουμαίας, 354 λαθὼν τοὺς πολεμίους. ὧν οὐδεὶς ἂν οὕτω στερρὸς τὴν φύσιν εὑρέθη, ὃς τότε παρὼν τοῖς πραττο- ΄ , μένοις οὐκ ἂν ᾧκτειρεν αὐτοὺς τῆς τύχης, γυναίων ἐπαγομένων νήπια τέκνα καὶ μετὰ δακρύων καὶ > ~ > ~ \ / ‘ ’ οἰμωγῆς ἀπολειπουσῶν τὴν πατρίδα καὶ φίλους 1 ἀπὸ P. @ Alexandra, the mother of Mariamme (on the betrothal see above § 300). B.J. i. 262 has “ Mariamme, the daughter of Hyrcanus, most sagacious of women”’; there, it seems, 634 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 351-354 daughter,* to whose daughter he was betrothed, he became still more suspicious of the Parthians. Now though the others paid no attention to her, he himself had faith in her as a very sensible woman. (7) While the Parthians deliberated what they should do—for they did not like the idea of openly attacking so powerful a man—and postponed the matter to the next day, Herod, who was in great perturbation and gave more weight to what he had heard about his brother and the Parthians’ plot than to the other side, decided when evening came to take this opportunity to flee and not to delay as if there were some uncertainty of danger from the enemy.? Accordingly he set out with those soldiers whom he had there, and mounted the women on beasts of burden, including his mother and sister and the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, whom he was to marry, and her mother, who was a daughter of Hyreanus ; he also took his youngest brother and all the servants and the rest of the crowd that was with them, and unknown to the enemy followed the road to Idumaea.* And no enemy would have been found so hard of heart that on witnessing what was taking place at that time he would not have pitied their fate as the wretched women led their infants and with tears and wailing left behind their native ᾽ either “ἡ Mariamme ”’ is a gloss or the text should read “ἡ the daughter of Hyrecanus and the mother of Mariamme,” since the description of the woman fits the mother better than the daughter, as Dr. Thackeray points out in his note on the parallel in B.J. > The foregoing is an amplification of B.J. i. 263. © According to B.J. Herod covered their retreat. The following sections in Ant., §§ 354-358 a, have no parallel in B.J. Otto, Herodes, p. 26, questions the authenticity of some of the details following ; see also Laqueur, p. 192. 635 Herod escapes with his family to Idumaea. 356 357 358 JOSEPHUS ἐν δεσμοῖς, Kal περὶ ait@v' οὐδὲν ἔτι χρηστὸν προσδεχομένων. (8) “AM Ἡρώδης ἐπάνω τῆς ἐκ τοῦ δεινοῦ πληγῆς τὸ φρόνημα ποιησάμενος αὐτός τε ἦν πρὸς τὸ δεινὸν εὔψυχος, καὶ παριὼν κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν θαρρεῖν ἕ ἕκαστον παρεκελεύετο καὶ μὴ παρ- έχειν αὑτὸν ἔκδοτον τῇ λύπῃ. τοῦτο “γὰρ αὐτοὺς βλάπτειν πρὸς τὴν φυγήν, ἐν ἡἧ τὴν σωτηρίαν αὐτοῖς μόνῃ" κεῖσθαι συμβέβηκεν. καὶ οἱ μὲν ὡς Ἡρώδης παρήνει φέρειν τὴν συμφορὰν ἐπειρῶντο. μικροῦ δ᾽ αὑτὸν διεχρήσατο ζεύγους περιτρα- πέντος καὶ τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῷ κινδυνευσάσης ἀποθανεῖν, διά τε τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ πάθος καὶ διὰ τὸ φοβεῖσθαι μὴ καταλάβωσιν αὐτὸν οἱ πολέμιοι διώκοντες, τριβῆς περὶ τὸ πταῖσμα γενομένης. σπασάμενον γοῦν αὐτὸν τὸ ξίφος καὶ μέλλοντα πλήττειν αὑτὸν κατέσχον οἱ παρόντες, τῷ τε πλήθει κατισχύσαντες καὶ ὡς οὐκ ἐχρῆν αὐτοὺς ἐγκαταλιπεῖν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἐσομένους λέγοντες" οὐ γὰρ εἶναι γενναίου τῶν δεινῶν αὑτὸν" ἐλευθερώ- σαντα τοὺς φίλους ἐν αὐτοῖς ὑπεριδεῖν. βιασθεὶς οὖν ἀποσχέσθαι τοῦ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν τολμήματος αἰδοῖ τε τῶν “λεγομένων καὶ πλήθει τῶν οὐκ ἐπιτρεπόν- τῶν αὐτοῦ τῇ χειρὶ διακονεῖν οἷς ἐντεθύμητο, ἀνακτησάμενος τὴν μητέρα καὶ θεραπείας ἧς ὁ καιρὸς ἤπειγεν ἀξιώσας, ἐβάδιζε τὴν προκειμένην ὁδόν, συντονωτέραν ποιούμενος τὴν πορείαν εἰς Μάσαδαν τὸ ἔρυμα. πολλὰς δὲ μάχας πρὸς τοὺς 1 Naber: αὐτῶν codd. 2 V: μόνην rell. 3 μικροῦ δ᾽] ἐκεῖνος δὲ μικροῦ E:: ipse vero paene Lat. 4 πρᾶγμα V: passionis Lat. ® Niese: αὐτοὺς P; αὐτὸν rell. 636 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 354-358 country and their friends in chains; nor did they expect anything better for themselves.* (8) Nevertheless Herod let his spirit rise above the the tribula blow caused by this misfortune, and being himself ee of the of good courage ὃ in the face of misfortune, went to Baraiters: the others along the road and urged each of them also to have courage and not give himself wholly over to grief, for this, he said, would hinder them in their flight, in which alone their safety lay. And so at Herod’s exhortation they tried to bear their troubles. But once when a wagon overturned and his mother was in danger of death, he was near to taking his own life because of his anguish on her account and his fear that as a result of the delay caused by the over- turn the enemy might overtake them in pursuit. Indeed he had drawn his sword and was about to stab himself when those about him restrained him and prevailed upon him by their number and also by telling him that it was not right for him to abandon them and leave them in the power of their foes, for it was not the act of a noble man to free himself from danger and disregard that of his friends. And so, being forced to desist from his rash act against him- self by shame at their words and by the number of those who stayed his hand from carrying out his plan, he revived his mother and procured for her such care as was possible in the short time at his disposal, and continued on his way, making the journey to the fortress of Masada ° at great speed. Many were the a * Themselves ” is an emendation of mss. ‘‘ them” (i.e. their friends). » The phrase παριὼν ... θαρρεῖν... παρεκελεύετο is reminiscent of Thucydides iv. 94, 2 and vii. 76. © See above, § 296 note a. 359 360 362 JOSEPHUS ἐπεξελθόντας Kai διώκοντας τῶν Πάρθων μαχεσά- μενος πάσας ἐνίκησεν. “TD > > ~ \ \ A 3 ‘ ‘ (9) "ἔμεινε δ᾽ αὐτῷ παρὰ τὴν φυγὴν οὐδὲ τὰ \ ~ > , > ~ / A .] παρὰ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀσφαλῆ, συνεπέθεντο δὲ καὶ οὗτοι γενομένοις ἀπὸ σταδίων ἑξήκοντα' τῆς πόλεως προσβάλλοντές τε καὶ εἰς χεῖρας ἐρχόμενοι κατὰ τὴν ὁδόν. οὗς δὴ καὶ τρεψάμενος καὶ κρατήσας οὐχ ὡς ἐν ἀπορίᾳ καὶ ἀνάγκῃ τις 7 ’ὔ 3 > « ἃ / ts \ τοιαύτῃ καθεστώς, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς κάλλιστα Kal μετὰ πολλοῦ τοῦ περιόντος πρὸς πόλεμον παρεσκευασ- μένος, ἐν «ἐκείνῳ τῷ χωρίῳ, ἐν ᾧ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἐκράτησε," μετὰ χρόνον βασιλεύσας καὶ βασίλειον κατεσκεύασεν ἀξιολογώτατον καὶ πόλιν ἔκτισε" περὶ αὐτό, “Ηρωδίαν προσαγορεύσας. γενομένῳ \ ~ > ,ὔ 5 > / 4 ’ὔ Ὁ“ δὲ τῆς Ιδουμαίας ἐν Ορήσᾳ χωρίῳ οὕτω καλου- μένῳ ὁ ἀδελφὸς ᾿Ιώσηπος ὑπήντησε, καὶ βουλὴν περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἦγε τί χρὴ ποιεῖν, πολλοῦ μὲν πλήθους ἑπομένου" καὶ δίχα τῶν μισθοφορούντων αὐτοῖς, τοῦ δὲ χωρίου τῆς Μασάδας, εἰς ὃ πρού- Keto συμφυγεῖν, ἐλάττονος ὄντος ὑποδέξασθαι τοσοῦτον ὄχλον. τοὺς μὲν οὖν πλείους ἀπέλυσεν, ery > , , ” ” > ~ , ὑπὲρ ἐννέα χιλιάδας ὄντας, ἄλλον ἀλλαχῆ κελεύσας \ ~ 5 , Ψ ε ,ὔ \ > / διὰ τῆς ᾿Ιδουμαίας σώζειν αὑτούς, δοὺς ἐφόδια" ὅσοι δ᾽ ἦσαν κοῦφοι καὶ τοὺς ἀναγκαιοτάτους παραλαβὼν" εἰς τὸ ἔρυμα παραγίνεται καὶ καταθέ- μενος αὐτόθι τάς τε γυναῖκας καὶ τοὺς ἑπομένους 1 PE (ut i in B.J.): éé rell. 2 ots... expadtnoeom. Lat.: ἐν ᾧ . .. ἐκράτησε secl. Ernesti. 2 eerie hic ponit Lowthius: post βασιλεύσας hab. codd. (om. L). 4 coni. Schlatter: Θρήσᾳ aut Θρήσσᾳ codd.: Risa Lat., cf. B.J. et infra § 400. 5 ἐπαγομένου Ῥ. δ ἀναλαβὼν P. 638 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 358-362 battles he fought with the Parthians who harassed him in pursuit, and he was victorious in all of them. (9) But during his flight he was not safe from the yeroq Jews either, for they too attacked his party when leayes his they were sixty % stades from the city and engaged Prati them in hand to hand combat along the road ; but of Masada. these too he routed and crushed as if he were in no such helpless and difficult position ® but were excel- cellently prepared for war and had a great advantage; and later when he became king, he built a wonderful palace on the spot where he defeated the Jews, and founded a city round it,? which he called Herodia.? Now when he came to a place in Idumaea called Oresa,’ he was met by his brother Joseph, and he held a council to see what he must do about his general situation, for a great number of people, apart from his mercenaries, accompanied him, and the fortress of Masada, in which he proposed to take refuge, was too small to hold so great a crowd. He therefore sent most of them away, numbering over nine thousand, and told them to seek safety in flight to various places in Idumaea, and gave them provisions for the journey. Those, however, who were lightly armed and his nearest relatives he took with him and reached the fortress, where he left the women and their followers, ” 2 So B.J.; variant in Ant. “ six. 60 stades =c. 7 miles. Ὁ The words ἀπορία and ἀνάγκη are coupled in Thucydides vi. 68. 4. ¢ Text slightly uncertain. 4 Called Herodeion in B.J. i. 265 ; a description of the site is given in B.J. i. 419. It is the mod. Jebel el-Fureidis, c. 4. miles S.E. of Bethlehem, and is to be distinguished from the fortress Herodeion, cf. Ant. xvi. 13. e **QOresa’”’ is Schlatter’s excellent emendation of mss. “ Thresa ”’? or ‘‘ Rhesa”’ (B.J.); it is bibl. Horeshah, mod. Khirbet Khoreisa, c. 8 miles S. of Hebron (cf. Abel, GP ii. 350 and Avi Yonah, p. 22). 639 363 364 365 366 JOSEPHUS - , (ἦσαν δ᾽ ὡς ὀκτακόσιοι) σίτου τε ὄντος ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ καὶ ὕδατος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων ἁπάντων διαρκούντως αὐτοῖς, ἐξώρμησεν αὐτὸς ἐπὶ Ἰ]έτρας ~ > / “ > « ’, \ \ Μ /, τῆς “ApaBias. ἅμα δ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα πάντα wtih A 2 , ¢ , \ \ τῶν ‘lepocoAvpita@y® διήρπαζον ot [[άρθοι καὶ τὸ βασίλειον, μόνων δὲ ἀπείχοντο τῶν “ἵρκανοῦ χρημάτων: τὰ δ᾽ ἦν εἰς τριακόσια τάλαντα. πολλὰ δὲ τῶν ᾿Ηρώδου διέφυγε, καὶ μάλιστα ὅσα προεκκομισθῆναι' κατὰ προμήθειαν τἀνδρὸς εἰς \ > ἈΚ Sie) , \ \ = \ \ τὴν ᾿Ιδουμαίαν᾽ ἐφθάκει. τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ τὴν / > > / a / > \ \ A πόλιν οὐκ ἀπέχρησε τοῖς [[άρθοις, ἀλλὰ Kat τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν ἐξιόντες ἐκάκουν, καὶ Μάρισαν δὲ" πόλιν δυνατὴν ἀνέστησαν. \ > / A Ὁ“ A > (10) Kai ᾿Αντίγονος μὲν οὕτως καταχθεὶς εἰς \ > / c \ ~ f, pA € ‘ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ὑπὸ τοῦ Πάρθων βασιλέως “Ὑρκανὸν \ / / / / καὶ Φασάηλον δεσμώτας παραλαμβάνει: σφόδρα δ᾽ ἦν ἄθυμος τῶν γυναικῶν αὐτὸν διαφυγουσῶν, ἃς τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνεθυμεῖτο δώσειν, τοῦτον αὐτοῖς μετὰ τῶν χρημάτων τὸν μισθὸν ὑποσχόμενος. φοβούμενος δὲ τὸν “Ὑρκανόν, μὴ τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῷ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀποκαταστήσῃ, παραστάς" (ἐτηρεῖτο δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν Πάρθων) ἀποτέμνει" αὐτοῦ τὰ ὦτα, πραγματευόμενος μηκέτ᾽ αὖθις εἰς αὐτὸν ἀφικέσθαι 1 οὕτως LAMW: om. FV. 2 Ἱεροσολύμων P. 3 ὀγδοήκοντα PE. * Niese: προκομισθῆναι P: κομισθῆναι E: προκεκομίσθαι rell. > ex Lat. et B.J. Niese: Ιουδαίαν codd. E. 5 Niese: τε codd. 7 παραστὰν V : παραρπάσαν Naber. 8 ἐπιτέμνει P. 9 τὸ wriov V. ες « Variant “eighty.” 8... has “no more than three hundred ” ; cf. Laqueur, p. 190. » Conjectured from Lat. and B.J. for mss. “* Judaea.” * Mod. Yell Sandahanna, cf. Ant. viii. 246 note 1. 640 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 362-366 who numbered some eight hundred, for*there was sufficient grain and water and other necessities in the place ; and he himself set out for Petra in Arabia. But when day came, the Parthians plundered all the possessions of the people of Jerusalem, as well as the palace, leaving untouched only the funds of Hyrcanus, which amounted to three hundred? talents. Much of Herod’s property, however, escaped, especially all that with his usual foresight he had succeeded in removing beforehand to Idumaea.’ But the Parthians were not satisfied with what they found in the city, and so they went out and ravaged the Jews’ country as well, and also destroyed the important city of Marisa.° (10) In this way was Antigonus brought back to Judaea by the Parthian king and took over Hyrcanus and Phasael as prisoners. He was, however, very despondent over the escape of the women whom he had planned to give to the enemy, for this was the reward he had promised them together with money.? And being fearful that the people might restore Hyrcanus to the throne, he went up to him where he was being guarded by the Parthians,’ and cut off his ears,f thus taking care that the high priesthood 4 See above, ὃ 343. Antigonus’ disappointment is not mentioned in B.J.; see below, § 369 note c. ¢ According to B.J. Hyrcanus threw himself at the feet of Antigonus. 7 Variant ‘“‘ear.”’ B.J. says that Antigonus “ with his teeth mutilated” (λωβᾶται τοῖς ὀδοῦσιν) Hyreanus’ ears. Julius Africanus ap. Syncellus (cf. H. Gelzer, Sextus Julius Africanus, p. 262) says that Antigonus “ cut off his ears ” (ἀποτεμὼν αὐτοῦ τὰ ὦτα), while Syncellus himself says that Antigonus “‘ cut off his ears with his teeth” (τοῖς ὀδοῦσιν ἀποτεμὼν αὐτοῦ τὰ ὦτα). The latter statement seems to be a conflation of the two accounts in Josephus; ὁ cut off” is a strange verb in combination with ‘ teeth.” VOL. VII x 2 641 The Parthians plunder Jerusalem. Antigonus mutilates Hyrcanus and has Phasael killed. 367 368 369 370 JOSEPHUS 4 > - ΄ - ‘ ~ ~ / τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην διὰ τὸ λελωβῆσθαι, τοῦ νόμου τῶν ὁλοκλήρων εἶναι τὴν τιμὴν ἀξιοῦντος. Φα- / > Μ / ~ > , a ‘ σάηλον δ᾽ av tis θαυμάσειε τῆς εὐψυχίας, ὃς γνοὺς « \ > / / > \ ‘ / αὑτὸν ἀποσφάττεσθαι μέλλοντα οὐχὶ τὸν θάνατον ἡγήσατο δεινόν, τὸ δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἐχθροῦ τοῦτο παθεῖν πικρότατον, καὶ αἴσχιστον ὑπολαβών, τὰς χεῖρας οὐκ ἔχων ἐλευθέρας ὑπὸ δεσμῶν πρὸς ἀναίρεσιν πέτρᾳ προσαράξας" τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐξήγαγε μὲν ἑαυτὸν τοῦ ζῆν, ὡς ἐδόκει, κάλλιστα παρὰ τοιαύτην ἀπορίαν, τῆς δ᾽ ἐξουσίας τοῦ κτεῖναι πρὸς ἡδονὴν αὐτὸν ἀφείλετο τὸν πολέμιον. λέγουσι δ᾽, ὡς τραύματος μεγάλου γενομένου φαρμάκοις αὐτὸν ὑποπέμψας ἰατροὺς ᾿Αντίγονος ὡς ἐπὶ θεραπείᾳ διέφθειρε θανασίμοις χρησαμένων εἰς, τὸ τραῦμα. πρὸ μέντοι τοῦ τελέως ἀφεῖναι “τὴν ψυχὴν ὃ Φασάηλος a ἀκούσας παρά τινος γυναίου τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἡρώδην τοὺς πολεμίους διαπεφευγότα, σφόδρα τὴν τελευτὴν εὐθύμως ὑπέμεινε, καταλιπὼν τὸν ἐκδικήσοντα" τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς τιμωρήσασθαι δυνάμενον. . « 4 \ \ / ~ (xiv. 1) ‘Hpwdnv δὲ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν περιεστη- κότων αὐτὸν κακῶν οὐ κατέπληττεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐποίει δεινὸν εὑρίσκειν ἐπιβολὰς" ἔργων παραβόλων. πρὸς 1 οἰκτρότατον V: δεινότατον EB. 2 PE: προσρήξας V: προσράξας rell. 5 ἐκδικῆσαι PE. 4 P: ἐπιβουλὰς rell. “ Cf. Ant. iii. 278-279 on Lev. xxi. 17 ff A rabbinic parallel, on the mutilation of a (Sadducaean) high priest by biting his ear, is found in the Tosephta, Parah iii. 8; see works listed in Appendix Kk. ® According to Julius Africanus (see above, § 366 note 7), Phasael perished in battle with the Parthians. ° Phasael’s statement is given as a direct quotation in B.J., which adds (§ 273) that the Parthians were disappointed of 642 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 366-370 should never come to him another time, because he was now mutilated, and the law requires that this office should belong only to those who are sound of body.* As for Phasael, one must admire his courage, for though he knew that he was marked for slaughter, he did not look upon death as terrible in itself bat believed that it was a most bitter and shameful thing to suffer at the hands of a foe; and so, not having his hands free to destroy himself because of his chains, he dashed his head against a rock and removed him- self from the world of the living, which he thought was the best thing to do in view of his helpless position, and thus he deprived the enemy of the power of killing him as they pleased. But some say that when he had incurred this serious wound, Antigonus quietly sent physicians as if to heal it, and had him killed by deadly poisons which they applied to his wound.® However, before he breathed his last, Phasael heard from some woman that his brother Herod had escaped the enemy, and so he bore his death with cheerful- ness, for he left behind one who would avenge his death and was able to punish his foes.° (xiv. 1) ¢ Herod, however, was not discouraged by the magnitude of the dangers that encompassed him ; instead they made him the keener in attempt- ing perilous deeds. And so he went to Malchus,f their prize, the women promised them by Antigonus, and that they carried Hyrcanus a prisoner to Parthia. 4 On the parallelism between 88 370-389 and B.J. i. 274- 285 see Laqueur, pp. 193-199. ¢ Variant “ contriving.” 7 Variant “‘ Malichus.”’ He is not to be confused with the Jewish supporter of Hyrcanus mentioned above, § 273. The Arab (Nabataean) King Malchus was a successor of Aretas III, see above, §§ 14 ff. Some of the following incidents are related by Dio Cassius xlviii. 41. 643 The Arab king Malehus declines to aid Herod. 371 374 JOSEPHUS yap Μάλχον' τὸν ᾿Αράβων βασιλέα πολλὰ πρόσθεν εὐεργετημένον ἀπήει τὴν ἀμοιβὴν κομιούμενος, ὧν τε μάλιστα ἐδεῖτο, χρήματα ληψόμενος εἴτε , ” \ ε n” A 23 > ἂς δάνειον εἴτε δωρεὰν ὡς ἂν πολλῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ / > \ > εὖ ‘A \ ‘ > / τετυχηκότος. οὐ yap εἰδὼς τὰ κατὰ TOV ἀδελφόν, ἔσπευδε λυτρώσασθαι παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων αὐτόν, λύτρον ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ καταβαλὼν νόμισμα ἕως τρια- , , 4 4 τ \ \ \ , κοσίων ταλάντων. ἐπήγετο δὲ καὶ τὸν Φασαήλου παῖδα διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν ἑπταετῆ τυγχάνοντα, / 5 > \ > / “- Μ > “λ παρέξων" αὐτὸν ἐνέχυρον τοῖς “Apa. ἀγγέλων > > ~ ¢ / A ~ / > φΦ δ᾽ αὐτῷ ὑπαντησάντων παρὰ τοῦ Μάλχου, & ὧν ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν ἀναχωρεῖν (παρηγγελκέναι" γὰρ ~ / , > αὐτῷ Πάρθους Ἡρώδην μὴ δέχεσθαι: ταύτῃ ὃ ἐχρῆτο προφάσει ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ ἀποδοῦναι τὰ χρέα, καὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει παρὰ τοῖς "Αραψιν εἰς τοῦτο ἐναγόντων, ὅπως ἀποστερήσωσι τὰς παρακατα- / «Δ \ > / ,ὔ Μ θήκας, ἃς παρὰ ᾿Αντιπάτρου λαβόντες ἔτυχον), ἀπεκρίνατο αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ἐνοχλήσων ἀφικνεῖσθαι πρὸς αὐτούς, μόνον δὲ διαλεξόμενος περὶ τῶν ἀναγκαιοτάτων αὐτῷ πραγμάτων. Μ / > ~ > / / (2) "Ἑπειτα δόξαν ἀναχωρεῖν, ἀπήει μάλα ow- φρόνως τὴν ἐπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου. καὶ τότε μὲν ἔν τινι ener , , \ ν Ip \7 ἱερῷ κατάγεται (καταλελοίπει yap αὐτόθι πολλοὺς τῶν ἑπομένων), τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ παραγενόμενος εἰς 1 Μάλιχον Ρ. 2 ὧν te Niese: ὅτε codd. E. 3 ἂν πολλῶν παρ᾽ AMV: παρὰ πολλῶν ἐξ rell. 4 λύτρον. . . ταλάντων] Tyriis argenti trecenta talenta promittendo Lat. 5 παρασχὼν P. 8 PV: παραγγεῖλαι rell. 7 οὐ πολλοὺς FLAMW. 644 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 370-374 the Arab king, who had previously received many benefits from him,? in order to receive a return and to get money, which was what he most needed, either as a loan or as a gift from one who had obtained many sums from him. For as he did not know what had happened to his brother, he was in haste to ransom him from the enemy, being ready to pay as his ransom as much as three hundred talents in coin. And for this purpose he also took along Phasael’s son, who was seven years old, to offer him as security to the Arabs.? But he was met by messengers from Mal- chus, who through them ordered Herod to retire, for the Parthians, he said, had instructed him not to receive Herod ; this he used as a pretext for not repaying his debts, and the influential Arabs urged him on to this in order that they might withhold from Herod the sums which they had received in deposit from Antipater. Thereupon he replied to them that he had come to them with no thought of making trouble but only to discuss matters which were of the greatest importance to him.¢ (2) Then, on deciding to retire, he very prudently Herod took the road to Egypt. And on that occasion he meee aes lodged in a certain temple where he had left many ἢ of his followers. The next day he came to Rhino- « From Herod’s father, according to B.J/., but see below, § 372. » B.J. adds a rather obscure allusion to Tyrian guarantors ; cf. the mention of Tyrians in the Latin translation of the preceding sentence. ¢ B.J. i, 277 says that Herod gave the reply ‘*‘ which his feelings (τὸ πάθος) dictated,” indicating a harsher tone than that used in Ant. 4 Variant “not many.’ The temple was probably Idu- maean. 645 JOSEPHUS « / > - \ \ \ ‘ > ‘ Pwokdpovpa, ἐκεῖ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν nc / \ / ‘ ’, 375 ἤκουσεν. Μάλχῳ δὲ μεταγνόντι καὶ μεταθέοντι τὸν Ἡρώδην οὐδὲν τούτου περισσότερον ἐγένετο" / ‘ > Μ i \ > ‘ / πορρωτάτω yap ἦν ἤδη σπεύδων τὴν ἐπὶ Πηλουσίου. > \ > ᾽ \ > / ~ « ~ ? / ἐπεὶ δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐλθόντα νῆες ὁρμοῦσαι αὐτόθι εἶργον ~ SO 9 , ~ a « / > τοῦ ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αλεξανδρείας πλοῦ, τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἐντυγ- ΄ ey? Φ > ἰδῶ \ \ >? \ χάνει, ὑφ᾽ ὧν κατ᾽ αἰδῶ Kat πολλὴν ἐντροπὴν \ > \ tA id \ / προπεμφθεὶς εἰς τὴν πόλιν ὑπὸ Κλεοπάτρας 376 κατείχετο. πεῖσαι μέντοι μένειν αὐτὸν οὐκ ἠδυ- νήθη, εἰς Ρώμην ἐπειγόμενον χειμῶνός τε ὄντος καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν ἐν ταραχῇ καὶ σάλῳ πολλῷ δηλουμένων." 5177 (8) ᾿Αναχθεὶς οὖν ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ Ἰ]αμφυλίας καὶ ~ ὃ ~ \ 5A > c “ὃ ὃ ’ χειμῶνι σφοδρῷ περιπεσὼν μόλις εἰς Ῥόδον διασώ- ζεται, φορτίων ἀποβολῆς γενομένης. καὶ δύο μὲν ἐνταυθοῖ τῶν φίλων αὐτῷ συνήντησαν, Σαππῖνός" = \ A er eN \ \ , ΠΡ ΑἹ - 378 τε καὶ Πτολεμαῖος. εὑρὼν δὲ τὴν πόλιν ὑπὸ τοῦ πρὸς Κάσσιον πολέμου κεκακωμένην, οὐδ᾽ ἐν ἀπόροις ὧν εὖ ποιεῖν αὐτὴν ὥκνησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ δύναμιν αὐτὴν ἀνεκτᾶτο. τριήρη τε κατα- σκευάσας καὶ ἀναχθεὶς ἐκεῖθεν σὺν τοῖς φίλοις 2 > / > UL / > ΄- 379 ἐπ᾿ ᾿Ιταλίας εἰς Βρεντέσιον κατάγεται. κἀκεῖθεν 1 κειμένων cod. Busb. ap. Hudson: δονουμένων Naber. * Σαππίνας FAMV: Σαπήνας L: Σαππιονὰς W: Sapinum aut Sapinium Lat. ® Mod. el-‘Aris on the border of Palestine and Egypt, ef. Ant. xiii. 395. > B.J. adds that the news grieved him greatly. ° Pelusium was c. 80 miles from Rhinocoroura. 4 According to B.J. Cleopatra ‘‘ hoped to get Herod to 646 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 374-379 coroura,? where he heard of his brother’s fate.2 Mal- chus, however, had a change of heart and hurried after Herod, but gained nothing thereby, for Herod was by now a great way off, in his haste to reach Pelusium.© But when he came there, the ships anchored there prevented him from sailing to Alex- andria, whereupon he appealed to their commanders and was escorted by them to the city with respect and great deference, and was detained there by Cleopatra.? She was not able, however, to persuade him to remain, for he was eager to get to Rome although it was winter and Italy was reported to be disturbed and in great disorder.’ (3) And so from there he set sail for Pamphylia,’ Heroa and after encountering a violent storm barely reache ΕΣ Rhodes in safety by throwing the cargo overboard. τ τς There he was met by two of his friends, Sappinus 2 and * ‘hon Ptolemy. And finding the city damaged from the war against Cassius,” he did not hesitate to help it even though he was in need of funds, but actually exceeded his means in restoring it. He also built a trireme, and setting sail from there for Italy with his friends, landed at Brundisium. From there he command an expedition she was preparing.” If this state- ment is authentic, it may refer to an attempt on her part to aid Antony, who had set out against the Parthians early in 40 B.c. * Perhaps this is a reference to the Perusine war in 41—40 B.c. between Octavian and Lucius Antonius, brother of Antony, as Ricciotto suggests in his note on B.J. i. 279. 7 In the autumn of 40 B.c. 9 Greek “ Sappinos”’; variant “‘ Sappinas,” B.J. ‘‘ Sap- phinius.”’ » In 42 B.c. * Nothing is said in B.J. about Herod’s restoration of Rhodes. 647 JOSEPHUS > Cav > / - 1 \ > / εἰς Ῥώμην ἀφικόμενος πρῶτον μὲν ᾿Αντωνίῳ φράζει τὰ συμβάντα αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν ᾿[Ιουδαίαν, \ A 3 \ hn heel , eLs , καὶ πῶς ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ Φασάηλος ὑπὸ Πάρθων > / \ \ « ‘ « > > ~ ἀπόλοιτο συλληφθεὶς καὶ ‘Ypxavos ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν αἰχμάλωτος ἔχοιτο, καὶ ὡς ᾿Αντίγονον κατα- στήσειαν βασιλέα, χρήματα δώσειν ὑποσχόμενον χίλια τάλαντα καὶ γυναῖκας πεντακοσίας, αἵ τῶν ~ ~ ~ ” πρώτων κἀκ᾽ τοῦ γένους τοῦ αὐτῶν ἔμελλον ἔσεσθαι, καὶ ὅτι ταύτας νυκτὸς ἐκκομίσειε, καὶ διαφύγοι τὰς τῶν ἐχθρῶν χεῖρας, πολλὰς ὑπομείνας 980 ταλαιπωρίας. εἶτα ἐπιδιακινδυνεύειν" αὐτῷ τοὺς οἰκείους πολιορκουμένους, καὶ ὡς" πλεύσειέ τε διὰ χειμῶνος καὶ παντὸς καταφρονήσειε δεινοῦ ~ \ σπεύδων ἐπὶ τὰς ἐλπίδας τὰς παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν μόνην βοήθειαν. 381. (4) ᾿Αντώνιον δὲ οἶκτος εἰσέρχεται τῆς Ἡρώδου μεταβολῆς, καὶ τῷ κοινῷ χρησάμενος λογισμῷ περὶ τῶν ἐν ἀξιώματι τοσούτῳ καθεστώτων ὡς ~ A κἀκείνων ὑποκειμένων τῇ τύχη, τὰ μὲν κατὰ 382 μνήμην τῆς ᾿Αντιπάτρου ξενίας, τὰ δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ χρημάτων ὧν αὐτῷ δώσειν Ἡρώδης, εἰ γένοιτο βασιλεύς, ὑπέσχετο καθὼς καὶ πρότερον oare® τετράρχης ἀπεδέδεικτο, πολὺ μέντοι μᾶλλον διὰ τὸ πρὸς ᾿Αντίγονον μῖσος (στασιαστὴν γὰρ καὶ 1 πρῶτα LAMW. 2 PE: «ai rell. Tp , > ‘ 3 ἐπεὶ διακινδυνεύειν PF: post ἐπιδιακινδυνεύειν lacunam statuit Niese: deflebat periclitare Lat., unde τὸ ἐπιδιακιν- δυνεύειν κατεδάκρυεν coni. Richards et Shutt. 4 καὶ ws om. P. δ ὅτε om. AMW Lat. * This was probably about December 40 B.c., soon after the Pact of Brundisium (October) between Octavian and Antony 648 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 379-382 went to Rome where he first of all related to Antony? what had befallen him in Judaea, and how his brother Phasael had been seized by the Parthians and put to death, and that Hyreanus was being held a prisoner by them, and that they had set up Antigonus as king after his promise to give them a thousand talents and five hundred women, who were to be of the first families and of their own race,® and that he had re- moved the women by night and had escaped from the hands of his foes after enduring many hardships. Then he said° that his relatives shared his danger by being besieged, and told how he had sailed through a storm, and how he had made light of every danger in his haste to reach Antony, in whom lay his hope and only help. (4) Antony was moved to pity by the reverses of Antony and Herod, and indulged in the familiar reflection con- pesca cerning those who are placed in so high a station, aid Herod, that they too are subject to the rule of fortune ; and partly in memory of Antipater’s hospitality,’ partly because of the money which Herod promised to give himif he became king,’ as he had promised once before when he was appointed tetrarch,/ but chiefly because of his hatred of Antigonus—for he considered him and the marriage of Antony to Octavian’s sister Octavia (November). > i.e. of the Jewish race. It may, however, mean “ of his (Herod’s) family.” © Text slightly uncertain; perhaps with the Latin we should read “‘ then he bewailed the fact.” 4 See above, § 326. ¢ As a second motive B.J. mentions Antony’s admiration of Herod’s prowess (ἀρετήν), and not the bribe offered him. In this substitution Laqueur, p. 194, sees another instance of the anti-Herodian spirit of Ant. as compared with B.J. 1 See above, § 326. 649 383 384 JOSEPHUS « Ῥωμαίοις ἐχθρὸν αὐτὸν ὑπελάμβανε) πρόθυμος ἦν οἷς «Ἡρώδης παρεκάλει συλλαμβάνεσθαι. Καῖσαρ μὲν οὖν καὶ διὰ τὰς ᾿Αντιπάτρου στρατείας, ἃς ~ ~ ‘ κατ᾽ Αἴγυπτον αὐτοῦ τῷ πατρὶ συνδιήνεγκε, καὶ \ τὴν ξενίαν καὶ τὴν ἐν ἅπασιν εὔνοιαν, χαριζόμενος δὲ \ > / / \ \ ‘H ὃ ἐ καὶ ᾿Αντωνίῳ σφόδρα περὶ τὸν ρώδην > / Va \ > / \ \ a > ΄ ἐσπουδακότι, πρὸς τὴν ἀξίωσιν καὶ τὴν ὧν ἐβού- λετο Ἡρώδης συνεργίαν ἑτοιμότερος ἦν. συν- , \2 \ \ 1A \ ? ayayovtes δὲ τὴν βουλὴν Μεσσάλας καὶ μετ “-“ \ « / αὐτὸν" ᾿Ατρατῖνος, παραστησάμενοι τὸν ‘Hpwdnv ~ fol / τάς τε τοῦ πατρὸς εὐεργεσίας αὐτοῦ διεξήεσαν, καὶ ἣν αὐτὸς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους εἶχεν εὔνοιαν ὑπ- εμίμνησκον, κατηγοροῦντες ἅμα καὶ πολέμιον ἀπο- φαίνοντες τὸν ᾿Αντίγονον, οὐκ ἐξ ὧν τὸ πρῶτον A \ προσέκρουσεν αὐτοῖς μόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι καὶ παρὰ Πάρθων τὴν ἀρχὴν λάβοι, Ῥωμαίους ὑπεριδών. - \ ah YL N , 5 , Ac τῆς δὲ βουλῆς ἐπὶ τούτοις" παρωξυμμένης παρελθὼν 3 \ Αντώνιος ἐδίδασκεν αὐτοὺς ὡς Kal πρὸς TOV κατὰ Πάρθων πόλεμον “Ἡρώδην βασιλεύειν συμφέρει. καὶ δόξαν τοῦτο πᾶσι ψηφίζονται. 1 VE: στρατιάς rell. 2 PE: ze rell. 8 μετ᾽ αὐτὸν] δι᾿ αὐτῶν P: μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ coni. Richards et Shutt. 4 ex Lat. et B.J. Niese duce Hudson: ’Ayparivos P: Σατραπῖνος rell. Ξ τούτῳ FE. * Not least because Antigonus was allied with Rome’s dangerous enemy Parthia, see below, § 384. > Octavian, the later Augustus. © Octavian’s adoptive father, Julius Caesar; for these campaigns see above, §§ 127-136. @ BJ. does not mention Octavian’s desire to do Antony a favour; instead, it says that Octavian recognized Herod’s 650 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 382-335 a seditious person and an enemy of the Romans ¢— . he was eager to give Herod the assistance he asked for. As for Caesar,® because of the campaigns in Egypt on which Antipater had served with his father,’ and his hospitality and goodwill at all times, and also as a favour to Antony, who was very zealous on Herod’s behalf, he was more ready to grant this rank and to co-operate in the things which Herod wished.? And so Messala® and Atratinus/’ after him convened the Senate, and presenting Herod, dwelt on the good deeds of his father, and recalled the loyalty which Herod himself had shown toward the Romans ; at the same time they brought accusations against Antigonus, whom they declared an enemy, not only because of the first offence he had com- mitted against them’ but because he had received his kingly title from the Parthians, thus showing no regard for the Romans. And when the Senate had been aroused by these charges, Antony came forward and informed them that it was also an advantage in their war with the Parthians that Herod should be king. And as this proposal was acceptable to all, they voted accordingly.” “enterprising character.’’ Laqueur, pp. 194-195, mistrans- lating ἑτοιμότερος in ὃ 383 (as Prof. Post notes), remarks that Ant. does not clearly explain why Octavian showed himself even more zealous than Antony in Herod’s behalf. ¢ M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus; cf. Dr. Thackeray’s note on B.J. i. 243. 7 Conjectured from Latin and B.J. for mss. ‘‘ Agratinus ” or ‘“‘ Satrapinus.”” The person meant is L. Sempronius Atratinus, then augur, according to Reinach. 9 In aiding his father Aristobulus II, see above, §§ 125 ff. λ The naming of Herod to the kingship by Antony and Octavian is mentioned also by Strabo xvi. 765, Appian, Bell. Civ. v. 75 and Tacitus, Hist. v. 9. ςς 651 386 387 388 389 JOSEPHUS (5) Kai τοῦτο TO μέγιστον ἦν τῆς ᾿Αντωνίου περὶ τὸν “Ἡρώδην σπουδῆς, ὅτι μὴ μόνον αὐτῷ τὴν βασιλείαν οὐκ ἐλπίζοντι περιεποιήσατο (οὐ γὰρ εἰς ἑαυτὸν' ἀνέβη ταύτην αἰτησόμενος, οὐ γὰρ ἐνόμιζεν αὐτῷ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους παρέξειν, τοῖς ἐκ τοῦ γένους ἔϑος ἔχοντας αὐτὴν διδόναι, ἀλλὰ τῷ" τῆς γυναικὸς ἀδελφῷ λαβεῖν ἀξιώσων υἱωνῷ" τυγχάνοντι πρὸς μὲν πατρὸς ᾿Αριστοβούλου πρὸς δὲ μητρὸς ἊΝ ρκανοῦ), ἀλλ’ ὅτι καὶ ἑπτὰ ταῖς πάσαις ἡμέραις παρέσχεν αὐτῷ τυχόντι τῶν οὐδὲ προσδοκηθέντων ἀπελθεῖν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας. τοῦ- τον μὲν οὖν τὸν νεανίσκον ᾿Ηρώδης ἀπέκτεινεν, ὡς κατὰ καιρὸν δηλώσομεν". λυθείσης δὲ τῆς βουλῆς, μέσον ἔχοντες ᾿Ηρώδην ᾿Αντώνιος καὶ Καῖσαρ ἐξήεσαν, προαγόντων" ἅμα ταῖς ἄλλαις ἀρχαῖς τῶν ὑπάτων, θύσοντές τε καὶ τὸ δόγμα" καταθησόμενοι εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον. εἱστία δὲ τὴν πρώτην ἡμέραν ᾿Ηρώδην᾽ τῆς βασιλείας ᾿Αντώνιος. καὶ 6 μὲν οὕτως τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαμβάνει, τυχὼν αὐτῆς ἐπὶ τῆς ἑκατοστῆς καὶ ὀγδοηκοστῆς 1 εἰς ἑαυτὸν] πρὸς αὐτὸν P: ἑαυτῷ coni. Ernesti. * τῷ Ernesti: διὰ τὸ τῷ Ρ: διὰ τὸ ΕἸ ΨΥ : διὰ τῷ ΔΜ. 3. υἱωνῷ ex Lat. Hudson: ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ υἱωνῷ codd. : ’Apioro- βούλῳ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου υἱῷ (verba υἱωνῷ «δὲν post τυγχάνοντι transp.) coni. Phaletranus. 4 τοῦτον μὲν οὖν. . . δηλώσομεν post “Ὑρκανοῦ ὃ 387 collo- cat Lat. > συμπροαγόντων FLAMW. ὃ τὰ doypara V. 7 “Hpwdnv om. P. ® §§ 386-387 have no parallel in B.J.; see below, § 387 note d. Ὁ The mss. add ‘‘ Alexander,” probably a scribal error. Aristobulus (111) is meant. 652 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 386-389 (5) *But this was the greatest sign of Antony’s The honour devotion to Herod, that not only did he obtain the ἔμονα - kingship for him, which he had not hoped for—he the Roman had come to the capital not to claim the kingship for mules himself, for he did not believe the Romans would offer it to him, since it was their custom to give it to one of the reigning family, but to claim it for his wife’s brother,’ who was a grandson of Aristobulus on his father’s side and of Hyrcanus on his mother’s ¢ —but he also made it possible for Herod in only seven days altogether to obtain these unexpected grants and leave Italy.4. This youth, however, Herod put to death, as we shall relate at the proper time. Now when the Senate was adjourned, Antony and Caesar went out with Herod between them, and the consuls and other magistrates leading the way, in order to sacrifice and to deposit the decree in the Capitol. Then Antony entertained him on the first day of his reign. Thus did Herod take over royal power, receiving it in the hundred and_ eighty-fourth © His father was Aristobulus II’s son Alexander, and his mother was Hyrcanus II’s daughter Alexandra. 4 Otto, Herodes, p. 28, expresses scepticism about Herod’s original intention of claiming the throne for Aristobulus, not for himself, on the ground that Herod was in Italy so short atime ; he sees in this passage an attempt to clear Herod of overweening ambition. On the other hand, Laqueur, pp. 195-199, in the interest of his theory about the anti-Herodian alterations and additions in 4Ant., resorts to a rather artificial explanation of secondary changes in Ant. to make the point that far from clearing Herod here, Josephus is criticising him for making use of Aristobulus in the belief that the Roman policy of retaining the reigning dynasty would make his own appointment as king impossible. Laqueur combines §§ 386- 388 with 403-405 and 489 as anti-Herodian revisions of Josephus’ source, here supposedly the memoirs of Herod himself. 4 Ant. |xv. 53) fi. 653 390 391 393 JOSEPHUS \ , > , ε , i a καὶ τετάρτης ὀλυμπιάδος, ὑπατεύοντος Tvaiov Δομετίου Καλβίνου" τὸ δεύτερον καὶ Taiov ᾿Ασινίου Πωλίωνος. (6) Τοῦτον δὲ ἅπαντα τὸν χρόνον ᾿Αντίγονος > / \ > / ~ \ uv >? ἐπολιόρκει τοὺς ἐν Μασάδᾳ, τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἐπι- τηδείων αὐτοῖς ὑπαρχόντων, μόνου δὲ σπανίζοντος" -“ 4. \ \ ~ \ > ‘ \ « / ὕδατος, ὡς Kal διὰ τοῦτο τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν “Ἡρώδου ᾿Ιώσηπον σὺν διακοσίοις τῶν οἰκείων ἀποδρᾶναι , \ ” > , δ Cage βουλεύσασθαι πρὸς “ApaBas: ἠκηκόει yap ws Μάλχος τῶν εἰς “Hpwdnv ἁμαρτημάτων μετανοεῖ." κατέσχε δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὕσας διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς ὁ θεός: τῶν γὰρ ἐκδοχείων πλησθέντων τοῦ ὕδατος οὐκέτι τῆς φυγῆς ἐδεῖτο, ἀλλὰ τεθαρρηκότες ἤδη καὶ πλέον ἢ κατὰ τὴν εὐπορίαν τοῦ σπανίζοντος, ὡς ἐκ θεοῦ προνοίας ταύτης αὐτοῖς γεγενημένης, ἐπεξιόντες καὶ συμπλεκόμενοι τοῖς περὶ τὸν ᾿Αντίγονον, τοῖς \ ~ A δὲ A Aa ἊΝ A > ~ μὲν φανερῶς, τοῖς δὲ καὶ λάθρα, πολλοὺς αὐτῶν / > “2 , 6 « , διέφθειραν. κἀν τούτῳ Βεντίδιος, ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς πεμφθεὶς ἐκ Συρίας ὥστε ἸΙάρθους ἀνείργειν μετ᾽ ἐκείνους εἰς ᾿Ιουδαίαν παρέβαλε, τῷ λόγῳ μὲν ᾿Ιωσήπῳ συμμαχήσων, τὸ δ᾽ ὅλον ἣν αὐτῷ στρατήγημα χρήματα παρ᾽ ᾿Αντιγόνου λαβεῖν" ἔγγιστα γοῦν ἹἹεροσολύμων στρατοπεδευ- σάμενος ἀποχρώντως ἠργυρίσατο τὸν ᾿Αντίγονον. καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν ἀνεχώρησε σὺν τῇ πλείονι δυνάμει, 1 Ταίου FLMV Lat. 2 P: καὶ ᾿Αλβίνου rell.: Albino Lat. 3 σπανίζοντας FLAW. 1 ὡς om. A!W Lat.: καὶ Hudson. piles . . . μετανοεῖ] MaAyov . . . μετανοεῖν FLAMW. : This is slightly inaccurate, as the 184th Olympiad had ended several months earlier (July 40 B.c.). » On the parallelism between 88 390-438 and B.J, i. 286-320 654 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 389-393 Olympiad,* the consuls being Gnaeus Domitius Cal- vinus, for the second time, and Gaius Asinius Pollio. (6) ὃ All this time Antigonus was besieging those Joseph, the in Masada, who had all other necessary provisions elle of and lacked only water®; on this account Herod’s successfully brother Joseph planned to flee with two hundred ete of his people to the Arabs, for he had heard that Malchus regretted the wrongs which he had done Herod.4 But he was stopped by a rain which God sent in the night, for once the cisterns were filled with water, they no longer needed to flee ; instead, they were now encouraged, not merely because they had an abundance of what they had lacked before, but rather because this seemed an act of God’s providence’; and so they sallied out, and engaging Antigonus’ men, sometimes openly and sometimes from under cover, destroyed many of them.’ Mean- rhe Romans while Ventidius,? the Roman general sent from Syria °xtert ᾿ : Ξ money from to keep back the Parthians, after disposing of them,” Antigonus. made a side-march into Judaea, ostensibly to give aid to Joseph, but in reality the whole business was a device to obtain money from Antigonus; at any rate he encamped very near Jerusalem and extorted from Antigonus as much money as he wanted. Then he himself withdrew with the greater part of his force ; see Laqueur, pp. 199-205, according to whom Josephus in Ant. is hostile to Antigonus as well as to Herod. © See above, § 362. 4 See above, 88 370-375. ¢ These reflections on Providence are not found in B.J/. 7 B.J. adds that the Herodians met with occasional reverses and were sometimes forced to retire. 9 P. Ventidius Bassus had been sent to Asia by Antony in 40 B.c. Ἀ In 39 3.c. Ventidius defeated the combined forces of Labienus and the Parthians; cf. Debevoise, pp. 114-116 for the ancient sources, 655 394 395 396 397 JOSEPHUS iva δὲ μὴ κατάφωρον γένηται τὸ λῆμμα, Σίλωνα μετὰ μέρους τινὸς τῶν στρατιωτῶν κατέλιπεν, ὃν καὶ αὐτὸν ἐθεράπευεν ᾿Αντίγονος, ὅπως μηδὲν > / ~ \ / > ~ / ἐνοχλοίη, προσδοκῶν καὶ πάλιν αὐτῷ Πάρθους ἐπαμυνεῖν " (xv. 1) Ἡρώδης δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας ἤδη κατα- πεπλευκὼς εἰς Τ]τολεμαΐδα, καὶ συναγηοχὼς δύναμιν οὐκ ὀλίγην ξένων τε ἅμα καὶ ὁμοφύλων, ἤλ ὃ Ἁ ~ i ANA / pape ay 4 ἤλαυνε διὰ τῆς VadtAalas ἐπ ντίγονον. συν- ελάμβανον δ᾽ αὐτῷ Σίλων τε καὶ Βεντίδιος πεισθέν- τες ὑπὸ δΔελλίου" συγκατάγειν Ἡρώδην, τοῦ , et RED , πεμφθέντος ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίου. Βεντίδιος μὲν οὖν ἐτύγχανε τὰς ταραχὰς τὰς διὰ Πάρθους ἐν ταῖς ’, ” / / > > > , πόλεσιν οὔσας καθιστάμενος, Σιίλων δ᾽ ἐν ᾿Ιουδαίᾳ / « > > / / «ς / χρήμασιν ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αντιγόνου διεφθαρμένος. Ἡρώδῃ μέντοι προϊόντι Kal? ἑκάστην" ἡμέραν 7° δύναμις », \ -~ / A > / > ~ ηὔξετο, καὶ πᾶσα Γαλιλαία πλὴν ὀλίγων αὐτῷ προστέθειτο. ὡρμηκότι δ᾽ αὐτῷ" ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν Μασάδᾳ (ἀναγκαῖον γὰρ ἦν τὸ σῶσαι τοὺς ἐν τῷ φρουρίῳ πολιορκουμένους συγγενεῖς ὄντας) ἐμ- ποδὼν "loamy γίνεται" πολεμίαν γὰρ οὖσαν αὐτὴν ἐχρῆν ἐξελεῖν πρότερον, ὅπως μηδὲν ὑπολείπηται κατὰ νώτου τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἔρυμα, χωροῦντος ἐπὶ “Ἱεροσολύμων. ποιησαμένου δὲ καὶ Σίλωνος ταύ- 1 P Lat.: τόλμημα rell. 2 cum Lat. Dindorf: ἐπαμύνειν codd. E. 3 ex B.J. Usserius: Δελαίου P: Βδελλίου FLAM: Βδελίου V: Βδελλίους W; Delium Lat. 4 τὸν πεμφθέντα LAMW. aE : προσιόντι codd. καθ᾽ ἑκάστην P: κατὰ πᾶσαν rell. ΤῊ ἘΠῚ om. rell. ὡρμηκότι δ᾽ αὐτῷ ed. pr.: ὡρμηκότα δ᾽ αὐτὸν codd. 4 Variant ‘‘ his shameless act.” 656 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 393-397 but in order that his extortion? might not be de- tected, he left Silo? behind with a certain number of soldiers ; to him also Antigonus paid court in order that he might not cause any trouble, hoping at the same time that the Parthians would once more give him help. (xv. 1) By this time Herod had sailed from Italy ¢ to Ptolemais and had collected a not inconsiderable force of both foreigners and his countrymen, and was marching through Galilee against Antigonus. And he was supported by Silo and Ventidius, for they had been persuaded by Dellius,? who had been sent by Antony, to join in restoring Herod to his country. And so while Ventidius was quieting the disturbances that had been created in the cities by the Parthians, Silo remained in Judaea, having been corrupted by bribes from Antigonus. Nevertheless Herod’s strength increased day by day as he went forward, and all Galilee, except for a few of its inhabitants, came over to his side. But when he set out to reach those in Masada—for it was essential to save the people who were being besieged in the fortress, since they were his relatives—he found Joppa in his way, and as it was hostile to him, he had first to capture it in order that no stronghold should be left on his rear in the enemy's hands while he was moving on Jerusalem. But as Silo made this a pretext for departing, and > His name is given as Pupedius (vl/. Pompedius, Pop pedius) Silo in Dio Cassius xlviii. 41. © Herod had sailed from Italy in December, 40 B.c. or January, 39 B.c. (see above, §§ 379, 387 notes). Ventidius was near Jerusalem in the latter part of 39 B.c. (cf. Debevoise, p- 116). Herod must therefore have had more than half a year to prepare a force against Antigonus. ¢ Name slightly emended from B.J. 657 Herod, sup- ported by the R mans, WINS Over large numbers of Jews, JOSEPHUS τὴν πρόφασιν τῆς ἀπαναστάσεως, καὶ τῶν “lov- δαίων διωκόντων αὐτόν, Ἡρώδης μετ᾽ ὀλίγου στίφους ἐπέξεισι καὶ τρέπεται μὲν τοὺς ᾿]ουδαίους, Σίλωνα δὲ σώζει κακῶς ἀμυνόμενον, ἑλὼν de® \ > / ” « /, Ἁ > / τὴν ᾿Ιόππην, ἔσπευδε ῥυσόμενος τοὺς ev Μασάδᾳ 898 οἰκείους. τῶν δ᾽ ἐπιχωρίων ot μὲν αὐτῷ διὰ τὴν πατρῴαν προσεχώρουν φιλίαν, οἱ δὲ διὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ δόξαν, ἄλλοι δὲ κατ᾽ ἀμοιβὴν τῆς παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων εὐεργεσίας, οἱ πλείους δὲ διὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας ἃς ὡς ἐπὶ βασιλεῖ βεβαίῳ τὸ λοιπὸν εἶχον. 399 (9) θροιστο δὴ" δύναμις βαρεῖα, καὶ προϊόντος ᾿Αντίγονος τῶν παρόδων τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους τόπους > / \ / / ‘\ / ἐνέδραις καὶ λόχοις κατελάμβανε, καὶ καθάπαξ οὐδὲν ἐκ τούτου τοὺς πολεμίους ἢ μικρὰ παντά- Μ « / A \ > / 400 πασιν ἔβλαπτεν. Ἡρώδης δὲ τοὺς ἐκ Μασάδας ΟΥ̓ΧῚ, > ‘74 173 A 5 \ , οἰκείους ἐπαναλαβὼν καὶ Ορῆσαν: τὸ φρούριον ἤει πρὸς τὰ “Ἱεροσόλυμα, συνῆπτε" δ᾽ αὐτῷ τὸ μετὰ Σίλωνος “στρατιωτικὸν καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν ἐκ 40] τῆς πόλδως τὴν ἰσχὺν καταπλαγέντες. στρατο- πεδευσαμένου δὲ κατὰ τὸ πρὸς δύσιν τῆς πόλεως κλίμα, οἱ κατὰ τοῦτο τεταγμένοι φύλακες ἠκόντιζόν 402 τε καὶ ἐτόξευον εἰς αὐτούς, ἐνίων δὲ καὶ κατὰ στῖφος ἐκθεόντων᾽ καὶ τοῖς προτεταγμένοις εἰς χεῖρας ἐρχομένων, Ἡρώδης τὸ μὲν “πρῶτον ἐκέ- evoe κηρύσσειν περὶ τὸ τεῖχος ὡς ἐπ᾿ ἀγαθῷ τε παρείη τοῦ δήμου καὶ ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ τῆς πόλεως, μηδὲν μηδὲ τοῖς φανεροῖς τῶν ἐχθρῶν μνησικακή- 1 tov... αὐτόν οἵη. P. 3. σε Des 2 δ᾽ PAMVW: δὲ E. + cagslipoee 5 coni., cf. annot. ad 8 361: Ῥῆσαν PFLA: Ῥύσσαν M: “Ῥύσαν W corr.: Ῥῆσσαν V: Risam Lat. 6 ex B.J. coni. Niese: συνήπτετο P: συνῆπτο FAMW: συν- ἥπτω L: συνείπετο V et in ras. E. 7 ἐξιόντων P. 658 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 397-402 the Jews pursued him, Herod fell upon them with a small body of men and routed them, and so saved Silo, who was defending himself feebly ; and after taking Joppa he hastened to rescue his relatives in Masada. Thereupon the local inhabitants joined him, some because of their friendship with his father,* others because of his reputation, and still others as a return for benefits received from both of them, but the majority because of the hopes which they placed in him as one who would thereafter have a secure position as king. (2) Thus a strong force had been collected, and as it advanced, Antigonus occupied the most suitable places for passage with snares and ambushes, but did not the least, or at best only slight, damage thereby to the enemy. Then Herod having re- covered his relatives from Masada and taken the fortress of Oresa,? went on to Jerusalem, where he was joined’ by Silo’s army and many from the city who were intimidated by his strength. When he encamped on the western side of the city, the guards who had been stationed in this quarter hurled javelins and shot arrows at them, while some ran out in a com- pact body and fought hand to hand with his front-line men; but Herod gave orders that his men should first make a proclamation before the wall that he had come for the good of the citizens and the welfare of the city, bearing no grudge even against those who were openly his foes, but, on the contrary, being « Antipater being an Idumaean, see above, §§ 8-10. > On this conjecture for mss. ‘‘ Rhesa ”’ (or ‘‘ Rhysa ’’) see above, ὃ 361 note 6. © Text slightly uncertain. 659 Herod and Silo besiege Anutigonus in Jerusalem 403 404 405 406 JOSEPHUS > ‘ ,ὔ \ - ,ὔ > σων, ἀλλὰ παρέξων καὶ τοῖς διαφορωτάτοις ἀμνη- στίαν τῶν εἰς αὐτὸν ἁμαρτημάτων. τοῦ δὲ > / \ \ « \ ας ¢€ / / Αντιγόνου πρὸς τὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ ᾿Ηρώδου κηρυχθέντα λέγοντος πρός τε Σίλωνα καὶ τὸ τῶν “Ῥωμαίων στράτευμα ὡς παρὰ τὴν αὐτῶν δικαιοσύνην « ὃ ὃ / \ , > / ” Ἡρώδῃ δώσουσι τὴν βασιλείαν ἰδιώτῃ τε ὄντι καὶ ᾿Ιδουμαίῳ, τουτέστιν ἡμιιουδαίῳ, δέον τοῖς ἐκ τοῦ γένους οὖσι παρέχειν; ὡς ἔθος ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς. καὶ γὰρ εἰ νυνὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔχουσι χαλεπῶς καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ὡς λαβόντα παρὰ Ilaphwy ἀφ- , ΄ ΜΌΝ 2 \ > rs ελέσθαι διεγνώκασιν, εἶναί ye? πολλοὺς ἐκ τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ τοὺς ληψομένους κατὰ τὸν “νόμον τὴν βασιλείαν, οἵ μηδὲν ἐξημαρτηκότες αὐτοὶ' πρὸς \ “Ῥωμαίους καὶ ἱερεῖς ὄντες οὐκ ἂν εἰκότα πάσχοιεν τῆς τιμῆς στερόμενοι." ταῦτα πρὸς ἀλλήλους αὐτῶν λεγόντων καὶ προελθόντων εἰς βλασφημίας, ᾿Αντίγονος ἀμύνασθαι τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ἐπ- / “- 59. « \ /, A ~ ἔτρεπε τοῖς ἰδίοις. οἱ δὲ τοξεύοντες Kal πολλῇ > ~ προθυμίᾳ κατ᾽ αὐτῶν χρώμενοι ῥᾳδίως αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ ~ >? τῶν πύργων ἐτρέψαντο. (8) Τότε καὶ Σίλων ἀπεκαλύψατο τὴν δωρο- δοκίαν: καθῆκε γὰρ τῶν οἰκείων στρατιωτῶν οὐκ ὀλίγους σπάνιν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων καταβοᾶν καὶ χρήματα εἰς “τροφὰς αἰτεῖν, καὶ χειμάσοντας ἀπ- ἄγειν εἰς τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους τόπους, τῶν περὶ τὴν πόλιν ὄντων ἐρήμων διὰ τὸ ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αντιγόνου 1 ἄρχειν Ῥ. 3. ed. pr.: τε codd.: om. E. 3 σὸν P: om. rell. Εἰ. 4 αὐτοὶ om. VE. 5 PAM: στερούμενοι rell. E. « The preceding passage, §§ 403-404, on the Hasmonaean claim to the kingship is an addition to B.J., which says 660 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 402-406 ready to forget the offences which his most deter- mined adversaries had committed against him. But Antigonus in answer to Herod’s proclamation told Silo and the Roman army that it would be contrary to their own notion of right if they gave the kingship to Herod who was a commoner and an Idumaean, that is, a half-Jew, when they ought to offer it to those who were of the (royal) family, as was their custom. And, he argued, if they were now ill- disposed toward him and were determined to deprive him of the kingship on the ground that he had re- ceived it from the Parthians, there were at least many of his family who might lawfully receive the kingship, for they had committed no offence against the Romans, and were priests ; and thus they would be unworthily treated if they were deprived of this rank.? Such things they said to one another and were pro- ceeding to imprecations when Antigonus permitted his men to battle with Herod’s men from the wall.? But the enemy shot their arrows and opposed them with so much spirit that they easily drove them from the towers. (3) Then it was that Silo showed openly that he had taken a bribe; for he got a good many of his own soldiers to cry aloud about the lack of provisions, to demand money for food, and to insist that they be taken to suitable quarters for wintering, since the region about the city was a waste as a result of the merely that ‘‘ Antigonus issued counter-exhortations for- bidding any to listen to these proclamations (of Herod) or to go over to the enemy.” See above, § 387 note d, § 390 note b. > The text is probably faulty. B.J. reads more intelli- gibly, “‘ Herod at once gave his men permission to battle with the men on the wall.” “ From Antigonus, see above, ἃ 395 and below, 8 412. 661 Silo proves to be an unreliable ally of Herod, 407 408 409 410 JOSEPHUS στρατιωτῶν ἀνεσκευάσθαι, ἐκίνει τε TO στρατό- πεδον καὶ ἀναχωρεῖν ἐπειρᾶτο. Ἡρώδης δ᾽ ἐν- έκειτο παρακαλῶν τούς τε ὑπὸ τῷ Σίλωνι ἡγεμόνας καὶ" στρατιώτας μὴ καταλιπεῖν αὐτόν, Καίσαρός τε καὶ ᾿Αντωνίου καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου προτρεψάν- των᾽ αὐτόν: προνοήσειν γὰρ αὐτῶν τῆς εὐπορίας, καὶ παρέξειν αὐτοῖς ἀφθονίαν ὧν ἐπιζητοῦσι ῥᾳδίως. καὶ μετὰ τὴν δέησιν εὐθὺς ἐξορμήσας εἰς τὴν χώραν οὐκέτ᾽ οὐδεμίαν Σίλωνι τῆς ἀνα- χωρήσεως πρόφασιν ὑπελείπετο: πλῆθος γὰρ ὅσον οὐδ᾽ ἠλπισέ τις τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐκόμισε, τοῖς τε περὶ Σαμάρειαν ὠκειωμένοις πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπέστειλε," σῖτα καὶ οἶνον καὶ ἔλαιον καὶ βοσκήματα τά τε ἄλλα πάντα κατάγειν' εἰς “Ἱεριχοῦντα, τοῦ μηδὲ τὰς ἑξῆς ἡμέρας τὴν χορηγίαν τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐπιλιπεῖν" οὐκ ἐλάνθανε δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ᾿Αντίγονον, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς ἀπέπεμψε κατὰ τὴν χώραν τοὺς εἴρ- ξοντας καὶ λοχήσοντας τοὺς σιτηγοῦντας" ot δὲ πειθόμενοι τοῖς ᾿Αντιγόνου προστάγμασι καὶ πολὺ πλῆθος ὁπλιτῶν περὶ “Ἱεριχοῦντα συναθροίσαντες παρεφύλασσον ἐπὶ τῶν ὀρῶν καθεσθέντες τοὺς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια κομίζοντας. οὐ μὴν “Ἡρώδης τούτων πραττομένων ἠρέμει, δέκα δὲ σπείρας ἀναλαβών, ὦ ὧν πέντε μὲν Ρωμαίων, πέντε δὲ ᾿Ιουδαίων ἦσαν, καὶ “μισθοφόρους μιγάδας πρὸς οἷς ὀλίγους τῶν ἱππέων ἐπὶ τὴν ἱΙεριχοῦντα παραγίνεται: καὶ τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἐκλελειμμένην καταλαβών, πεντακοσίους δὲ τὰ ἄκρα κατειληφότας σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ γενεαῖς, 1 καὶ τοὺς Ρ. 2 P: προπεμψάντων rell.: honoratum Lat. 3 F: ἀπέστειλεν P: ἐπέστελλε rell. 4 PE: καταγαγεῖν rell. erste 8 PE: ἀπολιπεῖν rell. 662 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 406-410 ravaging by Antigonus’ soldiers; and so he began to move his camp and attempted to withdraw. But Herod persisted in urging the officers under Silo and their soldiers not to nye him, for Caesar as well as Antony and the Senate had given him encourage- ment ?; he would, he said, take care that they snout have plenty of provisions, and would readily furnish them with an abundance ‘ar the things they wanted. After making this plea he at once set out into the country and left Silo no longer any pretext for with- drawing, for he brought back a greater mass of provisions than anyone had hoped for, and also instructed those around Samaria who had become friendly toward him? to bring down to Jericho grain, wine, oil, cattle and all other things in order that there should be no lack of supplies for the soldiers for some days to come. But these activities did not remain unknown to Antigonus, who at once sent off men throughout the country to obstruct and waylay those who were collecting food ; and in obedience to Anti- gonus’ orders they mustered a large body of armed men near Jericho, and taking up posts in the hills, kept a look-out for the men who were bringing pro- visions. Herod, however, did not remain still while this was being done, but took ten cohorts, five Roman and five Jewish, and a mixed mercenary force, to which he added a few mounted men, and marched on Jericho ; and while he found the city deserted, he seized five hundred men occupying the heights with their wives and families, but after capturing @ Variant (as in B.J.) “‘ had given him a commission.” > Or ‘“‘had become subject to him’; Samaria (an1 Idumaea) had been added to Herod's territory by Mark _ Antony, according to Appian, Bell. Civ. v. 753; cf. Momi- ᾿ς giliano, Ricerche, pp. 347-350. ταν 663 JOSEPHUS ~ A » τούτους μὲν ἀπέλυσε λαβών, “Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ εἰσ- . τ πεσόντες διήρπασαν τὴν πόλιν, μεοταῖς ἐπιτυχόν- 411 Tes’ παντοίων κειμηλίων ταῖς οἰκίαις. “Ἱεριχοῦντος ‘A > A € \ ‘\ € / μὲν οὖν φρουρὰν ὁ βασιλεὺς καταλιπὼν ὑπέστρεψε, \ καὶ χειμάσουσαν τὴν Ῥωμαίων στρατιὰν εἰς Tas προσκεχωρηκυίας διαφῆκεν, ᾿Ιδουμαίαν" καὶ ΤΓαλι- » 412 λαίαν καὶ Σαμάρειαν. ἔτυχε δὲ καὶ ᾿Αντίγονος παρὰ Σίλωνος ἀντὶ τῆς δωροδοκίας ὥστε ὑπο- δέξασθ ῦ ῦ μοῖ ἐν Λύδδ θ ἔξασθαι τοῦ στρατοῦ μοῖραν ἐν Λύδδοις, θερα- ᾽ὔ > 4 \ « - A > > / mevwv ᾿Αντώνιον. Kat “Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν ev ἀφθόνοις διῆγον ἀνειμένοι τῶν ὅπλων. ci el “45 (4) Ἡρώδῃ δὲ οὐκ ἐδόκει μένειν ἐφ᾽ ἡσυχίας, GAN ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ιδουμαίαν᾽ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον σὺν δισχιλίοις ὁπλίταις καὶ τετρακοσίοις ἱππεῦσιν ἐξέπεμψεν, αὐτὸς δὲ εἰς Σαμάρειαν παραγενόμενος, καὶ καταθέμενος αὐτόθι τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους" συγγενεῖς ἐξεληλυθότας ἤδη ἐκ τῆς Μα- / > \ 5. / ” > / ‘\ ~ σάδας, ἐπὶ Τ᾿ Γαλιλαίας ᾧχετο ἐξαιρήσων τινὰ τῶν χωρίων ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αντιγόνου φρουραῖς κατειλημμένα. 414 διελθὼν δὲ εἰς Σέπφωριν νίφοντος τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ ~ > / ~ 4 / > , / τῶν ᾿Αντιγόνου φρουρῶν ὑπεξελθόντων, ev ἀφθό- 415 νοις ἦν τοῖς ἐπιτηδείοις. εἶτ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν λῃστῶν τινῶν ἐν σπηλαίοις κατοικούντων, ἱππέων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἴλην ἐκπέμπει καὶ ὁπλιτικοῦ τρία τέλη, παῦσαι κακουργοῦντας ἐγνωκώς: ἔγγιστα δ᾽ ἢν - ἐπιτυγχάνοντες en 2 Ιουδαίαν LAM W. 3 Ιουδαίαν L Lat. 4 ἄλλους om. P. * Or “which had been added to his territory,” see the preceding note. ὃ Variant (wrongly) “ Judaea”’; B.J. has “ [dumaea.” GGA JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 410-415 them, released them; then the Romans fell upon the city and plunde red it, finding the houses full of all kinds of valuable things. nnd after leaving a garrison at Jericho, the king returned and dismissed ee Roman army to their winter quarters in the districts which had joined his side,* namely Idumaea,? Galilee and Samaria. At the same time Antigonus through bribery obtained Silo’s consent to quarter a part of his army in Lydda,° seeking to win Antony’s favour thereby. And so the Roars put aside their arms and lived on the fat of the land.@ (4) Herod, however, did not choose to remain inactive, but sent off his brother Joseph to Idumaea with two thousand foot-soldiers and four hundred mounted men,’ while he himself went to Samaria, where he left his mother and his other relatives, who had by now made their way out of Masada, and pro- ceeded to Galilee to capture some of the strongholds which had been occupied by the garrisons of Anti- gonus. He reached Sepphoris in a snow-storm, and as Antigonus’ garrison had quietly withdrawn, he came into possession of an abundance of provisions. rom here he then sent out a troop of cavalry and three companies of foot-soldiers against some brigands living in caves, for he had made up his mind ἴο put an end to their de -predations’; these caves were very ο Mod. Ludd, c. 10 miles S.E. of Jaffa, cf. Ant. xiii. 127 note ὁ (p. 288). Dr. Thackeray comments on the parallel, B.J. i. 302, that this was “ an action apparently designed to weaken the allegiance of the Roman troops.” 4 During the winter of 39-38 B.c. ¢ BJ i. 303 adds ‘‘ to prevent any insurrection in fayour of Antigonus.”’ 7 Herod had earlier encountered “* brigands ”’ in Galilee, see above, §§ 159-160. But in this case they were more probably political opponents, as Otto remarks, Herodes, p. 30. VOL. VII Y 665 39 Herod's conquests in Galilee, JOSEPHUS , 410 ταῦτα κώμης ᾿Αρβήλων λεγομένης. εἰς δὲ τεσ- σαρακοστὴν ἡμέραν αὐτὸς ἧκε πανστρατιᾷ, καὶ θρασέως" ἐξελθόντων τῶν πολεμίων κλίνεται μὲν τὸ εὐώνυμον αὐτῷ" κέρας τῆς φάλαγγος, ἐπιφανεὶς δ᾽ αὐτὸς μετὰ στίφους τρέπει μὲν εἰς φυγὴν τοὺς πάλαι νικῶντας, ἀναστρέφει δὲ τοὺς φεύγοντας. > / \ / \ ,ὔ » 3 / 417 ἐνέκειτο δὲ διώκων τοὺς πολεμίους ἄχρι ᾿Ιορδάνου = ͵΄ » Gh hy 3 ¢ , \ ποταμοῦ φεύγοντας ἄλλους κατ᾽ ἄλλας" ὁδούς, καὶ ~ \ ,ὔ ~ προσάγεται μὲν πᾶσαν τὴν [}αλιλαίαν πλὴν τῶν ἐν τοῖς σπηλαίοις κατοικούντων, διανέμει δὲ καὶ ἀργύριον, κατ᾽ ἄνδρα δοὺς ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα A Ὁ δραχμάς, τοῖς δὲ ἡγεμόσι πολὺ πλέον, καὶ εἰς" \ / ὃ / 6 \ > / / 418 τὰ χειμάδια διέπεμψεν" καὶ ev τούτῳ Lidwv => δ ~ a ἧκε Tap αὐτὸν καὶ ol ἡγεμόνες τῶν ἐν τοῖς χειμα- / > / \ / ’ / δίοις, ᾿Αντιγόνου τροφὰς παρέχειν οὐ θέλοντος" “-“ / > / > \ « 3 \ wy μῆνα yap, οὐ πλέον, αὐτοὺς 6 ἀνὴρ ἔθρεψε, δι- / έπεμψε δὲ Kal πρὸς τοὺς κύκλῳ κελεύων τὰ κατὰ / > »Μ - τὴν χώραν ἀνασκευάσασθαι καὶ εἰς τὰ ὄρη φυγεῖν," ὡς μηδὲν ἔχοντες “Ρωμαῖοι τῶν ἀναγκαίων λιμῷ 419 διαφθαρεῖεν. Ἡρώδης δὲ τὴν μὲν τούτων πρό- νοιαν Φερώρᾳ τῷ νεωτάτῳ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐπιτρέπει, / ἊΣ \ ᾿ 3 ; 8 \ > r / κελεύσας αὐτὸν avateryilew® καὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδρειον. « \ / \ / > > / ~ ὁ δὲ ταχέως τε τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐν ἀφθονίᾳ πολλῇ 1 ταχέως LAMW: ταχέως θρασέως F. 2 ex Lat. Niese: αὐτῶν codd 3 ἄλλους κατ᾽ ἄλλας ex Lat. coni. Bekker: κατ᾽ ἄλλας codd. 4 καὶ εἰς ed. pr.: εἰς codd. E. 5 ἔπεμψεν FLVE. 5 φεύγειν P. 7 τῶν ἀναγκαίων om. P. 8 ἅμα τειχίζειν P Lat. @ Mod. Khirbet Irbid, a few miles W. of the Sea of Galilee and N.W. of Tiberias, cf. Ant. xii. 421 note a. In Vita 188 Josephus calls the place “ the Cave of Arbela.”” The ruins 666 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 416-419 near a village called Arbela.* Forty days later he himself came with his entire army, and under the enemy’s bold® attack the left wing of his line gave way, but when he appeared in person with a compact body of men,’ he put to flight those who had before been victorious, and rallied those of his men who were fleeing. And he pressed on in pursuit of the enemy as far as the river Jordan, to which they fled along different? roads®; and so he got into his hands afl the people of Galilee except those who lived in the caves’; he then distributed money, giving each of his men a hundred and fifty drachmas, and considerably more to the officers, and dismissed them to their winter quarters. Meanwhile Silo and the officers of the men who were in winter quarters came to him because Antigonus was unwilling to furnish them with food ; that worthy had fed them for a month and no longer ; he had, moreover, sent out orders to the inhabitants round about that they were to gather up all the provisions throughout the country and flee to the hills in order that the Romans might be entirely without necessary food and so perish of hunger. Accordingly Herod entrusted the care of these men to Pheroras, his youngest brother, and ordered him to fortify Alexandreion also. And he quickly made it possible for the soldiers to have of a later synagogue may still be seen there, cf. E. Sukenik in JPOS 15 (1935), p. 143. > Variant “ swift.” ¢ B.J. i. 306 reads a little differently, ‘“‘ Herod instantly wheeling round his troops from the right wing, where he was in command.” 4 Text slightly emended from Latin. ¢ B.J. i. 307 adds that he destroyed large numbers of the enemy. 7 Probably near Arbela. 667 JOSEPHUS ~ > , > , ΄ > / τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐποίησε, τό τε ᾿Αλεξάνδρειον ἠρημωμένον ἀνέκτισεν. 420 (5) “πὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ᾿Αντώνιος μὲν διέτριβεν ἐν ᾿Αθήναις, κατὰ δὲ Συρίαν Βεντίδιος Σίλωνα μεταπεμπόμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς Πάρθους, ἐπ- ἔστελλε πρῶτον μὲν Ἡρώδῃ συλλαμβάνεσθαι τοῦδε' τοῦ πολέμου, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν σφέτερον 421 καλεῖν τοὺς συμμάχους. ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς / \ > / , A > σπηλαίοις λῃστὰς ἐπειγόμενος Σίλωνα μὲν ἐξ- / ‘ ’ x a 3.9 γιϑ ,ὔ > 7 ἔπεμψε Bevtidiw, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνους ἐξώρμησεν. > > > Μ \ / / zh / 422 ἦν δ᾽ ἐν ὄρεσι τὰ σπήλαια τελέως ἐξερρωγόσι, καὶ κατὰ τὸ μεσαίτατον ἀποκρήμνους ἔχοντα τὰς > παρόδους, καὶ πέτραις ὀξείαις ἐμπεριεχόμενα" ἐν δὴ τούτοις μετὰ πάντων τῶν οἰκείων ἐφώλευον." ] « \ \ / ὌΝ Ε \ / 423.6 δὲ βασιλεὺς λάρνακας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς πηξάμενος / / - ε Ψ > 4 Ἁ καθίει ταύτας σιδηραῖς ἁλύσεσιν ἐκδεδεμένας διὰ μηχανῆς ἀπὸ κορυφῆς τοῦ ὄρους, μήτε κάτωθεν ἀνιέναι διὰ τὴν ὀξύτητα τοῦ ὄρους δυναμένων μήτε » / δ᾿. Ἢ > / « \ / 494 ἄνωθεν καθέρπειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς. at δὲ Adpvakes πλήρεις ὁπλιτῶν ἦσαν ἅρπας μεγάλας ἐχόντων, αἷς ἔμελλον ἐπισπώμενοι τοὺς ἀνθεστῶτας τῶν λῃστῶν κτείνειν καταφερομένους. τὴν μὲν δὴ, κάθεσιν τῶν λαρνάκων σφαλερὰν εἶναι συνέβαινε, 1 τοῦδε om. P. 2 ἐφέδρευον LAM: ἐνεφώλευον FE: latebant Lat. $V: ὑπῆρχον rell. E. 4 μὲν δὴ Bekker: μέντοι ye P: μέντοι rell. E. * Nothing is said about Silo or Antigonus in the parallel, B.J. i. 308, which says merely that Pheroras was instructed to take charge of the commissariat (ἀγορά) of Herod’s army and to fortify Alexandreion (see above, ὃ 92). Laqueur, 668 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 419-424 an abundance of the necessary provisions, and also restored Alexandreion, which had been left in ruins.? (5) About the same time, while Antony was staying How Herod at Athens,® Ventidius in Syria sent for Silo to join him ge a against the Parthians,” but instructed him first to brisands in assist Herod in the present war and then summon , their allies to the Romans’ own war. But Herod, who was hastening against the brigands in the caves, sent @ Silo off to Ventidius, and set out against them by himself. Now their caves were in hills that were altogether rugged, having their entrances half-way up the sheer cliffs and being surrounded by sharp rocks; in such dens did they lurk with all their people. Thereupon’ the king, whose men were unable either to climb up from below or creep upon them from above because of the steepness of the hill, had cribs built and lowered these upon them with iron chains as they were suspended by a machine from the summit of the hill. The cribs were filled with armed men holding great grappling hooks, with which they were supposed to draw toward them any of the brigands who opposed them, and kill them by hurling them to the ground. The lowering of the cribs was proving to be a risky business because of the p. 202, argues that § 418 is not an original part of Josephus’ source, abbreviated in B.J., but a later addition, probably by Josephus himself rather than from a second source, designed to show the unreliability of Antigonus. Ὁ Antony and his wife Octavia went to Athens in the autumn of 39 B.c.; he remained there for two years with brief trips to Asia and Italy. © For an account of this campaign (against Pacorus) in the spring of 38 B.c. see Debevoise, pp. 116-120. 4 B.J. i. 309 more pointedly reads ** gladly sent off.” * ξ 423-428 add considerable detail to the brief account of the attack on the caves given in B.J. i. 311. 669 JOSEPHUS κατὰ βάθους ἀπείρου γινομένην: ἔνδον μέντοι Kal 425 τὰ ἐπιτήδεια παρῆν αὐτοῖς. ὡς δὲ καθιμήθησαν μὲν at λάρνακες, ἐτόλμα δ᾽ οὐδεὶς προελθεῖν' τῶν" ἐπὶ τῶν στομίων, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ δέους ἠρέμουν, μάχαιράν τις περιζωσάμενος τῶν ὁπλοφόρων καὶ ταῖν χεροῖν ἀμφοτέραιν δραξάμενος ἁλύσεως ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἤρτητο ἡ λάρναξ, κατήει ἐπὶ τὰ στόμια δυσχεράνας τὴν τρι- 426 βὴν τῶν ἐπεξιέναι μὴ τολμώντων. καὶ γενόμενος κατά τι στόμιον πρῶτα μὲν παλτοῖς ἀνακόπτει τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ στομίου, ἔπειτα ἅρπῃ τοὺς ἀνθεστῶτας ἐπισπασάμενος ὠθεῖ κατὰ τοῦ κρημνοῦ, καὶ τοῖς ἔνδον ἐπεισελθὼν ἀποσφάττειἥ πολλούς, καὶ εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὴν λάρνακα ἡσύχασεν. 427 φόβος δὲ εἶχε τοὺς ἄλλους τῆς οἰμωγῆς ἀκούοντας καὶ περὶ' τῆς σωτηρίας ἀπόγνωσις, τὸ μέντοι γε πᾶν ἔργον ἐπέσχε νὺξ ἐπελθοῦσα"" καὶ πολλοὶ" συγχωρήσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπικηρυκευσάμενοι 498 παρέδοσαν σφᾶς ὑπηκόους εἶναι. τῷ δ᾽ αὐτῷ τρόπῳ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἐχρήσαντο τῇ προσβολῇ, μᾶλλον ἔτι τῶν ἐν τοῖς πήγμασιν" ἐπεξιόντων αὐτοῖς καὶ κατὰ θύρας μαχομένων πῦρ τε ἐνιέντων, ἐξαφθέντων τε τῶν ἄντρων, πολλὴ 429 γὰρ ἦν ἐν αὐτοῖς ὕλη. πρεσβύτης δέ τις ἀπ- ειλημμένος ἔνδον σὺν ἑπτὰ τέκνοις καὶ γυναικί, εομένων τούτων ἐᾶσαι σφᾶς ὑπεξελθεῖν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, στὰς ἐπὶ τοῦ στομίου τὸν ἀεὶ πρῶτον 1 Niese: προσελθεῖν codd. E. 2 τοῖς P: om. FE. 3 + 7eP. - περὶ om. ed. pr., secl. Schmidt. ὃ ἐπέσχε νὺξ ἐπελθοῦσα ex Lat. Lowthius: ἐπέσχεν ἐπεξ- ελθοῦσιν PE: ὑπέσχεν ὑπεξελθοῦσι rell. 8 VE: πολλοῖς rell. 7 coni. Cocceji: era me shee 30 codd. 8 P: πλέγμασιν τοὶ]. E ® 6éom. PWE. 670 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 424-429 immense depth that lay below them, although the men within them had everything they needed. But when the cribs were let down, none of the men standing near the entrances of the caves dared come forward; instead, they remained quiet out of fear, whereupon one of the soldiers in irritation at the delay caused by the brigands who dared not come out, girded on his sword, and halding on with both hands to the chain from which the crib was suspended, lowered himself to the entrance of a cave. And when he came opposite an entrance, he first drove back with javelins most of those who were standing there, and then with his grappling hook drew his opponents toward him and pushed them over the precipice ; after this he attacked those within and slaughtered many of them, whereupon he re-entered the crib and rested. Then fear seized the others as they heard the shriek- ing, and they despaired of their lives; all action, how- ever, was halted by the coming on of night“; and many, after sending spokesmen with the king’s con- sent,? surrendered and made their submission. The same method of attack was used the following day, when the men in the baskets ? fell upon them still more fiercely and fought at their doors and threw flaming fire inside, and so the caves, which had much wood in them, were set on fire. Now there was an old man shut up within one of the caves with his seven children and his wife : and when they begged him to let them slip through to the enemy, he stood at the entrance : * The word “night” is conjecturally supplied from the vatin. » Text slightly emended. ¢ B.J., on the contrary, says that ‘“‘not one of them voluntarily surrendered.” 4 Or “‘cribs,’’ see above, § 423. 671 430 431 452 433 434 JOSEPHUS ἐξιόντα τῶν παίδων ἀπέσφαττεν, εἰς ὃ πάντας διεχρήσατο, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα, καὶ ῥίψας κατὰ τοῦ κρημνοῦ τοὺς νεκροὺς ἐπικατέβαλεν ἑαυτόν, θάνατον πρὸ δουλείας ὑπομένων. πολλὰ δὲ πρῶτον ὠνείδισε τὸν Ἡρώδην εἰς ταπεινότητα, καίτοι τοῦ βασιλέως (ἦν γὰρ ἄποπτα αὐτῷ τὰ γινόμενα) δεξιάν τε προτείνοντος καὶ πᾶσαν ἄδειαν. τὰ μὲν οὖν σπήλαια τούτων γενομένων ἤδη πάντα ἐκεχείρωτο. (6) Καταστήσας δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῖς αὐτόθι στρατηγὸν Πτολεμαῖον, εἰς Σαμάρειαν ᾧχετο σὺν ἱππεῦσιν ἑξακοσίοις ὁπλίταις δὲ τρισχιλίοις ὡς μάχῃ κριθησόμενος πρὸς ᾿Αντίγονον. οὐ μὴν τῷ τολεμαίῳ προυχώρησε τὰ κατὰ τὴν στρατηγίαν, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ καὶ πρότερον τὴν [}αλιλαίαν ταράξαντες ἐπεξελθόντες, αὐτὸν διεχρήσαντο, καὶ τοῦτο dpa- σαντες συμφεύγουσιν εἴς τε τὰ ἕλη καὶ τὰ δύσβατα τῶν χωρίων, ἄγοντες καὶ" διαρπάζοντες τὴν αὐτόθι πᾶσαν. τιμωρεῖται δὲ τούτους ᾿ΗἩρώδης ἐπᾶν- ελθών: τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ἀναιρεῖ τῶν ἀποστάντων, τοὺς δὲ ἀναφυγόντας εἰς ἐρυμνὰ χωρία πολιορκίᾳ παραστησάμενος αὐτούς τε ἀπέκτεινε καὶ τὰ ἐρύματα κατέσκαψεν. ἐζημίωσε δέ, παύσας οὕτως τὴν νεωτεροποιίαν, καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἑκατὸν ταλάν- τοις. (7) Ἂν δὲ τῷ μεταξὺ Ilaxdpov πεσόντος ἐν μάχῃ καὶ τῶν Πάρθων πταισάντων" πέμπει βοηθὸν ὁ Βεντίδιος Ἡρώδῃ Μαχαιρᾶν σὺν δυσὶ τάγμασι καὶ χιλίοις ἱππεῦσιν, ἐπισπεύδοντος ᾿Αντωνίου. 1. ἐπελθόντες FLAMW. 2 τε κα AMWE. 3. PV: τραπέντων rell. Lat. 672 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 429-434 and cut down each of his sons as he came out, and afterwards his wife, and after hurling their dead bodies over the precipice, threw himself down upon them, thus submitting to death rather than to slavery. But before doing so, he bitterly reviled Herod for his meanness of spirit, although the king—for he was a witness of what was happening—stretched out his right hand and promised him full immunity. By such methods, then, all the caves were finally taken. (6) The king thereupon appointed Ptolemy general in that region, and departed for Samaria with six hundred mounted men and three thousand foot- soldiers to try the issue of battle with Antigonus. Ptolemy, however, was unsuccessful in his command, and the men who had formerly disturbed Galilee fell upon him and took his life; after doing this, they fled in a body to the marshes and other inaccessible places, harrying and plundering the entire country thereabout. But Herod returned and_ punished them ; some of the rebels he slew, and those who had taken refuge in fortified places he subjected to a siege and killed, and demolished their strongholds as well. After putting an end to the rebellion in this way, he also fined the cities a hundred talents. (7) Meanwhile, after Pacorus had fallen in battle and the Parthians had been defeated, * Ventidius at the urging of Antony? sent Machaeras to the assist- ance of Herod with two legions and a thousand horse. @ Variant “had been routed.”” The battle took place in June, 38 n.c. at Gindarus in the Syrian district of Cyrrhestica. For the ancient sources see Debevoise, pp. 118-119, notes 97-100. δ Who was now (summer of 38 B.c.) in Syria, see below, § 439. VOL. VII we 673 Further victories of Herod in Galiles. The Roman general Machaeras gives Herod ground for complaint. 435 436 437 438 JOSEPHUS Μαχαιρᾶς μὲν οὖν, ᾿Αντιγόνου καλοῦντος αὐτὸν παρὰ τὴν “Ἡρώδου γνώμην χρήμασι διεφθαρμένος ἀπῇει ὡς κατασκεψόμενος αὐτοῦ τὰ πράγματα. τὴν δὲ διάνοιαν ὑπιδόμενος" αὐτοῦ τὴν τῆς ἀφίξεως Ἂϊ , δὲ δέ. iAAG δό ντίγονος οὐδὲ προσεδέξατο, ἀλλὰ σφενδόναις , ἄγ aN > {τς \ , \ ¢ ag βάλλων αὐτὸν ἀνεῖργε, καὶ διεδήλου τὴν αὑτοῦ / > / \ \ / ξ / προαίρεσιν. αἰσθόμενος δὲ τὰ βέλτιστα ᾿Ηρώδην αὐτῷ παραινοῦντα καὶ ἑαυτὸν διημαρτηκότα, παρ- ακούσαντα τῆς ἐκείνου συμβουλίας, ἀνεχώρει. μὲν εἰς "Appaody πόλιν, οἷς δὲ κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν *lov- δαίοις “περιετύγχανε τούτους ἀπέσφαττεν ἐχθρούς τε καὶ φίλους, ὀργιζόμενος ὑπὲρ ὧν πεπόνθει. παροξυνθεὶς δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ Σαμα- ρείας ἤει: πρὸς γὰρ ᾿Αντώνιον ἐγνώκει περὶ τούτων ἀφικέσθαι: δεῖσθαι γὰρ οὐχὶ τοιούτων συμμάχων, a / “ > \ nn \ , ot βλάψουσι μᾶλλον αὐτὸν ἢ τοὺς πολεμίους" ἐξαρκεῖν δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς" πρὸς τὴν ᾿Αντιγόνου / ~ > « a > aA καθαίρεσιν. παρακολουθῶν δ᾽ ὁ Μαχαιρᾶς ἐδεῖτο μένειν" εἰ δὲ οὕτως ὥρμηκεν, ἀλλὰ τόν ye* ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ ᾿Ιώσηπον παρακαθιστάνειν σφίσι προσ- πολεμοῦσιν ᾿Αντιγόνῳ. καὶ διαλλάττεται μὲν πολλὰ 1 Dindorf: ὑπειδόμενος codd. E. 2 Naber: αὐτοῦ codd. 3 coni. Bekker: αὐτῷ codd.: ἑαυτῷ E: αὐτὸν ed. pr. 4 E: om. L: τε rell. @ Cf. Ant. xili. 15 note c. > The preceding account of Machaeras’ actions differs in some important details from the parallel, B.J. i. 317-319, which says that Antigonus, complaining bitterly of Herod, tried to bribe Machaeras, but the bribe was refused because Machaeras respected the orders of Ventidius and was also tempted by a larger bribe offered by Herod; after being repulsed by Antigonus, Machaeras in shame (nothing i is said of his belated recognition of the soundness of Herod’s advice) 674 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 435-438 Now Machaeras, being invited by Antigonus and bribed by him, went off against Herod’s wish, as if to reconnoitre his position DUG Antigonus, suspect- ing his intentions in coming, did not admit him, but kept him away with sling-shots, and so revealed his own purpose. Thereupon Machaeras, perceiving that Herod had given him excellent advice and that he himself had made a mistake in disregarding his counsel, withdrew to the city of Emmaus? and slaughtered all the Jews whom he met on the way, whether friends or foes, in anger at the treatment he had suffered.2 Enraged at these acts, the king went to Samaria, for he had decided to go to Antony about these matters and say that he had no need of such allies, who would do more harm to him than to his enemies, and that he was quite able to crush Anti- gonus by himself. But Machaeras, who accompanied him, begged him to remain, or, if he were bent on going, at least to leave his brother Joseph as their associate in the war with Antigonus.? And so, at was forced to retire to Emmaus and rejoin Herod, on the way killing all the Jews he met, not sparing even the Herodians. Otto, Herodes, p. 31 note, assumes that in Ant. Josephus used two contradictory sources, while Laqueur, pp. 202-205, argues that Josephus has tendentiously altered B.J. in writing Ant. out of hostility to Antigonus (while still being hostile to his opponent Herod). But so far as Antigonus is concerned the only difference between B.J. and Ant. is that in the former he tries to bribe Machaeras unsuccessfully, and in the latter succeeds in bribing him. Thus the alleged anti- Antigonus revision of Anf. is not very clear. © Contrast B.J. i. 320, “ Indignant at these acts Herod hastened to attack Machaeras as an enemy, but restraining his anger, set out instead to lay before Antony an accusation of his lawlessness.” 4 Herod’s brother Joseph is not mentioned by Machaeras in the parallel, B.J. i. 320. 675 JOSEPHUS τοῦ Μαχαιρᾶ δεηθέντος, καταλιπὼν δὲ τὸν ᾿Ιώ- σηπον αὐτόθι σὺν στρατῷ παρήνεσε μὴ ἀποκινδυ- , \ ~ A ,ὔ νεύειν μηδὲ τῷ Μαχαιρᾷ διαφέρεσθαι. 439 (8) Αὐτὸς δὲ πρὸς ᾿Αντώνιον ἔσπευδεν (ἐτύγχανε yap" πολιορκῶν Σαμόσατα τὸ πρὸς τῷ Εὐφράτῃ χωρίον) σὺν ἱππόταις τε καὶ πεζοῖς κατὰ συμ- ~ ~ / > 440 μαχίαν αὐτῷ παροῦσιν. παραγενόμενος δ᾽ εἰς > , \ AA - > \ Ta ,ὔ Αντιόχειαν καὶ πολλοῖς ἐπιτυχὼν ἠθροισμένοις καὶ πρὸς ᾿Αντώνιον μὲν σπουδὴν βαδίζειν ἔχουσιν, ὑπὸ δέους δὲ διὰ τὸ κατὰ τὰς ὁδοὺς ἐπιτίθεσθαι τοὺς βαρβάρους καὶ πολλοὺς ἀναιρεῖν οὐ τολμῶν- ~ 4 ‘ « tas® ἐξορμᾶν, παραθαρρύνας αὐτὸς ἡγεμὼν γίνεται ~ ς ~ \ \ 0 \ / ~ 441 τῆς ὁδοῦ. κατὰ δὲ σταθμὸν δεύτερον τῶν Σαμο- σάτων' ἐλόχα μὲν αὐτόθι τῶν βαρβάρων ἐνέδρα Η τὶ wots , , \ \ τοὺς φοιτῶντας πρὸς ᾿Αντώνιον, δρυμώνων δὲ τὰς > / εἰσβολὰς τὰς εἰς τὰ πεδία διαλαμβανόντων προ- x ,ὕ ΕῚ 50 ~ ἐὺ / » SAU Ἂν , oxilovaw αὐτόθι τῶν imméwv οὐκ ὀλίγους ἠρεμή- “ 5 > Wane , ε ΄ σοντας ἕως ἂν" εἰς τὸ ἱππήλατον οἱ διεξιόντες 1 PE: δὲ rell. 2 «at secl. Dindorf. 3 to\u@ow Dindorf. ante aut post τῶν Σαμοσάτων aliquid excidisse putat Niese. δ᾽ ἂν secl. Naber. “In B.J. Herod’s warning to Joseph not to engage Antigonus (nothing is said about quarrelling with Machaeras, although his untrustworthiness is mentioned) follows the account of the siege of Samosata instead of preceding it, as here. » On the parallelism between §§ 439-464 and B.J. i. 321-342 676 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 438-441 the earnest entreaty of Machaeras, Herod became reconciled and left his brother Joseph there with an army, warning him not to take any risks or to quarrel with Machaeras.@ (8) ° He himself hastened to Antony, who was just then besieging Samosata, a place near the Euphrates, with horsemen and foot-soldiers who had come to his assistance.© When he arrived at Antioch,? he found many men gathered there who were anxious to reach Antony but dared not set out for fear of the barbarians who were attacking men on the way and slaying many of them; these he encouraged and became their leader on the road. But two days’ march from Samosata® there was an ambush of bar- barians lying in wait for those who were on their way to Antony. And as there were thickets covering the entrance to the plains, they had there placed in ambush?’ not a few horsemen to remain quiet until those passing through should reach the place where see Laqueur, pp. 205-210, who assumes that in Ant. Josephus used a second source beside Nicolas of Damascus, namely the Memoirs of Herod himself. But this assumption seems to contradict Laqueur’s theory that Ant. is more anti-Herodian than B.J. © Antony had come to supersede Ventidius who was besieging the Parthians’ ally Antiochus of Commagene. For the ancient sources see W. W. Tarn in CAH x. 53 note 3 and Debevoise, p. 120 note 103. 4 B.J. adds that ‘‘ Herod quickened his pace, as he saw in this a favourable opportunity for displaying his courage and strengthening his fold upon Antony’s affection.”” The details of Herod’s march and reception by Antony in §§ 439- 444. are not found in the corresponding sections, B.J. i. 321-322. * This would be about 40 miles S.W. of Samosata, prob- ably near the southern border of Commagene. 7 προλοχίζουσι is a ‘Vhucydidean term. 677 Herod rescues the troops sent to aid Antony from the Parthian ambush, 442 443 444 445 446 JOSEPHUS > « - ΄ ἔλθοιεν. ὡς δ᾽ οἱ πρῶτοι διεξῆλθον, ὠπισθοφυ- ΄ὔ \ « ’ , \ > / λάκει μὲν ‘Hpwdns, προσπίπτουσι δὲ ἐξαπιναίως οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἐνέδρας ὄντες εἰς πεντακοσίους: καὶ τρεψαμένων τοὺς πρώτους, ἐπιδραμὼν ὁ βασιλεὺς ~ ~ ‘ ‘ ~ τῇ ῥύμῃ TH περὶ αὐτὸν παραχρῆμα μὲν ἀνακόπτει , ~ τοὺς πολεμίους, ἐπεγείρει δὲ TO τῶν οἰκείων > ΄- φρόνημα καὶ θαρραλέους ἀπεργάζεται, καὶ τῶν 3 ~ πάλαι φευγόντων ἐξ ὑποστροφῆς μαχομένων ἐκ- / τείνοντο πανταχόθεν ot βάρβαροι. ἐπέκειτο δὲ ὁ ‘ > ~ \ \ ’ ‘ > βασιλεὺς ἀναιρῶν, καὶ τὰ διηρπασμένα (πολλὰ ὃ ἦν σκευοφόρα καὶ ἀνδράποδα) πάντα ἀνασωσάμενος Ί) μ / \ / > a“ > / ~ προήει. καὶ πλειόνων αὐτοῖς ἐπιτιθεμένων τῶν a ~ ~ > ἐν τοῖς δρυμῶσιν ot πλησίον τῆς εἰς TO πεδίον - i> / ἐκβολῆς ἦσαν, καὶ τούτοις προσμίξας" αὐτὸς μετὰ στίφους καρτεροῦ τρέπεται, καὶ πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ~ - \ A ἀποκτείνας adeG τοῖς ἑπομένοις THY” ὁδὸν παρεῖχεν" οἱ δὲ σωτῆρα καὶ προστάτην αὐτὸν ἀπεκάλουν ὃ (0) ᾿Επεὶ δὲ πλησίον τῶν Σαμοσάτων ἐγεγόνει, / πέμπει TO στράτευμα ὑπαντησόμενον ᾿Αντώνιος ~ > , / \ « σὺν τῷ οἰκείῳ κόσμῳ, τιμὴν “Ηρώδῃ ταύτην ἀπο- , “ A ~ νέμων Kal ἐπικουρίας ἕνεκα: τὴν yap τῶν βαρ- ΄“ > Bdpwv ἠκηκόει Kat αὐτῶν ἐπίθεσιν. καὶ δὴ παρόντα τε εἶδεν ἀσμένως, καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν αὐτῷ πεπραγμένα μαθὼν ἐδεξιοῦτο καὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς > / > / \ > \ > » ἐθαύμαζεν, αὐτός τε περιλαβὼν αὐτὸν ᾿Αντώνιος ὡς εἶδεν ἠσπάζετο προυτίμα τε νεωστὶ βασιλέα 1; συμπροσμίξας P: συμμίξας rell. E. 5 τὴν add. Niese. > ἐκάλουν Ῥ: ἐπεκάλουν ΑΜ. 4. ὡς εἶδεν 5660], Ernesti. JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 442-446 horses could be used. As the first men went through, Herod was guarding the rear, and when the men in ambush, numbering some five hundred, suddenly @ fell upon them and routed those in front, the king rushed up and by the force of his charge at once drove the enemy back; at the same time he raised the spirits of his men and filled them with courage: and when those who had before been fleeing turned back to fight, the barbarians were killed on all sides. But the king pressed on, slaying as he went, and after recovering all the plunder that had been taken, con- sisting of a great many pack-animals and slaves, he went ahead. And being attacked by a larger number of men in the thickets near the entrance to the plain, he engaged them too with a stout body of men and routed and killed many of them, thus making the road safe for those who followed. Thereupon they hailed him as their saviour and protector. (9) And when he came near Samosata, Antony sent his army with his own equipment to meet him, assigning these men as an honour to Herod and also as an aid to him; for he had heard of the barbarians’ attacks upon them. Moreover when Herod arrived, he was very glad to see him, and on learning of his feats on the way, he clasped his hand and expressed admiration of his prowess ; and Antony himself wel- comed him with an embrace on seeing him,? and showed him special honour, for he had recently appointed him king.“ But not long afterwards 4 ἐξαπιναίως is also Thucydidean. » The text here is confused and repetitious. © See above, § 386. B.J. i. 322 says merely that Antony “ largely increased both his honours and his hopes of the kingship.” 679 Antony welcomes Herod at Samosata, JOSEPHUS 447 ἀποδείξας. ᾿Αντιόχου δὲ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ τὸ ἔρυμα παραδόντος καὶ διὰ τοῦτο παυσαμένου τοῦ πολέμου, sy ͵ 1 fa ΄ 4 9 , Σοσσίῳ μὲν ᾿Αντώνιος Συρίαν" παραδίδωσι, παρα- - > κελευσάμενος δὲ “Ἡρώδῃ συμμαχεῖν αὐτὸς ἐπ Αἰγύπτου “ἐχώρει. καὶ Σόσσιος μὲν δύο τάγματα ἐπικουρικὰ Ἡρώδῃ προύπεμψεν εἰς τὴν Ιουδαίαν, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τοῦ πλείονος στρατοῦ ἠκολούθει. 448 (10) "ἔτυχε δ᾽ ἤδη κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν τεθνεὼς ᾿Ιώσηπος τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ: λήθην μὲν ὧν αὐτῷ / € > ‘ ‘ > / > /, παρήγγειλεν ὁ ἀδελφὸς πρὸς ᾿Αντώνιον ἀπερχό- μενος λαμβάνει, στρατοπεδευσάμενος δὲ ἀνὰ τὰ ὄρη (πέντε γὰρ αὐτῷ σπείρας Μαχαιρᾷ δόντος ἐπὶ Ἱεριχοῦντος ἠπείγετο, βουλόμενος ἐκθερίσαι τὸν 449 σῖτον αὐτῶν") καὶ νεοσυλλέκτου τοῦ “Ρωμαίων στρατεύματος ὄντος καὶ πολέμων ἀπείρως ἔχοντος (καὶ γὰρ πολὺ ἐκ Συρίας ἦν τὸ κατειλεγμένον), ἐπιθεμένων αὐτόθι τῶν πολεμίων, ἀποληφθεὶς ἐν δυσχωρίαις αὐτός τε ἀποθνήσκει γενναίως μαχό- μενος, καὶ τὸ στράτευμα πᾶν ἀπέβαλεν" ἑξ γὰρ 460 σπεῖραι διεφθάρησαν. κρατήσας δὲ τῶν νεκρῶν" ᾿Αντίγονος ἀποτέμνει τὴν ᾿Ιωσήπου κεφαλήν, πεν- τήκοντα ταλάντων αὐτὴν ῥυομένου Φερώρα τά- δελφοῦ. καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ἀποστάντες Ϊ] αλιλαῖοι ~ \ / ~ x \ « / τῶν παρὰ σφίσι δυνατῶν, τοὺς τὰ ‘Hpwdou dpo- 1 αὐτός te . . . ἀποδείξας] et osculabatur eum et prae- ponebat sibi quem paulo ante regem ipse monstraverat Lat. 2 Συρίαν ex B.J. add. Hudson. 3 δὲ post αὐτὸς tr. Richards et Shutt. 4 αὐτῶν om. L Lat. 5 inimicos Lat. * King of Commagene, see above, § 439 note ὁ. > B.J. says that Herod’s arrival ‘‘ brought the siege to a conclusion.”’ According to Plutarch, dnt. 34, Antony made 680 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 447-450 Antiochus? surrendered the stronghold,? and thus the war came to an end; thereupon Antony en- trusted Syria® to Sossius with instructions to aid Herod, and himself departed for Egypt.4? And so Sossius sent two legions ahead to Judaea to assist Herod, and himself followed with the greater part of his army. (10) Before this, however, Joseph had met his death in Judaea under the following circumstances. Forgetting the orders which his Barner had given him when going off to Antony, he pitched camp in the hills—for when Machaeras gave him five cohorts, he hastened to Jericho with the intention of reaping all their grain—and as the Roman army was newly recruited and had no experience of war, being raised mostly from Syria, he was left in a difficult position when the enemy attacked him there, and so he was killed, fighting bravely ; his entire army was also lost, six cohorts being destroyed.’ And Antigonus seized the dead bodies’ and cut off Joseph’s head, which his brother Pheroras ransomed for fifty talents. And after this the Galilaeans rebelled against the nobles in their country and drowned the partisans peace with Antiochus on the latter’s payment of 300 talents (instead of 1000 earlier demanded by Ventidius). Tarn, loc. cit., calls this story “ἡ absurd.” ¢ “ Syria ”’ is conjecturally supplied from B.J. 4 According to Plutarch, loc. cit., Antony returned to Athens from Syria. In B.J/. the instructions to Sossius are mentioned after the account of Joseph’s defeat at Jericho, instead of before it, as here; ὃ 447 =B.J. i. 327, while §§ 448- 450 = B.J. i. 323-326. ¢ Tarn remarks, CAH x. 54, that this was a “ rare instance of a foreigner commanding Roman troops.” f This detail is not found in B.J. 9 Lat. “ the enemy ’’; our text is supported by B.J. 681 Joseph is killed in battle at Jericho. JOSEPHUS ~ > 7 ~ voovras ev τῇ λίμνῃ κατεπόντωσαν, Kal τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας πολλὰ ἐνεωτερίσθη. Μαχαιρᾶς δὲ Γιτθᾶν' χωρίον ἐξωχύρου. (11) Παρῆσαν δ᾽ ἄγγελοι τῶν πεπραγμένων \ ‘ / \ >? / ~ > , πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ ἐν Δάφνῃ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας > / > ~ \ \ \ > \ / ἐδήλωσαν αὐτῷ τὴν κατὰ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τύχην, προσδεχομένῳ μέντοι καὶ αὐτῷ διά τινας ὀνείρων ὄψεις τρανῶς προφαινούσας τὸν τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ θάνατον. ἐπειχθεὶς οὖν κατὰ τὴν πορείαν ὡς κατὰ Λίβανον τὸ ὄρος γίνεται, ὀκτακοσίους μὲν τῶν > / / »Μ \ \ « - \ a αὐτόθι προσλαμβάνει, ἔχων δὲ καὶ “Ρωμαϊκὸν ἕν τάγμα εἰς IlroAcuaida παραγίνεται, κἀκεῖθεν νυκτὸς ἀναστὰς μετὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ προΐει διὰ τῆς 453 Γαλιλαίας. ὑπήντων ot πολέμιοι καὶ κρατη- 4 θέντες τῇ μάχῃ κατεκλείσθησαν εἰς χωρίον ὅθεν ἦσαν ὡρμηκότες τῇ προτεραίᾳ" προσβολὰς δὴ τοὐντεῦθεν ἕωθεν" ἐποιεῖτο, καὶ πολλοῦ χειμῶνος καταρραγέντος οὐδὲν ποιεῖν δυνάμενος, ἀπάγει τὴν στρατιὰν εἰς τὰς πλησίον κώμας. ἐλθόντος δ᾽ αὐτῷ παρ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίου καὶ δευτέρου τάγματος, οἱ τὸ χωρίον ἔχοντες φοβηθέντες νυκτὸς ἐξέλιπον" 4 αὐτό. καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔσπευδεν ἐπὶ “Ἱεριχοῦντος, τιμωρήσασθαι κατὰ νοῦν ἔχων αὐτοὺς ὑπὲρ Ta- ' Hudson: Hrrov P (post χωρίον): Τιθὰν AMW: Τιθτᾶν V: Τήθαν rell. 2 ἕωθεν om. PE Lat. 3 ἐξέλειπον PFV. « Of Gennesaret (the Sea of Galilee). > B.J. has “ Idumaea,”’ probably the correct reading since, as Otto points out, Herodes, p. 32, Judaea had not been held by Herod, while, according to B.J. i. 303, he had earlier feared a revolt in Idumaea. ¢ Name slightly emended after B./. The site may have been S,W, of Hebron, ef. Dr. Thackeray’s note on B.J. i. 326, 682 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 450-454 of Herod in the lake %; a good part of Judaea? also revolted. Machaeras then fortified the place called Gittha.°¢ (11) But messengers came to the king to report these happenings, and at Daphne near Antioch they informed him of his brother’s fate, which, however, he himself was expecting from certain dream visions which clearly foreshadowed his brother's death.? He therefore hastened on his way, and when he came to Mount Lebanon, took on eight hundred men of that region, and with a Roman legion as well came to Ptolemais ; from there he set out by night with his army and proceeded through Galilee.¢ When the enemy met him, they were defeated in battle and were shut up in the fortress from which they had set out the day before ; he then attacked them repeatedly at dawn,’ but not being able to do anything because of a severe storm sis broke out, he led his army back to the villages nearby. But when a second legion came to him fon Antony,? the men who were holding the fortress were terrified and abandoned it by night. And the king hastened to Jericho with the intention of taking revenge on 4 B.J.’s language is more dramatic, “ἡ springing in dismay from his bed, he was met by the messengers bringing news of the catastrophe.” * ‘The stop at Ptolemais is not mentioned in B.J. Laqueur, pp- 206-207, argues that in Ant. Josephus has deliberately suppressed the details of his source which showed Herod’s passionate haste to avenge his brother. But B.J. is simply more rhetorical than 0 An / “ ‘ / Ηρώδην εἶναι θεοφιλῆ, μέγαν οὕτω καὶ παράδοξον διαφυγόντα κίνδυνον. 456 (12) TH 8 ὑστεραίᾳ τῶν πολεμίων ἑξακισχίλιοι ἀπ᾽ ἄκρων κατιόντες τῶν ὀρῶν εἰς μάχην, ἐφόβουν τοὺς “Ρωμαίους. οἱ δὲ γυμνῆτες προσιόντες τοῖς παλτοῖς" ἔβαλλον καὶ λίθοις τοὺς περὶ τὸν βασιλέα > / > A3 \ \ ἐξεληλυθότας, αὐτόν" te παλτῷ" τις mapa τὴν / »Μ > / 9. 5 \ \ / 457 λαπάραν ἔβαλεν. ᾿Αντίγονος δ᾽ ἐπὶ τὴν Σαμάρειαν πέμπει στρατηγὸν ἸΙάππον ὄνομα σὺν δυνάμει τινί, * βουλόμενος παρασχεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις δόξαν πολεμοῦντος ἐκ περιουσίας. ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν Μαχαιρᾷ τῷ στρατηγῷ προσεκάθητο". “Hpwdns δὲ πέντε ῃ AG \ ? , 2 \ πόλεις καταλαβών," τοὺς ἐγκαταληφθέντας" περὶ δισχιλίους ὄντας ἐφόνευσεν, αὐτάς τε τὰς πόλεις 458 ἐμπρήσας ἐπανῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὸν Ildmmov: ἐστρατο- πεδεύετο δὲ οὗτος περὶ κώμην ᾿Ισάνας καλου- 1 P (πάλτοις) : πελτοῖς rell. 2 αὐτῷ FLAMW. 3 P (πάλτῳ) : πελτῷ rell.: πέλτη E. 4 πολλῇ P. 5 παρεκάθητο FV: προεκάθητο L. SP EK: πε όλοβὸν rell. 7 edd.: ἐγκαταλιπόντας P: καταληφθέντας, ἡ in εἰ corr. E: ἐγκαταλειφθέντας rell.: relictos Lat. 8 ex B.J. Niese: ἐπὶ codd. * The matter is put less factually in B.J. i. 332, which says that Herod “* judged this to be a sign both of perils and of preservation in the coming war.”’ » Presumably in an earthquake, as is supposed by J. Garstang, The Story of Jericho (1940), p. 136. 684 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 454-458 them for his brother. And when he had found quarters, he entertained the men in authority, and after the party, sent away the guests and went to his room. And from the following incident one may see how well disposed God was toward the king.* For the roof of the house collapsed ? Ae teas killing anyone who was caught within; so that they all believed that Herod was a favourite of God for having escaped so great and unexpected a danger. (12) On the following day, however, six ihoweand of the enemy descended from the summits of the hills to fight, and struck terror into the Romans.? The light- -armed troops came close and cast javelins4 and stones at the king’s men who had come out against them, and one of them struck the king him- self in the side with a javelin. Antigonus then sent a general named Pappus with a force ® to Samaria, wishing to give the enemy the impression that he was fighting with men to spare. And while he occupied himself with the general Machaeras, Herod took five cities, and after slaughtering those who were caught in them—about two thousand—and burning the cities themselves, returned to face Pappus, who had pitched his camp near a village called Isana.? © B.J. i. 332 says, on the contrary, that Antigonus’ troops had not the courage to come to close quarters with the Romans. Possibly in Ant. we should read, not ἐφόβουν, but ἐφοβοῦντο (τοὺς Ῥωμαίους) ‘‘ but they were afraid of the Romans.” 4 Text slightly emended. ¢ ms. P “ a large force.” 7 So the editions: mss. “ left.”’ 9 Not “ Kana” as in B.J. through a seribal error. Isana is bibl. Jeshanah (ef. Ant. viii. 284), identified by Albright, BASOR 9 (February 1923), p. 7 (cf. Abel, GP ii. 364 and Klein, /Y, p. 85 note 8) with mod. Bury el-Isdneh, c. 20 miles N. of Jerusalem on the Nablus road. 685 Antigonus’ force. is defeated by Herod at Jericho. 459 460 461 JOSEPHUS μένην. καὶ πολλῶν αὐτῷ προσρεόντων ἐκ τῆς “Ἱεριχοῦντος καὶ τῆς ἀλλης" Ιουδαίας, ἐπεὶ πλησίον γίνεται, τῶν πολεμίων ἐπεξελθόντων αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ θάρσους συμβαλὼν κρατεῖ τῇ μάχῃ, καὶ τιμωρῶν τἀδελφῷ φεύγουσιν εἰς τὴν κώμην εἵπετο" κτείνων. πεπληρωμένων δὲ τῶν οἰκήσεων ὁπλιτῶν καὶ πολλῶν' ἀναφευγόντων ἐπὶ τὰς στέγας κρατεῖ τούτων, καὶ τοὺς ὀρόφους τῶν οἴκων ἀνασκάπτων, ἔμπλεα τὰ κάτω" τῶν στρατιω- τῶν ἑώρα ἀθρόων ἀπειλημμένων. τούτους μὲν οὖν πέτραις ἄνωθεν βάλλοντες σωρηδὸν ἐπ᾽ ἀλλή- λοις ἀνήρουν. καὶ θέαμα τοῦτο δεινότατον ἦν κατὰ τόνδε τὸν πόλεμον, νεκρῶν τὸ πλῆθος ἀπείρων ἐντὸς" τῶν τοίχων ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλοις κειμένων. τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον μάλιστα τὰ φρονήματα τῶν πολεμίων ἔκλασε καραδοκούντων τὸ μέλλον: ἑωρῶντο γὰρ παμπληθεῖς πόρρωθεν συγγινόμενοι περὶ τὴν κώ- μὴν: ot τότε ἔφευγον, καὶ εἰ μὴ χειμὼν ἐπέσχε βαθύς, ἧκεν ἂν καὶ ἐπὶ ἹἹεροσόλυμα ἣ βασιλέως στρατιὰ θαρροῦσα τῷ νενικηκέναι, καὶ τὸ πᾶν ἦν ἂν εἰργασμένη" καὶ γὰρ ᾿Αντίγονος. ἤδη. τὴν παντελῆ φυγὴν ἐσκόπει καὶ ἀπανάστασιν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως. 1 Hudson : ἹἹεριχοῦς codd. E. 2 ἄλλης PE: om. rell. Lat. 3 ἐπέκειτο V fort. recte. τινων P: πολλῶν τινῶν F. τὰ κάτω EX: τὰ κατὰ P: om. F: ταῦτα rell. 8 ἐκτὸς (τῶν τειχῶν) coni. Lowthius. 7 Niese: τειχῶν codd. 4 5 @ Variant “from Jericho and Judaea”; BJ. “‘ from Jericho and the rest of the country (χώρας) ’’—probably meaning Judaea. /./. adds that these recruits came, ‘ some drawn by hatred of Antigonus, others by his own successes, the majority by a blind love of change.” 686 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 458-461 Meanwhile many people streamed to him from Jericho and the rest of Judaea*; and when he drew near the enemy, they boldly advanced to attack him, but on engaging them in battle he overcame them, and to avenge his brother ὃ he followed and killed them as they fled to the village. The houses were filled with armed men, and many ° took refuge on the house- tops, but he seized these, and on pulling down the roofs of the houses, saw the space below filled with soldiers wedged in tightly together. Accordingly his men hurled stones at them from above? and slew them in heaps, one upon another. And the most terrible sight of any during the war was this mass of countless dead bodies lying one upon another within the walls of the houses. It was this action which did most to break the spirits of the enemy, who were waiting to see what would happen; for great crowds were seen coming together from a distance about the village, and they now fled ; and if asevere storm 7 had not prevented, the king’s army, made confident by their victory, would have marched on Jerusalem as well and ended the whole business ; for Antigonus was already considering headlong flight and withdrawal from the city. » This is more dramatically expressed in B.J. i. 336, “ with his memories of his murdered brother, hazarding all to be avenged on his murderers.’’ There are several other dramatic phrases in these sections of B.J. not paralleled in Ant. © Variant ‘‘some”’; B.J. supports our text. 4 This detail is not found in BJ. ¢ τοίχων “ὁ house-walls”’ is conjectured for mss. τειχῶν κε city-walls.”” A conjectured variant is ‘‘ outside”? for mss. “within.” B.J. has “ there was such a heap of corpses that the streets were impassable.” 7 This must have been during the winter of 38-37 B.c. or in the early spring of 37 8.0. 687 JOSEPHUS 462 (18) Tore μὲν οὖν ὁ βασιλεύς, ὀψία γὰρ ἦν, δειπνοποιεῖσθαι κελεύει τοὺς στρατιώτας, αὐτὸς δὲ" (ἐκεκμήκει γάρ) εἰσελθὼν εἴς τι δωμάτιον περ! λουτρὸν ἦν. ἔνθα καὶ κίνδυνος αὐτῷ μέγιστος 463 συνέπεσεν, ὃν κατὰ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν διέφυγε: γυμνοῦ γὰρ ὄντος αὐτοῦ καὶ μετὰ παιδὸς ἑνὸς ἀκολούθου λουομένου ἐν τῷ ἐντὸς οἰκήματι, τῶν πολεμίων τινὲς ὡπλισμένοι συμπεφευγότες αὐτόθι διὰ φόβον ἦσαν, καὶ" μεταξὺ λουομένου ὁ πρῶτος ὑπεξέρχεται" ξίφος ἔχων γυμνὸν καὶ διὰ θυρῶν χωρεῖ, καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν δεύτερος καὶ τρίτος ὁμοίως ὡπλισμένοι, οὐδὲν βλάψαντες τὸν βασιλέα ὑπ᾽ ἐκπλήξεως, ἀγαπῶντες δὲ τὸ μηδὲν αὐτοὶ παθόντες εἰς τὸ 464 πρόσθεν διεκπεσεῖν. τῇ 8 hie τὴν μὲν Πάππου κεφαλὴν ( (ἀνήρητο, yap) ἀποκόψας Φερώρᾳ ἔπεμψε, ποινὴν ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ πάθοι: οὗτος γὰρ ἦν αὐτόχειρ ἐκείνου γεγενημένος. 405 (14) Angavros δὲ “Τοῦ χειμῶνος ἄρας ἐκεῖθεν ἐγγὺς “Ἱεροσολύμων ἔρχεται, καὶ πλησίον στρατο- πεδεύεται τῆς πόλεως" τρίτον δὲ αὐτῷ τοῦτο ἔτος 466 ἦν ἐξ οὗ βασιλεὺς ἐν Ρώμῃ ἀπεδέδεικτο. ἀνα- στρατοπεδευσάμενος δὲ καὶ πλησίον ἐλθὼν τοῦ τείχους κατὰ τὸ ἐπιμαχώτατον πρὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ καταστρατοπεδεύεται,; προσβαλεῖν διεγνωκὼς ὧ" καὶ πρότερόν ποτε ἰΪομπήιος. τρισὶ δὲ διαλαβὼν 1 FE Lat.: τε codd. 2 ἦσαν καὶ om. AMW. 3 P: ἐπεξέρχεται rell. 476 V. 5 στρατοπεδεύεται PE. 6 Niese: ws codd. E. @ On the slight differences of detail between Ant. and B.J. in the following (perhaps apocryphal) story see Laqueur, pp. 209-210 (rather too subtle). > Or “ unarmed.” 688 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 462-466 (13) 7At this point the king ordered his soldiers to Herod's have their supper, as it was late, and he himself, Saeed being tired out, went into a room to bathe. And ae here he came into very great danger, but by the ~ providence of God, escaped it. Vor he was naked ® _and taking his bath, with only a single servant in attendance, in an inner chamber, where several of the enemy, who were armed, had taken refuge out of fear ; and while he was bathing, one of them stole by © with his sword drawn, and went out through the door, and after him a second and a third who were similarly armed, but in their consternation they did the king no injury, and were content to have got away into the open without suffering any harm. The following day he cut off the head of Pappus, who had already been slain, and sent it to Pheroras in revenge for what his brother had suffered. For it was Pappus who had been his executioner.@ (14) © When the storm subsided, he removed from Herod inter. there and came near to Jerusalem, encamping close [P's the siege of to the city. This was in the third year after he had Jerusalem been made king at Rome. He then moved his camp ariamne and came close to the wall, encamping before the 80 Samaria. temple, which was the point where the wall could most easily be assaulted, for he had made up his mind to attack at the same place where Pompey had attacked before.? On this site he made three lines ¢ The variant ‘‘ advanced upon him ” is excluded by the context. 4 See above, § 450. ¢ On the parallelism between §§ 465-491 (end of book) and B.J. i. 343-357 see Laqueur, pp. 210-215. * More peeely two and a half years after his appoint- ment; this had taken place in the late autumn of 40 B.c. (see ahove, § 389) and it was now the early spring of 37 B.c. 9 See above, §§ 60 ff. 689 468 469 470 JOSEPHUS χώμασι τὸν τόπον πύργους ἀνίστη, πολλῇ τε χειρὶ πρὸς τὸ ἔργον χρώμενος καὶ τέμνων τὴν πέριξ ὕλην. παρακαταστήσας δὲ τοῖς ἔργοις τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους, ἱδρυμένης ἔτι τῆς στρατιᾶς αὐτὸς εἰς Σαμάρειαν ἐπὶ τὸν γάμον ᾧχετο, ἀξόμενος τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ ᾿Αριστοβούλου θυγατέρα. ταύτην γὰρ ἦν ἐγγεγυημένος, ὥς μοι καὶ πρότερον εἴρηται. (xvi. 1) Μετὰ δὲ τοῖς. γάμους ἦλθε μὲν διὰ Φοινίκης Σόσσιος, πρι «πέμψας τὴν δύναμιν διὰ τῆς μεσογαίας, ἦλθε δὲ καὶ ὁ στρατηγός, πλῆθος ἔχων" ἱππέων τε καὶ πεζῶν, παρεγένετο δὲ καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκ τῆς Σαμαρείτιδος, οὐκ ὀλίγον πρὸς τῷ πάλαι στρατὸν ἄγων" περὶ τρισμυρίους" γὰρ ἦσαν. πάντες δὲ ἐπὶ" τὸ ἹΙἹεροσολύμων ἠθροίζοντο τεῖχος, καὶ διεκάθηντο πρὸς τῷ βορείῳ τείχει τῆς πόλεως στρατιὰ" ἕνδεκα μὲν οὖσα τέλη ὁπλιτικοῦ," ἕξ δὲ χιλιάδες ἱππέων, ἄλλα be" ἐπικουρικὰ ἀπὸ τῆς Συρίας: δύο δ᾽ ἡγεμόνες, Σόσσιος μὲν ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίου σταλεὶς" σύμμαχος, “Hpwd ς δ᾽ ὑπὲ μμαχος, ᾿Ἡρώδη ρ αὑτοῦ, ὡς" ᾿Αντίγονον ἀφελόμενος τὴν ἀρχήν, ἀποδειχθέντα ἐν “Ῥώμῃ πολέμιον, αὐτὸς ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνου βασιλεύσειε"" κατὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα. (2) Μετὰ πολλῆς δὲ προθυμίας καὶ ἔριδος, ἅτε 1 στρατὸς PE: om. Lat.: ἦλθε. . . στρατηγός del. Her- werden. 2 ἔχων om. PE Lat. 5 περὶ τρισμυρίους PV: τρισμύριοι rell. 4 ὑπὸ Naber. 5 ed. pr.: στρατιᾶς codd. 6 Niese: ὁπλιτικούς P: ὁπλιτικόν rell.: ὁπλιτικά Naber. 7 τε ed. pr. 8 + ἦσαν KE. ® ἀποσταλεὶς FLAMW. 10 65 AMW. 11 βασιλεὺς εἴη P. @ Mariamme. 690 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 466-470 of earthworks and erected towers, employing a great many hands in the work and cutting the timber round about. He then put capable men in charge of these works, and while his army was still encamped, himself went off to Samaria to marry the daughter? of Alex- ander, son of Aristobulus, to whom he was betrothed, as I have said before.? (xvi. 1) After the wedding Sossius, who had sent Sossius and his forces ahead through the interior, came through [7d Jom Phoenicia, the general himself coming ἡ with a large number of horsemen and foot-soldiers. And the king also arrived from Samaria, leading a considerable army in addition to the one he had earlier, there being about thirty thousand.? All these assembled before the wall of Jerusalem and took up their position at the north wall of the city ; they made up an army of eleven divisions of foot-soldiers and six thousand mounted men, as well as auxiliaries from Syria®; and there were two commanders, Sossius, who had been sent as an ally by Antony, and Herod, acting on his own behalf, to take the royal power from Antigonus, who had been declared an enemy at Rome,f and in his stead to become king himself in accordance with the decree of the Senate. (2) It was with great zeal and bitterness,’ the entire The ingenu- ity and > See above, § 300. B.J. i. 344 adds, ‘‘He made his wedding an interlude (πάρεργον) of the siege, for he was already contemptuous of the enemy.” © ‘Text awkward and probably corrupt; it is clear, how- ever, from the parallel in B.J. that “‘ the general ”’ is Sossius. 4 B.J. does not give the number of Herod’s men. ¢ B.J. adds “‘ who formed no small part (of his army).” ‘ There is no mention of Antigonus in the parallel, 8.0). i. 346. 9 Instead of * zeal and bitterness,’’ B.J. speaks of the “agitation ”’ (ἐτετάρακτο) of the people within the city. 691 47] 472 473 474 JOSEPHUS , > , ~ » 1 aw: a σύμπαντος ἠθροισμένου τοῦ ἔθνους, οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι A \ \ « ,’ὔ > / / aT τοῖς περὶ τὸν ‘Hpwdnv ἀντεπολέμουν, κατειληθέντες ἐντὸς τοῦ τείχους, πολλά" τε ἐπεφήμιζον περὶ τὸ Gey JA \ \ δ ἃ > ae A ͵ ε ἱερὸν καὶ πολλὰ ἐπ᾽ εὐθυμίᾳ' τοῦ δήμου, ws ῥυσομένου" τῶν κινδύνων αὐτοὺς τοῦ θεοῦ. τά ~ > Te ἐκτὸς" τῆς πόλεως ἀπεσκευάσαντο, ὡς μηδ “ \ / > « - δ > / ὅσα τροφὴ δύναιτο εἶναι ὑπολιπεῖν ἢ ἀνθρώποις / ἢ ὑποζυγίοις, λῃστείαις Te λάθρα χρώμενοι ἀπορίαν παρέσχον. ταῦτα δ᾽ “Hpwdns συνιδὼν πρὸς μὲν τὰς λῃστείας ἐν τοῖς ἐπικαιροτάτοις τόποις προ- / : ‘ \ ‘ > / / « > ελόχιζε, πρὸς δὲ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια πέμπων ὁπλιτικὰ , τέλη πόρρωθεν ἀγορὰν συνεκόμιζεν, ὡς ὀλίγου χρόνου πολλὴν ἀφθονίαν αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι τῶν ἀναγκαίων. ἦρτο δέ, συνεχῶς" ἤδη πολλῆς χειρὸς ἐργαζομένης, καὶ τὰ τρία χώματα εὐπετῶς" θέρος τε γὰρ ἦν καὶ οὐδὲν ἐμποδὼν πρὸς τὴν ἀνάστασιν οὔτ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀέρος οὔτ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐργαζομένων, τά τε “μηχανήματα “προσάγοντες κατέσειον τὸ τεῖχος καὶ πάσαις ἐχρῶντο πείραις. οὐ μὴν ἐξέπληττον τοὺς ἔνδον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀντετεχνῶντο κἀκεῖνοι πρὸς τὰ ἼΤΩ παρὰ τούτων γινόμενα οὐκ ὀλίγα, ἐπεκθέοντές τε τὰ μὲν ἡμίεργα ἐνεπίμπρασαν τὰ δ᾽ ἐξειργασμένα, 1 πλήθους PE. 2 P: καταλειφθέντες FM1V: καταληφθέντες LAE!: καταληφ- θέντος W. 3 πολλοί Niese. 1 E: εὐφημίᾳ codd. 5 PVE: ῥυσαμένου rell. 5. E Lat.: ἐντὸς codd. 7 Niese: συχνῶς codd. E et Lat. vid. ¢ Variant “ multitude ” or “ populace.” δ Variants ‘“ were left,” ‘“* were caught.” ὁ So the Epitome; mss. “in praise of.” The text is rather obscure, but from B.J. it is clear that (Messianic) prophecies are meant. 692 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 470-474 nation? being gathered together, that the Jews who were confined? within the walls fought against Herod and his men; many were the inv pears made about the temple, aad many were the things said to en- courage © the people, to the effect that God would deliver them from danger. And everything on the land outside the city ὁ had been carried off, so that nothing was left that might serve as food for men or beasts ; and by secret raids also they caused a lack of provisions. But® when Herod observed this, he took steps against the raids, on the one hand, by posting ambushes in the most suitable places, and against the lack of provisions, on the other hand, by sending divisions of armed men to gather supplies from a distance, so that within a shont time they had a great abundance of necessities. And the three lines of earthworks had been raised with ease, for there were a great number of hands now continuously 7 at work, and as it was summer,’ there was no hindrance to their erection either from the weather or from the workmen ; and so they brought up their engines and battered the wall, trying every expedient. They did not, however, intimidate those within the city, who on their part contrived a good many counter- devices against those of their enemies ; they would dash out and set fire to their works, some of them half-finished, others completed; they would also 4 So Epitome and Lat. (agreeing with B.J.); mss. ‘‘ every- thing within the city.” 4 ‘There are several Thucydidean touches in the following sections (which have only partial parallels in B.J. i. 348-351) : ἀντετείχιζον and ἀπονοίᾳ in § 475, and ἀντίπαλον in § 479. 7 Text slightly emended. 9 Of 37 B.c. (see below on 88 487-488). Herod and Sossius had encamped outside Jerusalem as early as the spring of 37 B.c. according to ὃ 465. ‘This detail is not found in B.J. 693 bravery of the besieged, 476 JOSEPHUS εἴς τε χεῖρας ἰόντες οὐδὲν κακίους Tas τόλμας τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἦσαν, ἐπιστήμῃ δ᾽ ἐλείποντο. πρός τε τὰς μηχανὰς ἀντετείχιζον ἐρειπομένων τῶν πρώ- των οἰκοδομημάτων, ὑπὸ γῆν τε ἀπαντῶντες ἐν ταῖς μεταλλεύσεσι' διεμάχοντο, ἀπονοίᾳ δὲ τὸ πλέον ἢ προμηθείᾳ χρώμενοι προσελιπάρουν τῷ πολέμῳ εἰς τοὔσχατον, καὶ ταῦτα μεγάλου στρατοῦ περικαθημένου σφᾶς καὶ λιμῷ ταλαιπωρούμενοι καὶ σπάνει τῶν ἐπιτηδείων: τὸν γὰρ ἑβδοματικὸν ἐνιαυτὸν συνέβη κατὰ ταῦτ᾽" εἶναι. ἀναβαίνουσι δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος πρῶτον μὲν λογάδες εἴκοσι, ἔπειτα ἑκατοντάρχαι Σοσσίου: ἡρέθη γὰρ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον τεῖχος ἡμέραις τεσσαράκοντα, τὸ δὲ δεύ- τερον πεντεκαίδεκα: καί τινες τῶν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐνεπρήσθησαν στοῶν, ἃς Ἡρώδης ᾿Αντίγονον 1 ἐν ταῖς μεταλλεύσεσι) αὐταῖς μετ. AMW: μεταλλεύουσι ex Lat. Hudson. 2 κατὰ ταῦτ᾽ P: κατὰ ταὐτὸν V: κατ᾽ avrovrell. E: tune Lat. @ This is another detail not found in B.J. Josephus here seems to say that the siege took place during a sabbatical year, namely that which extended from Oct. 38 to Oct. 37 B.c., as most scholars assume. But there is good reason to believe that this sabbatical year extended from Oct. 37 to Oct. 36 B.c. (see the notes on Ant. xii. 378, xiii. 234, xiv. 201 and below, § 487). We must therefore, it seems, make one of the three following assumptions: (1) Josephus knew that the siege occurred in the summer of the year corresponding to 37 B.c. but was mistaken in saying (or implying) that this fell in a sabbatical year (beginning Oct. 38 B.c.). (2) Josephus assumed that the siege took place during a sabbatical year, in the summer of 36 B.c. ‘This seems to be borne out by the statement below, § 488, that Sossius and Herod captured Jerusalem 27 years after Pompey had done so (63 B.c.) ; thus Jerusalem fell in 36 B.c. as maintained by Gumpach and Caspari (ap. Schiirer i, 358 n. 11). Zeitlin’s argument, M7, 694 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 474-476 fight hand to hand, but while they were not inferior to the Romans in daring, they fell short of them in science. Against the siege-engines they devised counter-defences when their aoe constructions gave way, and fought underground when they aes the enemy in ἘΠ mines; and acting in desperation rather than with foresight, they persevered in the war to the very end—this in spite of the fact that a great army surrounded them and that they were distressed by famine and the lack of necessities, for a sabbatical year happened to fall at that time.? The first to mount the wall were twenty ὃ picked men, and after these came Sossius’ centurions. The first wall was taken in forty days,’ and the second in fifteen more ; and some of the porticoes round the temple were burnt, which Herod accused Antigonus of pp. 20-27, that the 27 years do not give 36 B.c. but Jan. (10th of Tebet), 37 B.c., reckoning 26 years and a fraction from Pompey’s entry in the summer of 63 B.c., is invalidated by, among other things, the reference to the summer in § 473. (3) Josephus knew that the siege took place in the summer of 37 3s.c. and was referring, rather vaguely, to a sabbatical year that began soon after the fall of Jerusalem, that is, in Oct. 37 8.c. ‘This is not so improbable as it may seem at first. If the inhabitants of Jerusalem were distressed by famine in the summer of 37 B.c., they would not be able to lay in an extra supply of provisions for the latter part of the sabbatical year beginning in October—hence their despera- tion. To be sure, the 27 years of § 488 make a difficulty here, and we should have to assume that Josephus made a slip in arithmetic. One hardly knows which assumption to prefer, in view of the apparently irreconcilable inconsistencies in Josephus himself, apart from his inconsistency with other ancient sources (see below, § 487-488 notes). > BJ. does not give the number. ¢ This detail and those following in 88 476-478 have no parallel in B.J. 695 Jerusalem falls to Herod and Sossius. 478 479 480 481 JOSEPHUS ἐμπρῆσαι διέβαλε, μῖσος αὐτῷ πραγματευόμενος παρὰ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων γενέσθαι. ἡρημένου δὲ τοῦ ἔξωθεν ἱεροῦ καὶ τῆς κάτω πόλεως, εἰς τὸ ἔσωθεν ἱερὸν καὶ τὴν ἄνω πόλιν οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι συνέφυγον, ’ vi \ ͵΄ > \ ee % δείσαντες de’ μὴ διακωλύσωσιν αὐτοὺς ot Ρωμαῖοι > A ~ ~ τὰς καθημερινὰς θυσίας ἐπιτελεῖν τῷ θεῷ, πρεσ- βεύονται ἐπιτρέψαι παρακαλοῦντες θύματα αὐτοῖς μόνον εἰσκομίζεσθαι- ὁ δ᾽ ὡς ἐνδωσόντων αὐτῶν συνεχώρει. ταῦτα. καὶ ἐπεὶ μηδὲν ἑ ἑώρα γινόμενον παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ὧν ὑπενόει, ἀλλὰ ἰσχυρῶς ἀντέχοντας ὑπὲρ τῆς ᾿Αντιγόνου βασιλείας, προσβαλὼν κατὰ κράτος εἷλε τὴν πόλιν. καὶ πάντα εὐθὺς ἦν / ~ « ~ ~ φόνων ἀνάπλεα, τῶν μὲν Ρωμαίων ἐπὶ τῇ τριβῇ ~ / ~ τῆς πολιορκίας διωργισμένων, τοῦ δὲ περὶ ‘Hpwdnv ᾿Ιουδαϊκοῦ μηδὲν ὑπολιπεῖν σπεύδοντος ἀντίπαλον. ἐσφάττοντο δὲ παμπληθεῖς" ἔν τε τοῖς στενωποῖς καὶ κατὰ τὰς οἰκίας συνωθούμενοι καὶ τῷ ναῷ προσφεύγοντες, ἢν τε οὔτε νηπίων οὔτε γήρως » ” > / ~ / > εἶ , ἔλεος οὔτε ἀσθενείας γυναικῶν φειδώ, ἀλλὰ καί- τοι περιπέμποντος" τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ φείδεσθαι ~ > ay > / ~ a > > παρακαλοῦντος οὐδεὶς ἐκράτησε τῆς δεξιᾶς, ἀλλ ὥσπερ μεμηνότες πᾶσαν ἡλικίαν ἐπεξήεσαν. ἔνθα καὶ ᾿Αντίγονος μήτε τῆς πάλαι μήτε τῆς τότε τύχης ἔννοιαν λαβὼν κάτεισι μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς βάρεως, προσπίπτει δὲ τοῖς Σοσσίου ποσίν: κακεῖνος μηδὲν ee ΜΕ: συνεχεῖς V : quoscumque invenissent Lat. 3 P Lat.: περιπαίοντος 1: περιπεσόντος rell. 2 α Laqueur, pp. 213-214, ingeniously argues that the seemingly anti-Herodian details in these two added sections really conceal the pro-Herodian bias of Josephus’ source here, namely Herod’s Memoirs. δ The Upper City lay on the western hill. 696 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 476-481 setting on fire, making an effort to draw upon him the hatred of the Jews by this charge.* And when the outer precincts of the temple and the Lower City had been captured, the Jews fled into the inner pre- cinct of the temple and the Upper City ὃ; and fearing that the Romans would prevent them from offering the daily sacrifices to God, they sent an embassy to beg that they would permit them to have only victims brought in for them; and this request he granted, in the belief that they would yield. But when he saw that none of the things he expected οὔ them was being done, and that, on the contrary, they were resisting strongly for the sake of Antigonus’ kingship, he attacked them and took the city by storm. And soon every quarter was filled with the blood of the slain,® for the Romans were furious at the length of the siege,’ while the Jews on Herod's side were anxious not to leave a single adversary alive. And so they were slaughtered in heaps, whether crowded together in alleys and houses or seeking refuge in the temple ; no pity was shown either to infants or the aged, nor were weak women spared, but even though the king sent word around, urging them to forbear, not one of them held his hand, but like madmen they fell upon persons of every age. It was then that Antigonus, without stopping to reflect either on his former or his present fortunes, came down from the castle, and fell at Sossius’ feet. ¢ At this point is resumed the close parallelism with B.J. ; §§ 479-486 = B.J. i. 351-356. 4 According to B.J. i. 351 the Jews sustained the siege into the fifth month, while Ant., below, ὃ 487, appears to state that the city fell in the third month (of the siege) or even less (see above, § 476); but the point of time to which “the third month ” refers in Ant. is by no means certain. VOL. VII Ζ 697 JOSEPHUS » ’ \ αὐτὸν οἰκτείρας πρὸς τὴν μεταβολὴν emeKporyae’ ~ > μὲν ἀκρατῶς καὶ ᾿Αντιγόνην ἐκάλεσεν, od μὴν ὡς a δ ~ > / > ~ > > « A γυναῖκά ye φρουρᾶς ἐλεύθερον ἀφῆκεν, ἀλλ᾽ 6 μὲν δεθεὶς ἐφυλάττετο. 452 (8) Ιρόνοια δ᾽ ἦν “Ἡρώδῃ κρατοῦντι τῶν πο- λεμίων τοῦ κρατῆσαι καὶ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων" συμ- μάχων: ὥρμητο γὰρ τὸ ξενικὸν πλῆθος ἐπὶ θέαν 483 τοῦ τε ἱεροῦ καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν ναὸν ἁγίων. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τοὺς μὲν παρακαλῶν τοῖς δ᾽ ἀπειλῶν Μ > “a \ A a > ,ὔ “ ἔστι δ᾽ οὗς καὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀνέστελλεν, ἥττης χαλεπωτέραν ἡγούμενος τὴν νίκην, εἴ τι τῶν > 4, > > ~ > / & ,ὔ A 484 ἀθεάτων παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ὀφθείη. διεκώλυέ τε καὶ τὰς κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἁρπαγάς, πολλὰ διατεινόμενος πρὸς Σόσσιον, εἰ χρημάτων τε καὶ ἀνδρῶν Ῥω- μαῖοι τὴν πόλιν κενώσαντες καταλείψουσιν αὐτὸν ἐρημίας βασιλέα, καὶ ὡς ἐπὶ τοσούτων" πολιτῶν ~ > φόνῳ βραχὺ καὶ τὴν τῆς οἰκουμένης ἡγεμονίαν 4g5 ἀντάλλαγμα κρίνοι. τοῦ δὲ ἀντὶ τῆς πολιορκίας τὰς ἁρπαγὰς δικαίως τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐπιτρέπειν φαμένου, αὐτὸς ἔφη διανεμεῖν" ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων χρη- / 496 MaTwr τοὺς μισθοὺς ἑκάστοις. οὕτω TE τὴν > λοιπὴν ἐξωνησάμενος πόλιν, Tas ὑποσχέσεις ἐπλή- ρωσε: λαμπρῶς μὲν γὰρ ἕκαστον στρατιώτην, > / \ \ ε / Ar / > ἀναλόγως δὲ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, βασιλικώτατα ὃ αὐτὸν ἐδωρήσατο Σόσσιον, ὡς πάντας ἀπελθεῖν χρημάτων εὐποροῦντας. 1 ἐκερτόμησε Naber. 2 PE: ἀλλοτρίων LAMW: ἀλλοτρίων φυλῶν F: ἀλλῶν τριῶν φυλῶν V: ἀλλοτριοφύλων ed. pr. 3 roaovTw V. 4 Zonaras, Lat.: διανέμειν codd. E, 698 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 481-486 He, however, did not in the least pity him for suffer- ing a change of fortune, but applauded him? unre- strainedly, and called him Antigone ®; nevertheless he did not leave him unguarded, as a woman would have been, but had him put in chains and kept under uard. (3) And Herod, after checking his enemies, took geroa care also to check his foreign allies ; for the crowd frstains . . ce of strangers was bent on getting a view of the temple of his and the holy things in the sanctuary, and the king das held them back, in some cases by appeals, in others by threats, and sometimes even by arms, for he regarded victory as something more bitter than defeat if any of the things forbidden to men’s eyes should be seen by them. He also tried to prevent the plundering that went on throughout the city by strenuously arguing with Sossius that if the Romans emptied the city of its wealth and its men, they would leave him king of a wilderness, and that he would consider the sovereignty of the habitable world a poor recompense for the murder of so many citizens. And when Sossius said that he had been right to permit his soldiers this plundering in return for their labours in the siege, Herod replied that he himself would distribute rewards to each of them out of his own purse. In this way he purchased security for the rest of the city, and fulfilled his promise ; for he gave splendid gifts to every soldier and propor- tionate gifts to their officers, while to Sossius himself he made most regal presents, so that all went away with a goodly share of wealth. 2 That is, ironically ; conjectured variant ‘‘ jeered at him.” B.J. has *‘ burst into immoderate laughter at him.” ὃ The feminine form of the name Antigonus. 699 JOSEPHUS 437 (4) Τοῦτο τὸ πάθος συνέβη τῇ ἹἹεροσολυμιτῶν πόλει ὑπατεύοντος ἐν Ῥώμῃ Μάρκου ᾿Αγρίππα καὶ Kavuviov' Γάλλου ἐπὶ τῆς ἑκατοστῆς καὶ ὀγδοηκοστῆς καὶ πέμπτης ὀλυμπιάδος, τῷ τρίτῳ μηνί, τῇ ἑορτῇ τῆς νηστείας, ὥσπερ ἐκ περιτροπῆς τῆς γενομένης ἐπὶ Πομπηίου τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις συμ- 488 φορᾶς" καὶ γὰρ ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου τῇ αὐτῇ ἑάλωσαν ἡμέρᾳ, μετὰ ἔτη εἴκοσι ἑπτά. Σόσσιος δὲ χρυσοῦν ἀναθέμενος τῷ θεῷ στέφανον ἀνέζευξεν ἀπὸ ‘lepo- σολύμων, ᾿Αντίγονον ἄγων δεσμώτην ᾿Αντωνίῳ. 489 δείσας δὲ ᾿Ηρώδης μὴ φυλαχθεὶς ᾿Αντίγονος ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίου καὶ κομισθεὶς εἰς Ρώμην ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ δικαιολογήσηται πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον, ἐπιδεικνὺς αὑτὸν μὲν ἐκ βασιλέων, ᾿.͵ ὦδην δὲ ἰδιώτην, καὶ ὅτι προσῆκεν αὐτοῦ βασιλεύειν τοὺς παῖδας διὰ 490 τὸ γένος, εἰ καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς Ρωμαίους ἐπεξήμαρτε,; 1 Hudson: Καννιδίου M : Κανιδίου rell.: ἹΚανδίδου Syncellus. 2 ἐξήμαρτεν E Syncellus: ὑπεξήμαρτεν L: τι ἐξήμαρτε Cobet. @ Except for the statement in ὃ 488 about Sossius’ dedica- tion of the golden chain pag his taking Antigonus to Antony for punishment (=B.J. i, 357), these last sections in Ant. have no parallel in B.J. >» Name slightly emended. ¢ Their consulship fell in the year 37 B.c. The 185th Olympiad ended on June 30, 37 B.c. Dio Cassius, xlix. 22, dates the fall of the city in the consulship of Claudius and Norbanus -- 38 B.c. See following note. 4 More nearly 26 years, see above § 475 note a and cf. § 66 on Pompey’ s capture of the city in 63 B.c, περὶ τρίτον μῆνα τῇ τῆς νηστείας ἡμέρᾳ. Dio Cassius, loc. cit., says that the city was taken ev τῇ τοῦ Κρόνου καὶ τότε ἡμέρᾳ ὠνομασμένῃ, evidently meaning the Sabbath (as in the case of Ptolemy I, cf. Ant. xii. 4, and Pompey (?), Ant. xiv. 66 with notes) ; but by νηστείας Josephus here seems to mean the Day of Atonement, which in 37 8.0. fell on October 3rd. There has 700 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 487-490 (4) *This calamity befell the city of Jerusalem during the consulship at Rome of Marcus Agrippa and Caninius ὃ Gallus, in the hundred and eighty-fifth Olympiad,’ in the third month, on the day of the Fast, as if it were a recurrence of the misfortune which came upon the Jews in the time of Pompey, for they were captured by Sossius on the very same day, twenty-seven years later. And Sossius dedi- eated a golden crown to God and departed from Jerusalem, taking Antigonus in chains to Antony.?® But Herod feared that if Antigonus were kept under guard by Antony and brought to Rome by him, he might plead the justice of his cause before the Senate and show that he was descended from kings while Herod was a commoner, and that his sons ought to reign by virtue of their lineage, even though he him- self had committed offences against the Romans f; been considerable discussion of the actual date of the city’s fall, and various attempts have been made to reconcile the conflicting data; see the detailed discussions (with biblio- graphy) in Schiirer i. 358 n. 11, Otto, Herodes, p. 33 n. 2, Zeitlin, MT, pp. 20-27, Laqueur, pp. 211-212 and Kugler, pp- 418-422. Here it may suffice to remark that while the year 37 B.c. is certain, the month cannot be determined with ab- solute certainty, but was probably July and not October. The former is more likely if we assume, with Otto, that the refer- ence to the Day of Atonement (if νηστείας here means that fast day and not an earlier fast day in the calendar, ¢.g. the fast of the month Tammuz) is based on a popular tradition that sought to discredit Herod by making him responsible for invading the city on the very sacred Day of Atonement. ¢ Antony had left Italy for Greece in the autumn of 37 B.c. and soon after went to Antioch. It was here that Antigonus was brought to him in the winter of that year, cf. Wilcken in PW i. 2420 and Tarn in CAH x. 54-55. 7 Apparently Herod had no confidence that the Romans would continue to prefer him to the Hasmonaeans as they had done in 40 B.c., see above, ὃ 386. 701 The execu- tion of Antigonus, the last Hasmon- aean ruler. 491 JOSEPHUS = / - / / ‘ ταῦτα φοβούμενος πολλοῖς γρήμασι πείθει τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἀνελεῖν ᾿Αντίγονον. οὗ γενομένου, τοῦ ,ὔ \ « ᾽ὔ > , 4 > δέους μὲν Ἡρώδης ἀπαλλάσσεται, παύεται ὃ « ~ > > οὕτως ἡ τοῦ" ᾿Ασαμωναίου γένους" ἀρχὴ μετὰ ἔτη ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι ἕξ. οἶκος λαμπρὸς οὗτος ἦν καὶ ~ 2 ΄ =~ διάσημος γένους τε ἕνεκα καὶ τῆς ἱερατικῆς τιμῆς ὧν τε ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἔθνους οἱ γονεῖς αὐτοῦ διεπράξαντο. > 3 - A, \ \ \ > / / \ ἀλλ᾽ οὗτοι μὲν διὰ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους στάσιν τὴν > \ > / / > > « / 4 ἀρχὴν ἀπέβαλον, μετέβη δ᾽ εἰς Ἡρώδην τὸν ΝΜ ~ ᾿Αντιπάτρου, οἰκίας ὄντα δημοτικῆς καὶ γένους ~ / “- ~ ἰδιωτικοῦ Kal ὑπακούοντος τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν. καὶ ~ ~ > / ΄ τοῦτο μὲν τὸ τέλος τῆς ᾿Ασαμωναίου γενεᾶς παρειλήφαμεν. τῶν ἀπ᾽ coni. Niese. 2 γένους add. duce Niese. @ B.J. i, 357 says that Antigonus fell beneath the axe. According to Dio Cassius, xlix. 22, Antony had Antigonus scourged while bound to a cross, a punishment “ which no 702 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV. 490-491 and because of this fear Herod gave Antony a large bribe and persuaded him to put Antigonus out of the way.? And when this was done, Herod was freed of his fear, and at the same time the rule of the Asamonaean line came to an end after a hundred and twenty-six years.’ Theirs was a splendid and renowned house because of both their lineage and their priestly office, as well as the things which its founders achieved on behalf of the nation. But they lost their royal power through internal strife, and it passed to Herod, the son of Antipater, who came from a house of common people and from a private family that was subject to the kings.° Such, then, is the account we have received of the end of the Asamonaean line. other king had suffered at the hands of the Romans,” and then had him beheaded or had his throat cut (ἀπέσφαξεν). > This would take us back to 163 or 162 8.c. Apparently Josephus is placing the beginning of the Hasmonaean dynasty at about the time when the last Oniad high priest, Onias IV, fled to Egypt, cf. Ant. xii. 385-388. °- Cf. § 78. 703 APPENDIX A AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS BIBAION IB α΄. “Os Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Λάγου δόλῳ καὶ ἀπάτῃ ‘ \ « / \ \ > ,ὔ παραλαβὼν τὰ “Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ τὴν ᾿[Ιουδαίαν, πολλοὺς ἐξ αὐτῆς εἰς Αἴγυπτον μετῴκισεν." / ὍὭ 2 εν > ~ Il r -“ 6 \ Bp’. s ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ []τολεμαῖος ὁ κληθεὶς Φιλάδελῴος τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίων νόμους εἰς τὴν ᾿Ελλη- νικὴν γλῶσσαν μετέβαλεν, καὶ πολλοὺς αἰχμαλώ- tous ἀπέλυσεν, "EXealdpw τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ αὐτῶν χαριζόμενος, καὶ ἀναθήματα πολλὰ ἀνέθηκεν τῷ θεῷ. Πῶς ἐτίμησαν οἱ τῆς ᾿Ασίας βασιλεῖς τὸ > / ” \ / > / > A (tS) Ιουδαίων ἔθνος καὶ πολίτας ἐποίησαν ἐν ταῖς ὑπ αὐτῶν κτισθείσαις πόλεσιν ὃ δ΄. Ἔκ τῆς γενομένης ἀτυχίας ἐπανόρθωσις ὑπὸ ᾿Ιωσήπου τοῦ Τωβίου ποιησαμένου φιλίαν πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον τὸν ᾿Κπιφανῆ. / jf \ / / \ ε΄. Φιλία καὶ συμμαχία Λακεδαιμονίων πρὸς νίαν τὸν ἀρχιερέα τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων. / / ~ ~ > / \ > ς΄. Στάσις τῶν δυνατῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων πρὸς ἀλ- λήλους καὶ ὡς ἐπεκαλέσαντο ᾿Αντίοχον τὸν ᾿ἔπι- φανῆ. 1 numeros hab. (α΄-κα΄' L, a’-«B’ AW, I-X VIII Lat.) LAW Lat., om. rell. 2 κατῴκισεν (-yoev V) PELY. 3 + κατοικίσαντες P, 704 APPENDIX A AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS BOOK XII In this edition SECTION PAGE (i) How Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, took Jerusalem and Judaea by treachery and deceit, and transported many of its eae to Egypt 4 (ii) How his son Ptolemy, ἌΣ Philadelphus, had the Jewish laws trans- lated into the Greek tongue, and re- leased many captives as a favour to their high priest Eleazar, and made many dedicatory-offerings to God 11 6 (iii) How the kings of Asia honoured the Jewish nation, and made the Jews citizens ὃ in the cities founded by them 119 58 (iv) The amendment of their ill for- tune through Joseph the Tobiad, who formed a friendship with Ptolemy Epiphanes 154 80 (v) The friendship and allianc 6 ‘of the Lacedaemonians with Onias, the high priest of the Jews. 225 | 114 (vi) The factional strife of the Jew ish leaders, and how they auReareS to Antiochus Epiphanes F 25h 190 « Variant “ and settled many of its ae in Egypt.” » One ms. ‘ and settled the Jews and made them citizens.”’ VOL. VII z2 705 _ [19] JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII / σ / > / 5... Ὁ « ζ΄. Ὅτι στρατευσάμενος ᾿Αντίοχος ἐπὶ ‘lepo- σόλυμα τήν τε πόλιν παρέλαβεν καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐσύλησεν. / Ὧ > / /, a / η΄. ς ᾿Αντιόχου κωλύσαντος τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις χρῆσθαι τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους, μόνος ὁ ᾿Ασαμω- ναίου παῖς Ματταθίας κατεφρόνησεν τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ τοὺς ᾿Αντιόχου στρατηγοὺς ἐνίκησεν. θ΄. Ἣ Ματταθίου τελευτή, γηραιοῦ μὲν ὄντος ἤδη, παραδόντος δὲ τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων προ- στασίαν τοῖς παισίν. / « « εν > ~ > / a > / ι΄. ‘Qs 6 υἱὸς αὐτοῦ Ἰούδας τοῖς Ἀντιόχου στρατηγοῖς μαχεσάμενος, τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους εἰς τὴν πάτριον ἐπανήγαγε πολιτείαν, καὶ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀπ- εδείχθη ὑπὸ τοῦ λαοῦ. ια΄. Ὡς ὁ ᾿Αντιόχου στρατηγὸς ᾿Απολλώνιος εἰς Ἁ 3 / > \ ε a > / τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἐμβαλὼν ἡττηθεὶς ἀπέθανεν. , « oh 1 \ , PAG τᾷ ιβ΄. Ἢ Xatwvos* καὶ Γοργίου στρατεία ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν καὶ ἧττα καὶ διαφθορὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ. , “ 7, as , a foe kee ιγ΄. Ὅτι στρατευσάμενος" ᾿Ιούδας" ἐπὶ ᾽Αμ- , Node Po \ , 7 5 μανίτας καὶ εἰς" τὴν Τ᾿ αλαδάτιν ἐνίκησεν. ιδ΄. Ὡς" Σίμων ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ στρατευσά- μενος ἐπὶ Τυρίους καὶ [Πτολεμαεῖς ἐκράτησεν" αὐτῶν. 1 ἡ Σίλωνος FV: ᾧ σήρωνος 1,1: ὡς Ἔρωνος L*: 7 σαΐωνος, i. marg. Σίλωνος yp Ἥρωνος ἐν ἄλλοις A: Λυσίου ex Lat. Hudson. » στρατευσάμενοι Εν. + καὶ Σίμων ὁ μὲν FLV. εἰς om. FLAW Lat. ἐνίκησεν om. FLV. ὁ δὲ (+ 6 F) FLV capiti praecedenti adiungentes, στρατευσάμενος om. FLV. ἐκράτησαν LV. orn on ἃ ὦ 706 AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION PAGE (vii) How Antiochus marched against Jerusalem and took the city and de- spoiled the temple. 246 | 124 (viii) How, when Ma iockits forbade the Jews to live by their native laws, Mattathias, the son of Asamonaios, alone defied the king, and defeated the generals of Antiochus (ix) The death of ΑΕ ΞΕΎΡΟΝ at an advanced age, and how he handed over the command of affairs to his sons : 985 | 146 (x) How his son Judas, after doing battle with the generals of Antiochus, restored to the Jews their native form of government, and was chosen high priest by the people ¢ : 316 | 162 (xi) How Antiochus’ general anno lonius invaded Judaea and was defeated and killed 4 } 287 | 146 (xii) The campaign of ee b ana Gorgias against Judaea, and the defeat and ‘destruction of their army. 288 | 148 (xiii) How Judas marched against εἰς Ammanites and Galadatis (Gilead), and was victorious. 327 | 168 (xiv) How his brother ion wneched against the Tyrians and the people of Ptolemais, and conquered them = [93345 172 ins) mD Or -- 69 jor) 2 The restoration of “ the native form of government ” (i.e. resumption of the temple service) came after the events mentioned below in section xii, while Judas’ election as high priest (§ 414) should come after section xx. ὃ Corruption of Seron. 707 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII-XIII ’΄ ιε΄. Λυσίου στρατεία τοῦ ᾿Αντιόχου στρατηγοῦ ἐπὶ ᾿Ιουδαίους καὶ ἧττα. / ις΄. “Qs ᾿Αντίοχος ὁ ᾿Επιφανὴς ἐτελεύτησεν ἐν Πέρσαις. ιζ΄. Ὡς ᾿Αντίοχος 6 ἐπικληθεὶς Εὐπάτωρ στρατευσάμενος ἐπὶ ᾿Ιουδαίους μετὰ Λυσίου καὶ / > / 3 / > ary \ > / νικήσας ἐπολιόρκει ᾿Ιούδαν, εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ἐγκλείσας. η΄. “Ort πολλοῦ χρόνου τῇ πολιορκίᾳ τριβο- μένου φιλίαν “ποιησάμενος πρὸς ᾿Ιούδαν, εὐπρεπῶς ἀνεχώρησεν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας ᾿Αντίοχος. ιθ΄. Ὡς Βακχίδης ὁ ὁ Δημητρίου στρατηγὸς ἐπι- στρατευσάμενος. τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις, ἄπρακτος ἀν- ἔστρεψε πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα. κ΄. ‘Os Νικάνωρ μετὰ τὸν Βακχίδην πεμφθεὶς στρατηγὸς ἀπώλετο σὺν τῇ στρατιᾷ." κα΄. Ὅτι πάλιν ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν Βακχίδης ἐκπεμφθεὶς ἐνίκησεν. κβ΄. “Ὡς ᾿Ιούδας διεφθάρη μαχόμενος. ΠΠριέχει ἡ βίβλος χρόνον ἐτῶν po’. ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ IT α΄. ‘Os ᾿Ιωνάθης ἀδελφὸς ὧν ᾿Ιούδα τελευτή- σαντος αὐτοῦ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν παρέλαβεν. 1 + αὐτοῦ Ρ. 708 AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION PAGE (xv) 7The campaign of Antiochus’ general Lysias against the Jews, and his defeat : 313 | 162 (xvi) How Antiochus Epiphanes died in Persia . 354 | 184 (xvii) How Antiochus, surnamed Eupator, marched with Lysias against the Jews, and after defeating them, besieged Judas, ee him up in the temple. 367 | 190 (xviii) How, oe a long ile had been spent on the siege, Antiochus made peace with Judas, and withdrew from Judaea with honour . 382 | 198 (xix) How Demetrius’ general Bac- chides marched against the Jews, and returned to the king without accom- plishing anything. 393 | 204 (xx) How Nicanor, the wae general sent after Bacchides, beat with his army 402 | 208 (xxi) How ΠΕΡ ἘΝ Ἐν was again gant out against Judaea, and was victorious. 420 | 218 (xxii) How Judas was killed in battle 426 | 222 This book covers a period of a hundred and seventy years. BOOK XIII SECTION PAGE (i) How Jonathan, who was a brother of Judas, on the latter’s death took over the leadership. 1 | 228 * This section belongs before section xiii. 709 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII β΄. ‘Qs πολεμήσας Βακχίδην ἠνάγκασε φιλίαν ποιησάμενον πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπελθεῖν ἐκ τῆς χώρας. ἡσάμ ρ fis χώρ γ΄. Ὅτι ᾿Αλέξανδρος 6 τοῦ ᾿Επιφανοῦς ᾿Αν- ’, εν > \ > if > ’ὔ τιόχου υἱὸς ἐλθὼν εἰς Συρίαν ἐξήνεγκε πόλεμον πρὸς Δημήτριον. 8’. ‘Qs Δημήτριος πρεσβευσάμενος πρὸς ᾿ἴω- νάθην ποιεῖται συμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν αὐτόν τε' πολλοῖς δωρησάμενος καὶ τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν. ε΄. ‘Os ᾿Αλέξανδρος ταῦτα ἀκούσας καὶ ὑπερ- ἣν \ \ ~ / \ > , βαλὼν τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Δημητρίου καὶ ἀποδείξας ᾿Ιωνάθην ἀρχιερέα συμμαχεῖν ἔπεισεν αὐτῷ. ς΄. Ἣ ’Oviov φιλίά πρὸς τὸν Φιλομήτορα Πτολεμαῖον κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν γενομένη, καὶ ὡς ὠκοδόμησε τὸν ᾿Ονίου καλούμενον ναὸν πρὸς τὸν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ὄντα. ζ΄. Ὅτι ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἀποθανόντος Δημητρίου ἷ 0 32 > / σφόδρα ἐτίμησεν ᾿Ιωνάθην. a « / ¢ / a ,ὔ η΄. ‘Qs Δημήτριος ὁ Δημητρίου παῖς πλεύσας εἰς τὴν Συρίαν ἀπὸ Kprrns καὶ πολεμήσας τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον καὶ κρατήσας αὐτὸς ἐβασίλευσε, φιλίαν πρὸς ᾿Ιωνάθην ποιησάμενος. θ΄. “Ὡς Τρύφων ὁ ᾿Απαμεὺς καταπολεμήσας Δημήτριον ᾿Αντιόχῳ τῷ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου υἱῷ παρ- ἔδωκεν τὴν βασιλείαν, ποιησάμενος καὶ αὐτὸς σύμμαχον ᾿Ιωνάθην. ι. Ὡς Δημητρίου ὑπὸ [Πάρθων αἰχμαλώτου 1 αὐτόν τε om. PFLY Lat. 710 AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION PAGE (ii) How he fought with Bacchides and compelled him to make an agree- ment of friendship with him and leave the country . 12 | 232 (iii) How Alexander, the son of An- tiochus Epiphanes, came to Syria and | waged war on Demetrius . : 35 | 242 (iv) How Demetrius sent envoys to Jonathan and made an alliance with him and presented both him and our nation with many gifts. : 37 | 944. (v) How Alexander, on hearing of this, outbid Demetrius and appointing Jonathan high priest, persuaded him to be his αν. 43 | 246 (vi) The friendship which Onias formed with Ptolemy Philometor at this same time, and how he built the so-called Temple of Onias in addition to that | | which existed at Jerusalem | 62 | 256 (vii) How Alexander, after the death of Demetrius, greatly honoured Jonathan 80 | 264 (viii) How Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, sailed to Syria from Crete, and after fighting with Alexander and conquering him, became king and made an agreement of friendship with Jona- than . 86 | 268 (ix) How Tryphon of Apamea over- came Demetrius in battle and gave the kingship to Antiochus, the son of Alex- ander, and himself made Jonathan his ally : 131 | 290 (x) How, when Demetrius had been 711 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII ληφθέντος παρεσπόνδησε τὸν ᾿Ιωνάθην καὶ δόλῳ λαβὼν αὐτὸν ἀπέκτεινε καὶ πόλεμον ἐξήνεγκε \ \ > ‘ ᾽ ~ ,ὔ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Σίμωνα. ια΄. Ὥς Σίμωνι τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ τὴν στρα- τηγίαν ἐνεχείρισε τὸ ἔθνος καὶ ἀπέδειξεν αὐτὸν ἀρχιερέα. iB’. ‘Qs ἐπολιόρκησεν ἐν Δώροις Τρύφωνα σύμμαχος γενόμενος ᾿Αντιόχῳ τῷ Δημητρίου ἀδελφῷ τῷ καὶ Εὐσεβεῖ ἐπικληθέντι." ιγ΄. ‘Qs Τρύφωνος ἀναιρεθέντος ᾿Αντίοχος ἐπο- , , oe 2 a \ λέμησε Σίμωνα κἀκεῖνος" Κενδεβαῖον τὸν otpa- τ 5 “ / ~ > / > / τηγὸν αὐτοῦ νικήσας τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας ἐξέβαλεν. ιδ΄. Ὅτι ὑπὸ τοῦ γαμβροῦ [Ἰ]τολεμαίου ἐν συμποσίῳ δολοφονηθεὶς ἀπέθανεν, καὶ Πτολεμαῖος δήσας αὐτοῦ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτὸς ἐπεχείρησε κατασχεῖν. / « « / ~ / ca c \ ιε΄. ‘Os ὁ νεώτατος τῶν Σίμωνος υἱῶν “VY pKavos φθάσας αὐτὸν καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν παραλαβὼν > , 3 \ A ” , ἐπολιόρκησε τὸν Τ]τολεμαῖον εἴς τι φρούριον ἐγκλείσας Δαγὼν καλούμενον. us’. ‘Qs στρατευσάμενος ἐπὶ “Ὑρκανὸν ᾿Αντίοχος ὁ καλούμενος" Εὐσεβὴς καὶ προσκαθίσας τῇ τῶν “lf δὴ “- 5X. ὃ aN \ / x Ά, εροσολυμιτῶν πόλει διέλυσε τὴν πολιορκίαν λαβὼν παρὰ “Ὑρκανοῦ τάλαντα τριακόσια καὶ συμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ φιλίαν συνθέμενος. 1 + Kal τοῦτον λαβὼν ἀνεῖλεν P. 2 καὶ PFLV Lat. 5 + πολλῷ χρόνῳ FLAMVW. ὁ καλούμενος om. FLAMVW. 712 AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION PAGE taken captive by the Parthians, Tryphon violated his agreement with Jonathan and seizing him by treachery, killed him and waged war on his brother Simon. | 187 (xi) How the nation entrusted the leadership to Jonathan’s brother Simon and appointed him high priest. 213 | (xii) How Simon besieged Try phon in in Dor, haying become an ally of Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius, surnamed | Eusebes : 223 (xiii) How, when Tryphon had been | put to death: Antiochus made war on Simon, and the latter defeated his general Cendebaeus and drove him out of Judaea_ . 225 (xiv) How Simon was ‘treacherously slain at a banquet by his son-in-law Ptolemy, and how Ptolemy bound Simon’s wife and children and attempted | to seize power for himself. : 228 (xv) How Simon’s youngest son Hyr- canus forestalled Ptolemy, and taking over the leadership, besieged * him and shut him up within a fortress called Dagon 230 (xvi) How ΠΟ ΤΥ ΣῊΝ ealled Fausebes,? marched against Hyrcanus, and after in- vesting the city of Jerusalem, gave up the siege when he received from Hyr- canus three hundred talents, and how he made an alliance of friendship with him | 236 « Variant “‘ for a long time besieged.” > Antiochus Sidetes is meant. 340 342 oo rs is) JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIIT / c “ U \ \ > / ιζ΄. Ὑρκανοῦ στρατεία peta τὴν ᾿Αντιόχου \ > / > / wt / \ τελευτὴν ev Μήδοις ἀποθανόντος ἐπὶ Συρίαν καὶ « \ , \ , δ᾽ 1 ὡς πολλὰς πόλεις κατὰ κράτος εἷλεν. ιη΄. Φιλίά. πρὸς Ὑρκανὸν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ Ζαβίνα κληθέντος. ιθ΄. ‘Os ἡττηθεὶς ὑφ᾽ Ὑρκανοῦ ᾿Αντίοχος 6 Κυζικηνὸς ἐξέπεσε τῆς “lovdaias.® κ΄. ‘Os παραλαβὼν ᾿Αριστόβουλος" τὴν ἀρχὴν διάδημα περιέθετο πρῶτος. κα΄. ‘Qs τελευτήσαντος ᾿Αριστοβούλου" ὁ ἀδελ- φὸς αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν παραλαβὼν ᾿Αλέξανδρος > / 3... ἡ / A / ν᾽ ,ὕ ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ Συρίαν καὶ Φοινίκην καὶ ᾿Αραβίαν καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ἐθνῶν" ἐχειρώσατο. κβ΄. Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λαθούρου πρὸς αὐτὸν μάχη καὶ νίκη. ΄ ε , , ε » 8 κγ΄. ‘Os στρατευσάμενος Δημήτριος 6 Ἐύὔκαιρος λεγόμενος" ἐπὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρον," ἐκράτησεν αὐτοῦ." 1 πολιορκήσας εἷλεν καὶ ὑποφόρους κατέστησεν P. 2 + καὶ ἐνδιάθετος στοργὴ P. 3. ὡς .. . Ἰουδαίας] ὡς ᾿Αντίοχος ὁ Κυζικηνὸς ἐλθὼν βοηθῆσαι τοῖς Σαμαρεῦσι πολιορκουμένοις πρὸς (παρὰ ΕἾ Ὑρκανοῦ ἡττηθεὶς διέφυγε διωξάντων αὐτὸν (αὐτῷ ΕἾ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας τῶν υἱῶν Ὑρκανοῦ FLY. 4 + ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ FV: + υἱὸς Ὑρκανοῦ L. + τοῦ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας ἡγεμονεύσαντος P. ἐθνῶν τούτων P: ἐχθρῶν FLV. ᾿Αλέξανδρον Ῥ. 8 “Axaipos ἴ,. ® λεγόμενος om. FLAMVW. + τὸν τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν διέποντα P. + μάχῃ P. - 1 [-} 714 AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION PAGE (xvii) Hyreanus’ expedition against Syria after the death of Antiochus in Media, and how he took many cities by ‘storm # 954 | 354 (xviii) The friendship > of Alexander, called Zabinas, with Hyreanus_. 267 | 360 (xix) How Antiochus Cyzicenus was defeated by Hyrcanus and driven out | of Judaea® . 275 | 364 (xx) How Aristobulus 4 πε over the royal power and was the first to assume the diadem . 301 | 378 (xxi) How, on the death of Aristo- bulus,’ his brother Alexander took over the royal power and marched upon Syria, Phoenicia and Arabia, and subdued many nations 7 : 320 | 388 (xxii) The war against him and v ictory of Ptolemy Lathyrus ; $30 | 392 (xxiii) How Demetrius, called Eu- kairos,? marched against Alexander” and conquered him : : . | 877 | 414 * The variant adds, “after besieging them, and made them tributary.” > The variant adds, ‘‘ and sustained affection. . . toward.” ¢ Variant (to this whole section) ‘*‘ How Antiochus Cyzi- cenus came to the aid of the Samaritans who were being besieged by Hy reanus, and being defeated, fled from Judaea with Hyrcanus’ sons in pursuit.” 4 Variants ‘“‘ Aristobulus, his brother’’: ‘‘ Aristobulus, the son of Hyrcanus.” ¢ Variant ‘‘ Aristobulus, the ruler of Judaea.” 7 Variants ‘‘ many of these nations ’’: ‘* many foes.” 9 Variant ‘“‘ Akairos,” cf. Ant. xiii. 369 note f. Ἀ Variant ‘“‘ Alexander, the ruler of Judaea.” 715 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIII-XIV κδ΄. ᾿Αντιόχου τοῦ Kai Διονύσου; λεγομένου στρατεία ἐπὶ ᾿Ιουδαίαν καὶ ὡς ἐκράτησε" τῇ μάχῃ. κε΄. Ὡς μετὰ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τελευτὴν ἡ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ ᾿Αλεξάνδρα τὴν βασιλείαν ἔτεσιν ἐννέα κατασχοῦσα καὶ βιώσασα" μετὰ εἰρήνης καὶ δόξης ἀπέθανεν. ΠΠεριέχει ἡ βίβλος χρόνον ἐτῶν ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ δύο. ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ ΙΔ α΄. ‘Os μετὰ τὸν ᾿Αλεξάνδρας θάνατον 6 νεώτε- pos’ αὐτῆς τῶν παίδων ᾿Αριστόβουλος ἐπολέμησεν \ « \ \ 3 \ \ ~ / \ πρὸς “Ypxavov tov ἀδελφὸν περὶ τῆς βασιλείας Kat κρατήσας αὐτοῦ συνεδίωξεν εἰς τὴν ἐν ‘lepocodv- ~ ” > « / Μ / μοις βᾶριν, ἔπειθ᾽ ὡς συμβάντες ἔκριναν βασιλεύειν μὲν ᾿Αριστόβουλον, ‘Ypxavov δὲ ἰδιωτεύειν. / Il \ 2A: / \ ΄ > ~ \ U β΄. Ilepi ᾿Αντιπάτρου καὶ γένους αὐτοῦ καὶ τίνα τρόπον ἐκ μικρᾶς καὶ τῆς τυχούσης ἀφορμῆς εἰς λαμπρότητα καὶ δόξαν ἅμα τοῖς παισὶν προήχθη καὶ μέγεθος δυνάμεως, καὶ ὅτι πείσαντος ᾿ἵρκανὸν > / - > Ἵ λ / \ > / Αντιπάτρου φυγεῖν ἐξ ἱΙἹεροσολύμων πρὸς ᾿Αρέταν 1 ex Lat. (liber pater) Niese : Διονυσίου codd. 2 ἐκράτησε) περιγενόμενος ἠρίστευσεν Ῥ. 3 καὶ βιώσασα om. Ρ. 4 νεώτατος AMW. 716 AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS (xxiv) The expedition of Antiochus, surnamed Dionysos, against Judaea, and how he conquered in battle ὃ (xxv) How, after the death of Alex- ander, his wife Alexandra held the throne nine years, and died after living ¢ in peace and glory . This book covers a period of eighty-two years. BOOK XIV (i) How, after the death of Alexandra, her younger? son Aristobulus fought with his brother Hyrcanus over the king- ship and overcoming him, pursued him to the fortress in Jerusalem ; and how later they came together and decided that Aristobulus should be king while Hyrcanus should be a private citizen (ii) Concerning Antipater and _ his line, and in what manner from a modest beginning and slight opportunity he advanced together with his sons to splendour and glory and greatness of power, and how, after Antipater had persuaded Hyrcanus to flee from Jeru- 2 Name slightly emended. SECTION : | 387 4.05 SECTION PAGE 420 430 PAGE 448 > Variant ‘‘ how he showed his prowess and superiority in battle.” According to Josephus’ text, Antiochus Dionysos was killed in battle with the Arabs, fighting valiantly. © The variant omits ‘‘ after living.” 4 Variant “ youngest.” 717 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV τὸν τῶν ᾿Αράβων βασιλέα ἱκέτευσεν ἐλθὼν κατ- αγαγεῖν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν γῆν τε πολλὴν δώσειν καὶ χρήματα ὑποσχόμενος. , « > / / ‘ 2 κ᾿ γ΄. ‘Os ᾿Αρέτας προσδεξάμενος τὸν “ἵρκανὸν > 4 > \ \ > / \ \ ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αριστόβουλον καὶ συμβαλὼν καὶ κρατήσας τῇ μάχῃ συνεδίωξεν ἐπὶ ᾿ἱἱεροσόλυμα καὶ περικαθίσας τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐπολιόρκει τὴν πόλιν. δ΄. Ὡς Σκαῦρον πέμψαντος ἀπὸ ᾿Αρμενίας εἰς Συρίαν Μάγνου Πομπηίου ἧκον πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπό τε Ὑρκανοῦ καὶ ᾿Αριστοβούλου πρέσβεις περὶ συμμαχίας παρακαλοῦντες. / Ὅ 5 ~ ,ὔ ὃ θ \ Ad Εἴ. τι Σκαῦρος τετρακοσίοις διαφθαρεὶς ταλάν- τοις ᾿Αριστοβούλῳ προσέθετο. ς΄. ‘Qs Ὑρκανὸς καὶ ᾿Αριστόβουλος περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐπὶ Ἰϊομπηίου δικαιολογοῦνται." / € / > \ > ~ > ζ΄. Ὡς Πομπηίου εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αρ- ,ὔ > / > / ἢ « \ ΟῚ μενίας ἐλθόντος ᾿Αριστόβουλος καὶ ‘YpKavos ἐπὶ αὐτὸν ἧκον περὶ τῆς βασιλείας δικαιολογούμενοι." η΄. Πομπηίου ὑπέρθεσις διαγνώσεσθαι φήσαντος περὶ ὧν ἀλλήλοις" ἐνεκάλουν, ἐπειδὰν εἰς τὴν ἐκείνων χώραν παραγένηται, καὶ ὅτι συνεὶς ᾽Ἄρι- στόβουλος τίνα ἔχει διάνοιαν Πομπήιος ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς ᾿Ιουδαίαν, καὶ ὡς ἀγανακτήσαντος αὐτοῦ καὶ / a 3S > ‘ > > “4 > στρατεύσαντος ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν eis ᾿Αλεξάνδρειον ᾿Αρι- 1 ὡς .. . δικαιολογοῦνται om. PFL Lat. ὡς . . . δικαιολογούμενοι insiticia esse putat Niese. 3 ἀλλήλοις om. PEL: ἀλλήλων W. « The variant omits this section. » Niese brackets this section as a duplication of the pre- ceding one. 718 AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS salem to Aretas the Arab king, he came and appealed (to Aretas) to restore Hyr- canus to the throne, promising to give him much land and money (iii) How Aretas gave shelter Ἔ Hyr- canus and marched against Aristobulus, and on meeting him, overcame him in battle and pursued him to Jerusalem and surrounded the city with an army and besieged it : (iv) How Pompey the Great sent Seaurus from Armenia to Syria, and how envoys came to him from Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, begging him to make an alliance : (v) How eae being ΠῚ ΠΝ four hundred talents, πάρος over to Aris- tobulus (vi) How Hyrcanus A) Arstobulus disputed before Pompey about their rights to the throne @ (vii) How, when Pompey came to Damascus from Armenia, Aristobulus and Hyreanus came to him, disputing about their rights to the throne ὃ (viii) The postponement of the case by Pompey, saying that he would give a decision concerning their complaints against one another when he should come to their country, and how Aristo- bulus, perceiving what Pompey’s inten- tion toward him was, withdrew to Judaea, and how when Pompey in indignation marched against him, he withdrew to SECTION PAGE 19 29 32 41 41 452 458 462 464 468 468 719 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV στόβουλος ἀνεχώρησε τὸ φρούριον ὀχυρὸν ὃν Kal δυσκαταμάχητον. θ΄. ‘Qs ΙΙομπήιος τοῦτο συνιδὼν στρατηγήματι χρησάμενος ἔπεισε τὸν ᾿Αριστόβουλον κατα- λιπόντα τὸ φρούριον καταβῆναι πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡς βεβαιωσόμενον αὐτῷ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, οἷς πεισθέντα καὶ πολλάκις δικαιολογησάμενον πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἠνάγκασε τοῖς φρουράρχοις τῇ αὐτοῦ χειρὶ γράψαι καὶ παραδοῦναι αὐτῷ τὰ φρούρια. τ Ως ᾿Αριστόβουλος τοῦτο ποιήσας διὰ φόβον ἔπειτα δυσχεράνας ἐπὶ τῷ μηδενὸς ὧν προσεδόκα παρὰ Ἰϊομπηίου τυγχάνειν ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς ‘lepo- σόλυμα. ια΄. ‘Os Πομπηίου κατὰ πόδας μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς παρακολουθήσαντος" μετενόησεν ᾿Αριστόβουλος καὶ προελθὼν ἄχρι Ἱεριχοῦντος ἀπήντησεν αὐτῷ καὶ συγγνώμης τυχεῖν δεηθεὶς περὶ τῶν ἡμαρτημένων τήν τε πόλιν καὶ τὰ χρήματα παραδώσειν ὑπ- έσχετο, καὶ Πομπηίου πέμψαντος Γαβίν ιον μετὰ ἐπιλέκτων στρατιωτῶν ἐπί τε τὴν τῆς πόλεως παράληψιν καὶ τῶν χρημάτων οἱ ὑ“Ἱεροσολυμῖται τὸν ᾿Αριστόβουλον ὁρῶντες ἐν φυλακῇ καθεστῶτα τὰς πύλας ἀπέκλεισαν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις. ιβ΄. “Ὡς ἐπὶ τούτῳ παροξυνθεὶς Πομπήιος ᾽Αρι- στόβουλον μὲν ἔδησε, προσαγαγὼν δὲ τὴν δύναμιν ἐπολιόρκει τὴν πόλιν, καὶ δέχονται μὲν αὐτὸν ot 1 κατακολουθήσαντος PFLW. 4 It was Aristobulus who resorted to a stratagem, accord- ing to Josephus. Perhaps we should read χρησάμενον for χρησάμενος. 720 AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION PAGE the fortress of Alexandreion, which was | strong and difficult to assault : : 46 | 470 (ix) How Pompey perceived this, and by using a stratagem,? persuaded Aristo- bulus to leave the fortress and come | down to him, assuring him that he would confirm his rule, and how Aristobulus was persuaded by these words, and | though strongly maintaining his rights against his brother, was compelled to write to his garrison-commanders in his own hand and to surrender his fortresses to Pompey . : 48 472 (x) How Aristobulus did this ea, fear, and later, being aggrieved at not obtaining from Pompey any of the things which he expected, withdrew to Jeru- | salem. . : ὲ : 52 474. (xi) How, when Pompey followed close on his heels with an army, Aristo- bulus had a change of heart and pro- ceeded to Jericho and met him, begging | pardon for his offences and promising to deliver the city and money as well, and how, when Pompey sent Gabinius with picked soldiers to take over the city and the money, the people of Jerusalem, on seeing Aristobulus placed under guard, shut their gates against the Romans __. 54 | 474 (xii) How in anger at this act Pompey put Aristobulus in chains, and brought up his force, besieged the city, and how the 721 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV A. ~ ~ > \ / ‘ ») « τὰ Ὑρκανοῦ φρονοῦντες εἰς τὴν πόλιν τὴν ἄνω, οἱ \ \ > / / > \ « ’, δὲ τὰ ᾿Αριστοβούλου φεύγουσιν εἰς τὸ ἱερόν. « « ~ \ / \ c \ " \ ιγ΄. ‘Qs αἱρεῖ κατὰ κράτος τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τὴν κάτω πόλιν 6 ἸΙομπήιος τῷ τρίτῳ μηνί. ιδ΄. Περὶ τῆς ἐπιεικείας αὐτοῦ καὶ θεοσεβείας, ὅτι μηδενὸς ἔψαυσε τῶν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ πολλῶν ὄντων ΄σ > ? ~ 4 τῶν ἐν αὐτῷ χρημάτων. ιε΄. Ὅτι ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος καὶ τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν / / «ς ~ \ « \ > f ποιήσας φόροις ὑποτελῆ Kal “YpKavov ἀποδείξας > / > / A / A ~ ἐθνάρχην, ᾿Αριστόβουλον μὲν δέσμιον μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς eis Ρώμην ἀνήγαγε, Σκαῦρον δὲ τῆς Συρίας ἐπίτροπον κατέλιπεν. i’. Ὅτι Σκαύρου στρατεύσαντος ἐπὶ []έτραν βασίλειον οὖσαν τῶν ᾿Αράβων καὶ πολιορκοῦντος, ἐν ἐνδείᾳ τῶν στρατιωτῶν αὐτοῦ γενομένων ᾿Αντί- πατρος πείθει τὸν Αραβα δόντα Σκαύρῳ τάλαντα τριακόσια συμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ποιήσασθαι. ιζ΄. “ὥς ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ ᾿Αριστοβούλου παῖς φυγὼν Πομπήιον καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς ᾿Ιουδαίαν στρα- τιᾶς αὐτῷ πολλῆς γενομένης πόλεμον ἐξήνεγκε πρὸς “Ypxavov καὶ ᾿Αντίπατρον. un’. ‘Qs ὑπὸ Γαβινίου κρατηθεὶς τῇ μάχῃ καὶ κατακλεισθεὶς εἰς ᾿Αλεξάνδρειον τὸ φρούριον ἐπολι- ορκεῖτο. ιθ΄. ‘Qs Γαβώιος πεισάσης τῆς μητρὸς τῆς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου παραδοῦναι αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸ φρούριον 722 AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION partisans of Hyrcanus admitted him into | the Upper City, while those of Aristo- | bulus fled to the temple (xiii) How Pompey took the ‘temple and the Lower City by storm in the third month ᾿ 64. (xiv) Concerning Pompey’ s modera- tion and piety in that he touched none of the things in the temple though there was much money therein . (xv) How Pompey, after accomplish- ing these things and making Judaea sub- ject to tribute and appointing Hyrcanus ethnarch, brought back Aristobulus and his family captive to Rome, and left Scaurus as governor of Syria (xvi) How, when Scaurus marched upon Petra, the capital of the Arabs, and besieged it, and his soldiers were in need, Antipater persuaded the Arab king to give Scaurus three hundred talents and make an alliance with him : 80 =I Or 74 (xvii) How Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, escaped from Pompey and coming to Judaea, where a large army was raised for him, waged war on Hyr- canus and Antipater (xviii) How Alexander was conquered in battle by Gabinius and was shut up within the fortress of Alexandreion and besieged (xix) How ra a ceed ieeandees whom his mother Alexandra had per- suaded to surrender himself and the 82 84 PAGE | 476 478 482 484 488 490 490 723 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV λαβὼν τὸν μὲν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀφῆκεν, ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ τῇ συγκλήτῳ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς αὐτοῦ, ot ἦσαν \ > / ~ ‘ / ~ μετὰ ᾿Αριστοβούλου τοῦ πατρὸς δεδεμένοι, λῦσαι καὶ ἀποπέμψαι πρὸς τὴν μητέρα, δηλῶν αὐτῆς τὸ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πιστὸν καὶ ὡς ἔστιν ἀξία ταύτης τῆς χάριτος τυγχάνειν. κ΄. ‘Os μετὰ ταῦτα φυγόντα ἐκ Ῥώμης ᾿Αρι- στόβουλον εἰς ᾿Ιουδαίαν λαβὼν Γαβίνιος αἰχμάλω- , ee 1.2. eG Daf tov πάλιν ἀνέπεμψε' εἰς Ῥώμην. 4 / \ A 3, / , κα΄. Κράσσου κατὰ τὴν ἐπὶ Πάρθους στρατείαν εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἀνάβασις καὶ σύλησις τῶν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ χρημάτων. κβ΄. Φυγὴ Πομπηίου εἰς Ἤπειρον καὶ Σκιπίω- ez.) ’ ~ / > / Μ vos ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πεμφθέντος εἰς Συρίαν ἀφιξις > \ ” > ~ > / ἐντολὴν ἔχοντος ἀποκτεῖναι ᾿Αλέξανδρον. κγ΄. “Oru Καῖσαρ" λύσας ᾿Ἀριστόβουλον" οἷός τε τ / \ / / >’ > , Μ ἦν πέμψαι μετὰ δύο ταγμάτων εἰς ᾿Ιουδαίαν, ἔφθη δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν τὰ Πομπηίου φρονούντων διαφθαρεὶς ᾿Αριστόβουλος φαρμάκῳ." 7 / Sas > VJ / \ « κδ΄. Καίσαρος ἐπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου στρατεία, καὶ ὡς συνεμάχησαν αὐτῷ Ὑρκανός τε καὶ ᾿Αντίπατρος καὶ τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους αὐτῷ συμμάχους ἐποίησαν. ἀνέστρεψεν P: ἀντέστρεψεν V. + φυγόντος ἸΠομπηΐου μετὰ τῆς συγκλήτου F + τῶν δεσμῶν P. \¢ , > , > - + ‘ , + Kal ὅτι Σκιπίων ἐπιστείλαντος αὐτῷ Ἰ]ομπηΐου τὸν ’Api- , > / ’ ta στοβούλου ᾿Αλέξανδρον πελέκει διεχρήσατο F, 1 2 3 4 α Variant ‘‘ and returned to Rome.”’ 724, AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION PAGE fortress, but let him go again, and wrote to the Senate, asking it to release and send back to their mother the brothers of Alexander, who had been put in chains together with their father Aristo- bulus, (Gabinius) pointing out her loyalty to the Romans and that she was worthy to obtain this favour 89 | 492 (xx) How, when Aristobulus there- after fled from Rome to Judaea, Gabinius made him a prisoner and again sent him to Rome? . 92 | 404 (xxi) The expedition of Crassus to Judaea in the course of his Parthian campaign, and his plundering of the money in the temple 105 | 502 (xxii) The flight of Pompey to Epirus and the arrival in Syria of Scipio, sent by him with orders to kill Alexander se | 195. 19 (xxiii) How Caesar ὃ released Aristo- bulus © and was prepared to send him to Judaea with two legions, and how Aristo- bulus, being first reached by the parti- sans of Pompey, was destroyed by poisoning ὦ : ; : 5 1 aR 0519 (xxiv) Caesar’s campaign against Egypt, and how Hyrcanus and Anti- pater fought by his side and made the Jews his allies 4 ; , Δ Wel 7 | 514 » One ms. adds, ‘‘ when Pompey had fled together with the Senate.” © One ms. adds, “* from chains. 4 One ms. adds, “and how Scipio at Pompey’s order executed Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, by beheading.” 725 ” JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV κε΄. ᾿Αντιπάτρου προθύμως ἀγωνισαμένου κατὰ τὴν μάχην ἀριστεία καὶ διὰ τοῦτο φιλία πρὸς Καίσαρα, καὶ ὡς Ὑρκανὸν Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ χαίρων ἐτίμησε “μεγάλως, ἐπιτρέψας αὐτῷ τὰ τῆς πατρίδος ἀναστῆσαι τείχη." Ks’. Ὥς ᾿Αντιπάτρῳ τὴν τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας ἐπι- \ > / τροπὴν ἐνεχείρισεν. κζ΄. Καίσαρος ἐπιστολαὶ καὶ δόγματα συγκλήτου περὶ τῆς πρὸς ᾿Ιουδαίους φιλίας. κη΄. Ὅτι ᾿Αντίπατρος τοῖς παισὶν Ἡρώδῃ μὲν τὴν τῆς Γαλιλαίας" πρόνοιαν Φασαήλῳ" δ᾽ ἐπέτρεψε τὴν ἱἹεροσολύμων. κθ΄. Ὡς Καῖσαρ “Σέξστος δωροδοκηθεὶς ὑφ᾽ Ἡρώδου ἡγεμόνος ὄντος ἐν Συρίᾳ' μέγαν καὶ ἔνδοξον ἐποίησεν «Ἡρώδην, καταστήσας ἄρχοντα τῆς κοίλης Συρίας. λ΄. Ὡς Κάσσιος Καίσαρος ἀποθανόντος εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν ἀναβὰς τήν τε χώραν ἐκάκωσε καὶ τάλαντα ὀκτακόσια Tap αὐτῶν εἰσεπράξατο," πῶς τε Ἡρώδης ἐκ τῆς εἰσπράξεως τῶν χρημάτων σπουδαῖος ἔδοξε Κασσίῳ. λα΄. Μαλίχου τελευτὴ τοῦ πρὸς ᾿Ηρώδην στα- 7 , , 6 σιάσαντος Κασσίου κελεύσαντος. 1 κατεστραμμένα τείχη P. 2. Ιουδαίας AMW. 3 Φιλίππῳ AMW. 4 ἡγεμόνος... Συρίᾳ secl. Niese. 5 + φορολογήσας P. 8 τελευτήσαντος P: MaAixou . . . κελεύσαντος] ὡς Μάλιχος ἐπι- βουλεύων ’Avrimatpov ἀνεῖλε φαρμάκῳ διακονησαμένου χρήμασι τοῦ οἰνοχόου Ὑ) ρκανοῦ: ὡς Ἡρώδης ἐπιστείλαντος αὐτῷ ἹΚασσίου τὸν MaAcxov ἐδολοφόνησεν FL. 726 AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION PAGE (xxv) The prowess of Antipater who fought eagerly in the battle, and his friendship with Caesar resulting there- from, and how Caesar in his joy at the victory greatly honoured Hyrcanus and permitted him to rebuild the walls @ of his native city ; 133 [518 (xxvi) How he entrusted to Antipater the government of Judaea ; 143 |522 (xxvii) The letters of Caesar and the | decrees of the Senate concerning their | {145 | (524 friendship with the Jews . (190 | \ 548 (xxviii) How Antipater left the super- vision of affairs to his sons, in Galilee ὃ to Herod, and in Jerusalem to Phasael® | 158 | 532 (xxix) How Sextus Caesar, being bribed by Herod as governor of Syria, made Herod great and honoured him, appointing him ruler of Coele-Syria . | 180 | 544 (xxx) How Cassius on Caesar’s death went up to Judaea and ravaged the country and collected eight hundred talents from the Jews, and how Herod appeared to Cassius diligent in collecting the money . 271 | 594 (xxxi) The death of Malichus, who had rebelled against Herod, which was brought about by Cassius’ command ¢@ Sal 288 | 602 « One ms. “ the ruined walls.” > Variant “ Judaea.”’ © Variant ‘‘ Philip.” 4 Variant (to whole section) ‘“‘ How Malichus treacherously killed Antipater by poisoning, assisted by Hyrcanus’ butler who had been paid therefor; how Herod at Cassius’ order killed Malichus by treachery.” 727 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV λβ΄. Θάνατος τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας πρεσβευτῶν ὑπὸ ᾿Αντωνίου μετὰ τὴν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ νίκην ἐν Συρίᾳ γενομένου καὶ ἀγανακτήσαντος ἐπὶ τῷ c / ~ ~ > δα / Ηρώδου κατηγορῆσαι. ταῦτα δ᾽ ἔπραξεν χρήμασι , > ἃ Ae , 1 πείσαντος αὐτὸν τοῦ “Ἡρώδου. λγ΄. Στρατεία Πάρθων εἰς Συρίαν, καθ᾽ ἣν τὸν ᾿Αριστοβούλου υἱὸν ᾿Αντίγονον εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν κατήγαγον. λδ΄. Ὡς Ὑρκανὸν καὶ Φασάηλον τὸν ἀδελφὸν “Ἡρώδου αἰχμαλώτους ἔλαβον .ὅ re’. Ὡς Ἡρώδης φεύγων ἐκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν > » ἃ , > Wh aye \ \ IraXiav® παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν Ρώμην καὶ δεηθεὶς > Rie , Xe , > , Avtwviov' χρήματα πολλὰ ὑποσχόμενος, ἀπεδείχθη αἱ θά « ΄’΄ ΄σ r , > , ~ ,ὔ ἄάνατος.... Ἡρώδου] ὅτι Κασσίου ἀναχωρήσαντος τῆς Συρίας καὶ Ἡρώδου πρὸς Φάβιον πορευθέντος “EXE κατὰ Φασαήλου στρατιὰν ἤθροισεν, καὶ ὡς ἡττηθέντος “EXtkos προσφυγόντος εἴς τινα τῶν πύργων Φασάηλος αὐτὸν ὑποσπόνδιον ἀφῆκεν. ὡς ᾿Αντί- γονον τὸν ᾿Αριστοβούλου βοηθούμενον παρὰ τοῦ Tupiwy τυράννου Μαρίωνος Ἡρώδης ἀπαντήσας τρέπεται καὶ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας ἐκβάλλει. ὅτι μετὰ τὸ ἡττηθῆναι Κάσσιον ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ παρὰ τοῦ νέου Καίσαρος καὶ ᾿Αντωνίου Ἡρώδης ἐν Βιθυνίᾳ παραγεγο- νότα πολλοῖς χρήμασιν ἐθεράπευσεν ᾿ἈΑντώνιον. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τοὺς κατηγορεῖν αὐτοῦ βουληθέντας οὐ προσεδέξατο ᾿Αντώ- vos. καὶ ὅτι Τυρίοις ὑπὲρ ᾿Ιουδαίων ἔγραψεν. ὅτι πάλιν εἰς Συρίαν ἐλθόντος ᾿Αντωνίου καὶ κατηγορούντων τινῶν Ἡρώδου καὶ Φασαήλου οὐ μόνον οὐκ ἤκουσεν αὐτῶν ἀλλὰ καὶ τετράρχας αὐτοὺς κατέστησεν. τῶν δὲ κατηγόρων δέκα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἀπέ- κτεινεν FL. 5 ὡς .. . ἔλαβον om. Lat. 8 φεύγων... Ἰταλίαν om. Lat. 4 δεηθεὶς ᾿Αντωνίου om, Lat. 728 AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION PAGE (xxxii) The execution by Antony, on reaching Syria after the victory in Mace- donia, of the envoys from Judaea, which took place when Antony became indig- nant at their accusation of Herod, which act he committed when Herod had per- | {324 [690 suaded him thereto with money @ (ee (622 (xxxiii) The expedition of the Par- | thians to Syria, in the course of which they restored Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, to the throne 330 | 622 (xxxiv) How the Parthians took captive Hyrcanus and Herod’s brother Phasael® | 342 | 628 (xxxv) How Herod fled from there (Judaea) to Italy,“ and coming to Rome and appealing to Antony,’ promised him large sums of money and was appointed | « Variant (to whole section) “ἡ How, when Cassius had retired from Syria and Herod had proceeded to Fabius, Helix collected an army against Phasael, and how Helix, being defeated, took refuge in a tower and Phasael let him go under a truce. How Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, being aided by Marion, the prince of Tyre, encountered Herod and was routed and driven from Judaea. How, after the defeat of Cassius in Macedonia at the hands of the young Caesar and Antony, Herod with large sums of money courted the favour of Antony, who had come to Bithynia, and how on that account Antony did not receive those who came with the intention of accusing Herod: and how he wrote to the Tyrians on behalf of the Jews. How, when Antony again came to Syria, and certain men accused Herod and Phasael, not only did he not listen to them, but he also appointed Herod and Phasael tetrarchs, and killed some of their accusers, ten in number ”’ (cf. § 294). > The Lat. omits this section. © Lat. omits “‘ fled from there to Italy.” 4 Lat. omits “ἡ appealing to Antony.” VOL. VII Qa 729 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XIV ε , ~ / \ / A ~ ὑπό τε τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ Καίσαρος βασιλεὺς τῆς > , 1 Ἰουδαίας. As’. "Ἑκπλους ἩΗρώδου μετὰ ταῦτα ἀπὸ Ῥώμης ? \ > / \ / \ > , εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν καὶ μάχη πρὸς ᾿Αντίγονον, στρατιᾶς αὐτῷ Ρωμαϊκῆς ἑπομένης καὶ ἡγεμόνος TA Σίλωνος. λζ΄. Ὡς Σίλωνος Ἱεροσόλυμα πολιορκήσαντος, ὑπὸ Σοσσίου καὶ “‘Hpwdov ᾿Αντίγονος διεφθάρη." Περιέχει ἡ βίβλος χρόνον ἐτῶν λβ΄. 1 ὡς Ὑρκανὸν (λδΎ.... Ιουδαίας] ὡς Ὑρκανὸς καὶ Φασάηλος πεπρεσβευκότες πρὸς Πάρθους κατεσχέθησαν παρ᾽ αὐτῶν δεθέντες “Ἡρώδου μαθόντος τὴν σύλληψιν αὐτῶν καὶ διαφυγόντος. ὡς μετὰ τὴν “Πρώδζ(ου) φυγὴν Πάρθοι διήρπασαν τήν τε πόλιν τῶν Ἵερο- σολύμων καὶ τὸ βασίλειον παραδόντες ᾿Αντιγόνῳ δεδεμένους Ὑρκανὸν καὶ Φασάηλον" ἔτι τε ὡς Ὑρκανὸς μὲν τὰ ὦτα διελωβήθη map ᾿Αντιγόνου ὡς μὴ πάλιν κατάσχοι τὴν ἱερωσύνην, Φασάηλος δὲ μᾶλλον ἀναιρεῖσθαι προανεῖλεν αὑτὸν ὡς av μὴ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἔργον γένοιτο. ὡς Ἡρώδης διαφυγὼν Πάρθους ἦλθεν πρὸς Μάλχον τῶν ᾿Αράβων βασιλέα κἀκείνου μὴ προσδεξαμένου τοῦτον διὰ τῆς Αἰγύπτου πορευθεὶς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους διασώζεται. ὡς “Ἡρώδης ᾿Αντωνίου συναγωνισαμένου βασιλεὺς τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας ἀναγορεύεται Καίσαρος καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου Ῥωμαίων τοῦτο κυρωσάσης 2 ws... διεφθάρη] ὡς Σίλωνος καὶ Σοσσίου μετὰ τὴν τῶν ‘Pwpai- κῶν στρατευμάτων πολιορκησάντων τὴν πόλιν αὐτὴ μὲν ἑάλω *Avriyovos δὲ διεφθάρη, ὁ δὲ Ἡρώδης ἐγκρατὴς τῆς βασιλείας ἐγεγόνει L. 730 AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION PAGE by the Senate and Caesar as King of | Judaea? : : ᾿ . | 374 | 644 (xxxvi) The subsequent voyage of Herod from Rome to Judaea and his battle with Antigonus, being accom- panied by a Roman army and their com- mander Silo . μ : ; . | 894 656 (xxxvii) How, after Jerusalem was besieged by Silo, Antigonus was put to death by Sossius and Herod?’ . | 468 | 690 This book covers a period of thirty-two years. 2 One ms. has, in place of this whole section, ““ How Hyrcanus and Phasael, who had gone as envoys to the Par- thians, were seized by them and put in chains, and how Herod learned of their capture and escaped. How after Herod’s flight the Parthians plundered the city of Jerusalem and the palace, and handed over Hyrcanus and Phasael in chains to Antigonus. Further, how Hyrcanus had his ears mutilated by Antigonus in order that he might not again hold the priesthood, and how Phasael preferred to slay him- self in order that his foe might not accomplish this deed. How Herod after escaping from the Parthians came to Mal- chus the Arab king, and when the latter refused to receive him, proceeded through Egypt and safely reached the Romans. How Herod with the active help of Antony was named King of Judaea, this being sanctioned by Caesar and the Roman Senate.” > One ms. has, in place of this whole section, ‘‘ How, when Silo and Sossius besieged the city with the Roman armies, it was captured ; and how Antigonus was put to death while Herod came into possession of the throne.” 731 APPENDIX B Tue Date or THE Hicu Priest Simon THE JusT (tHE RicHTEous) Selected literature : Bloch, Heinrich, Die Quellen des Flavius Josephus. 1879. Pp: 147-150, 161-163. Derenbourg, pp. 41-52. Destinon, J., Die Quellen des Flavius Josephus, etc. 1882. Pp. 29-39. Finkelstein i. 62-64, ii. 575-580. sh “The Anshe Keneset Ha-gedolah,” JBL 59 (1940), 455-470. Halscher, G., ‘‘ Die Hohenpriesterliste bei Josephus,” SB Heidelberger Akad. Wiss., 1939. Moore, George F., “ Simeon the Righteous,”” Jewish Studies in Memory of Israel Abrahams. 1927. Pp. 348-364. Schiirer i. 181-182; ii. 355 ff. Willrich, JG, pp. 105-115. Zeitlin, Solomon, art. in Hebrew in Ner Ma arabi, 1925, pp. 137-141. The last high priest mentioned in the Old Testa- ment is Jaddua, a contemporary of Darius III and Alexander the Great (Neh. xii. 22). The high priest in the time of Seleucus IV ec. 180 B.c. was Onias III, who figures prominently in 2 Maccabees (iii. 1 ff.). 732 APPENDIX B For the succession of high priests in the intervening period of about 150 years we are almost wholly dependent upon Josephus, who is supplemented to only a slight extent by rabbinic tradition. In Books XI and XII Josephus gives the following scheme of high priests, which in a later passage (Ant. xx. 261) he represents as based on written sources. Onias I, successor of Jaddua, c. 300 B.c. (Ant. xi. 347). Simon the Just, son of Onias I, time of Ptolemy I (Ant. xii. 43, 157). Eleazar, brother of Simon the Just, time of Ptolemy II (Ant. xii. 44). Manasses, uncle of Eleazar (Ant. xii. 157). Onias II, son of Simon the Just, time of Ptolemy IV, V (Ant. xii. 157). Simon II, son of Onias II, time of Ptolemy V and Antiochus III (Ant. xii. 224). To this list we may tentatively add the name of Hezekiah, mentioned in Ap. i. 187 as a contemporary of Ptolemy I ; he was either a high priest or assistant high priest (cf. Ant. xii. 9 note ὁ). There are two things about this scheme that strike one as peculiar. ‘The first is that the young son of Simon I should have been preceded not only by his uncle Eleazar (which in itself is not remarkable) but also by his uncle’s uncle Manasses. The second point, which here chiefly concerns us, is Josephus’ attribution of the epithet “ the Just ”’ or “ the Righteous ” (Heb. has-saddiq) to the first priest named Simon (Heb. Sim*6n). Other sources pretty clearly indicate that Simon the Just was not Simon I but Simon II, who flourished about a century later. It is true that one rabbinic tradition makes Simon 733 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII the Just a contemporary of Alexander the Great (scholion to Megillath Ta‘anit with a parallel in Bab. Talmud, Yoma 69 a; this story is translated in Appendix C to vol. vi, pp. 517-518). But this vari- ant of Josephus’ story about-the meeting of Jaddua and Alexander has little historical value, particularly so far as chronology is concerned; moreover it is quite possible that, as Zeitlin argues, the king in question was originally not Alexander but Antiochus III. The other rabbinic (and Apocryphal) traditions point more clearly to the end of the third century B.c., not the end of the fourth, as the period when Simon the Just flourished. The relevant material may briefly be summarized as follows. Ecclesiasticus or the Wisdom of Sirach celebrates, near the end of the book (ch. 1), the greatness of the high priest “Simon, son of Onias ” as he presides over a solemn ceremony in the temple. The author is clearly writing of a contemporary and of a scene which he himself has witnessed, and the description of the high priest’s activity and influence best fits the high priest whom rabbinic sources call Simon the Just. Now the book of Ecclesiasticus on internal grounds and on the evidence of the prologue has been dated by almost all scholars at c. 200 B.c. Thus we have one support for the assumption that Simon the Just lived around 200 B.c. and not a century earlier. The identity of Sirach’s Simon with Simon the Just would be further strengthened if we assumed with Deren- bourg that the reference in 1. 2 to the high priest’s erection of a wall and double colonnade in the temple is to be connected with a passage in the latter of Antiochus III (Ant. xii. 141) saying that the Seleucid king permits the work on the temple to be completed 734 APPENDIX B “including the porticoes and any other part that it may be necessary to build.”’ Again the rabbinic traditions preserved in Tosephta Sotah xiii. 6-8, Jerus. Talmud Yoma 43 c, Bab. Talmud Yoma 39 a, Ὁ, Menahot 109 b about the high priest Onias who built a temple in Egypt state that he was the son of Simon the Just, and so indicate that Simon II, not Simon I, is meant. Finally the succession of rabbinic authorities during the Hellenistic period as given in the Mishnah treatise Abot makes Simon the Just the first in a series of seven generations of teachers of whom Jose ben Joezer is in the third, Simeon ben Shetah is in the fifth, and Hillel and Shammai in the seventh. Since Jose ben Joezer was a contemporary of the high priest Alcimus (161 B.c.), Simeon ben Shetah a contemporary of Alexander Jannaeus and Alexandra, and Hillel and Shammai of Herod the Great, it is obvious that in this passage Simon the Just must be placed at c. 200 8.6. Less unambiguous is the statement in Abot i. 2 that Simon the Just was one of the survivors (mis-5°- dré of the Great Assembly (k*eneset hag-g*-délah). The constitution and dates of the Great Assembly are problems which the vagueness of rabbinic tradition concerning this body makes it difficult to solve. Finkelstein has plausibly argued that the Great Assembly was the body convoked by Simon the Just c. 200 B.c. to promulgate certain measures by which the interests of the plebeians in the Jewish state would better be served than they had been in the pre- existing Gerousia. But in that case we should have to assume either that the Mishnah has here, as else- where, been chronologically inexact in making Simon the Just one of the “ survivors ”’ of this body or else 735 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII that the word 5° dré “ survivors ”’ is a scribal error for ra’é “heads ’’—an assumption that is made by Zeitlin. In any case the evidence of Ecclesiasticus taken together with the majority of rabbinic passages seems sufficient to warrant the assumption that Simon the Just lived c. 200 B.c. and that Josephus is mis- taken in making him a contemporary of Ptolemy I. 736 APPENDIX C Tue Earty Seveucip RULERS AND THE JEWS Selected literature : Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 165-167. Krauss, S., ““ Antioche,” REJ 45 (1902), 27-29. Niese, GGMS i. 394 n. 4. Schiirer iii. 79-84. Tscherikower, pp. 296, 335-339. Willrich, JG pp. 29-33, 37. Ἢ Urkundenfdlschung, p. 16. The general problem of the civic rights and privi- leges enjoyed by the Jews in the Hellenistic-Roman Diaspora will be discussed in an appendix to the last volume of this translation. The present appendix is concerned only with the statements made by Jose- phus concerning the Jewish policies of the Seleucid rulers before Antiochus III (on the latter see the following appendix). Only two early Seleucid kings are specifically mentioned in this connexion by Josephus: Seleucus I Nicator, the founder of the dynasty, and Antiochus II Theos. With the former of these the following passages deal. Ant. xii. 119-124, Seleucus Nicator granted the Jews citizenship “in the cities which he founded in Asia and Lower Syria and in his capital Antioch VOL. VII 2A2 737 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII itself, and declared them to have equal privileges with the Macedonians and Greeks who were settled in these cities, so that this citizenship of theirs re- mains to this very day ; and the proof of this is the fact that he gave orders that those Jews who were unwilling to use foreign oil should receive a fixed sum of money from the gymnasiarchs to pay for their own kind of oil; and when the people of Antioch proposed to revoke this privilege, Mucianus, who was then governor of Syria, maintained it.”” Josephus goes on to say that similarly Titus and Vespasian refused to deprive the Alexandrian and Antiochian Jews of citizenship. Ap. ii. 39, “ Our Jewish residents in Antioch are called Antiochenes, having been granted rights of citizenship by its founder Seleucus. Similarly, those at Ephesus and throughout the rest of Ionia bear the same name as the indigenous citizens, a right which they received from Alex- ander’s successors (τῶν διαδόχων). To these two passages we may add another which touches on the history of the Jews in Antioch before the Roman period, B.J. vii. 43-45, “ But it was at Antioch that they specially congregated, partly owing to the greatness of that city, but mainly because the kings after Antiochus had enabled them to live there in security. For although Antiochus surnamed Epi- phanes sacked Jerusalem and plundered the temple, his successors on the throne restored to the Jews of Antioch all such votive offerings as were made of bronze, to be laid up in their synagogue, and more- over, granted them citizen rights on an equality with the Greeks.”’ In trying to determine the historicity of the claim that Seleucus I gave the Jews citizenship and other 738 APPENDIX C privileges in Antioch and elsewhere, it is well to remember that both Ant. and Ap. which specifically make this claim are suspected of containing exaggera- tions of an apologetic nature to a greater extent than is B.J., which says nothing about Seleucus Nicator’s concern for the Jews. Moreover in B.J.’s statement that the kings after Antiochus enabled the Jews to live at Antioch in security the Antiochus referred to is much more likely to be Antiochus III than Anti- ochus I, as Dr. Thackeray suggests in his note. The context indicates that Josephus is speaking of the friendly Jewish policy of all the Seleucids after Anti- ochus III, to which that of Antiochus Epiphanes formed the sole exception. Moreover an Antiochus without surname is much more likely to be the well- known Antiochus III the Great than the obscure Antiochus I. Furthermore it is unlikely that there were enough Jews in Syria and Asia during the reign of Seleucus I to warrant special legislation on their behalf. It is true that Jews were beginning to settle in Egypt in considerable numbers soon after 300 B.c., but this does not seem to have been the case in Seleucid territory. Willrich and others have correctly pointed out that as late as the time of the Maccabees the Jewish settlement in Gilead was small enough to be brought en masse to Judaea. Other Apocryphal and rabbinic sources (see below) indicate that the Jewish community in Antioch first attained importance about 200 B.c. Nor is there reason to believe that the Jews of Palestine were of sufficient interest to Seleucus I for him to take favourable action toward their co-re- ligionists in Syria and Asia. One might argue, to be sure, that the Jewish settlement in Babylonia was of 739 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII some importance to Seleucus, but, as Tscherikower reminds us, there is no reason to believe that Jose- phus’ sources made any reference to the Babylonian Jews of that period. Finally, it may be noted that in another passage, B.J/. vii. 107 ff., which relates that Titus refused to expel the Jews from Antioch or to remove the bronze tablets on which their privileges were inscribed, there is no mention of Seleucus at all. Another point to be considered is Josephus’ state- ment in Ant. that proof of Seleucus I’s interest in the Jews is:the fact that he ordered the gymnasiarchs to give money for oil to those Jews who were unwilling to use pagan oil. That some of the Seleucid rulers did make such grants is proved by the inscription cited in one of the notes to this passage (p. 61 note ὁ), and that the Jews of the Diaspora were reluctant to use pagan oil is shown by other passages in Josephus, cited in the same note, and by the discussion of this matter in the Bab. Talmud Abodah Zarah 36 a, b. The latter passage reports a controversy between the Hillelites and Shammaites, dating from about the end of the first century B.c. In a private communication Professor Louis Ginzberg expresses the opinion that many of the regulations discussed in this passage were “ not new ordinances but reinforcements.”” He does not, however, conclude from the Talmudic state- ments that the Jews of the Diaspora abstained from the use of pagan oil as early as the time of Seleucus I. On the other hand, Krauss, who cites this and other Talmudic passages, expresses doubt that there was a considerable Jewish Diaspora in Syria in the time of the early Seleucid rulers. The rabbinic traditions about Antioch point to a separate golah (Diaspora) in 740 APPENDIX C the time of Onias III but not earlier. The grant of oil, therefore, is more plausibly to be ascribed to Antiochus III than to Seleucus I. Here, too, as in the case of other pro-Jewish enactments attributed by Josephus to the founders of the Ptolemaic and Seleucid dynasties, an apologetic motive is to be suspected. Whether Willrich is right in tracing this passage to Jason of Cyrene (on whose work 2 Macca- bees is based) is a point to be discussed in another place. We may now turn to another passage which some scholars have considered to refer to the Jewish policy of Antiochus II Theos (261-247 B.c.). In Ant. xii. 125-127 Josephus tells us that the Greeks of Ionia agitated against the Jews and petitioned Marcus Agrippa (during the years 16-13 B.c.) that “ they alone might enjoy the citizenship which Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, called Theos by the Greeks, had given them, and claimed that if the Jews were to be their fellows, they should worship the Ionians’ gods ”’ ; the passage goes on to say that after a hear- ing at which Nicolas of Damascus spoke as advocate of the Jews, Agrippa gave his opinion that it was not lawful for him to make a new rule. This passage must be considered in connexion with Ant. xvi. 27-60 which relates in greater detail how Nicolas success- fully pleaded for the preservation of the privileges of the Jews in Ionia (chiefly matters of religious observ- ance), which Agrippa was the more inclined to respect because of his friendship with Herod. In the latter passage it is clearly the privileges and edicts of tolera- tion which the Romans had granted that are involved, not the civic rights or privileges which the Jews claimed to have received from the Seleucids. It is 141 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII therefore reasonable to suppose that the phrase “ the citizenship which Antiochus ... Theos ... had given them ᾿᾿ refers to the democratic constitution set up in the cities of Asia by Antiochus II (attested by other Greek sources cited by Schiirer) and that “them ” refers to the Greeks and not to the Jews. If we take Ant. xii. 125-127 together with Ant. xvi. 27 ff., we see that the Ionian Greeks were attempting to have Agrippa revoke the edicts of toleration granted the Jews by the Romans, presumably in the time of Julius Caesar (cf. Ant. xiv. 190 ff.), which the anti-Jewish party claimed gave the Jews as great a measure of civic right as the Greeks had been enjoy- ing as citizens since the time of Antiochus II. Here, as Wellhausen and Tscherikower remind us, Josephus confuses citizenship with privileges and grants of religious freedom. But he does not plainly say that it was Antiochus II who had given the Jews citizen- ship, though his language is slightly ambiguous, perhaps intentionally so. Nor should undue stress be placed on the word μετέχωσι in this passage (restored from Epitome for mss. μετέλθωσι), as though it implied participation by Jews and Greeks in citizen- ship, since its use in similar passages taken from Nicolas shows that it has the technical sense of “ enjoy ” (civic rights, etc.). In conclusion, we may say that it is very improbable that the Jewish communities in Seleucid Syria and Asia were granted either citizenship or special privi- leges before the time of Antiochus III. 742 APPENDIX D Antiocuus III anp tHe Jews (dnt. xii. 129-153) Selected literature : Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 296-297. Bickermann, E., “‘ La charte séleucide de Jérusalem,” REJ 100 (1935), 4-35. Biichler, T'obiaden, pp. 143-171. Dubnow ii. 33-34. Graetz ii. 2. 243-244. Holleaux, M., “ Inscription trouvée ἃ Brousse,” BCH 48 (1924), 1-57. Klausner i. 213-214. Laqueur, R., “ Griechische Urkunden in der jiidisch- hellenistischen Literatur,” HZ 136 (1927), 229- 252 (esp. 247-251). Meyer, Ursprung ii. 126-127. Niese, GGMS ii. 579. Rostovtzeff, M., CAH vii. 180. Schubart, W., “ Bemerkungen zum Stile hellenis- tischer KGnigsbriefe,” APF 6 (1920), 324-347 (esp. 343-345). Schiirer ii. 303 ; iii. 66. Tscherikower, pp. 122-128, 294-295. Welles, Roy. Corr., pp. xxxvii-l. Wellhausen, pp. 225-227. 743 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII Willrich, JG, pp. 39-43. a Urkundenfdlschung, pp. 18-23. Zucker, pp. 33-36. During the struggle for the possession of Palestine and Transjordan between Antiochus the Great and Ptolemy Epiphanes between 201 and 198 8.6. the majority of Jews seem to have sided with the Seleucids (see the works listed in Appendix E). Accordingly, Josephus tells us, Antiochus rewarded the Jews by extending certain privileges to them in respect of taxes, freedom of religion, maintenance of the temple cult and the like. The three documents which con- tain these royal grants and privileges are cited in xii. 138-153, and have naturally aroused a great deal of discussion among modern scholars, who have expressed divergent opinions about their genuineness and accuracy. Before examining the documents in detail, it may be well to make some general observations about the nature of Hellenistic royal letters and Josephus’ use of sources bearing on the position of the Jews in the Hellenistic Diaspora. On the basis of such a collection as Welles’ Royal Correspondence, which contains seventy-five texts principally from the Seleucid and Attalid kingdoms, and other collections of scores of papyri from the Ptolemaic period, it should be possible to determine with a fair degree of assurance whether the enact- ments ascribed to Seleucid and Ptolemaic kings by Josephus and other Hellenistic Jewish writers are obvious forgeries or not. (Incidentally, these same collections enable us to distinguish to some extent between Ptolemaic and Seleucid epistolary formulas.) 744 APPENDIX D But the problem is more complicated than a mere matter of obvious forgery or obvious authenticity. We are dealing with material that does not fall into the category of the obvious. True, it is of some help to find that most of the royal letters and memoranda cited by Jewish writers closely conform to the pattern of authentic documents of this kind. But this con- formity is only partial evidence of their genuineness. There is no reason why Hellenistic Jewish fabricators should not have made use of epistolary manuals, the existence of which is attested by ancient authors, to devise imaginary letters concerning the Jews, or have copied the royal decrees inscribed on stone and set up in the public squares of Hellenistic cities, or have altered genuine decrees by inserting favourable references to the Jews. On the other hand, there is no reason to condemn as wholly spurious a Ptolemaic or Seleucid decree cited by Josephus or an Apocryphal author merely because in some respects it deviates from the forms known to us from inscriptions and papyri. In the first place, we are not at present in a position to fix the chronological and local variations of the style of Hellenistic chancelleries with absolute accuracy. In the second place, we must allow for the occasional possibility that the king may have made informal additions to the formal letter drawn up by his official, or have issued a general statement as a temporary measure without bothering with the conventional forms, or, in the case of a Seleucid enactment, may have ordered that a form of religious toleration earlier extended to one minority group be applied to another group, actually quite different in culture, but supposed by the king to have the same system of sacrifices, cult restrictions and the like. 745 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII Such possibilities will be concretely illustrated below. At this point it may suffice to point out that the methods of Formgeschichte and Gattungsgeschichte cannot altogether replace the study of historical context and common sense. As for the general reliability of such an apologist- historian as Josephus and of such theological his- torians as the authors of the Letter of Aristeas, 2 Maccabees and similar works in matters relating to the treatment of Jews by the successors of Alex- ander the Great, it will be freely admitted by a conscientious scholar that the documents cited by them must be treated with a certain amount of scepticism in view of the fact that these writers undoubtedly tend to exaggerate the friendliness shown toward the Jews by the earlier Ptolemies and Seleucids, and that Josephus (or his source) has, whether carelessly or deliberately, confused special privilege with citizenship and civic equality. But such proper scepticism should not make us unrealistic. A grant or ordinance which may justly be suspected of spuriousness if attributed to Ptolemy I or Seleucus I may have every probability of genuineness if attri- buted to Antiochus III. The historical setting and documentary parallels must be carefully evaluated. In this connexion a word may be said about the view held by several scholars that most of the pro- Jewish royal Hellenistic decrees cited in Josephus, Aristeas and other Jewish works are of a piece with the pro-Jewish decrees ascribed to Persian kings in the biblical book of Ezra, and that both sets of docu- ments are spurious. The remarkable similarity between them in such details as the immunities and privileges of temple officials, subventions to the 746 APPENDIX D sacrificial expenses, etc., is in itself no proof that the Hellenistic decrees are the invention of Jewish apologists. In the first place, recent independent investigation of Achaemenian policy by such com- petent Iranian scholars as H. H. Schaeder, has tended to support the arguments of earlier scholars, such as Eduard Meyer, that the Aramaic decrees in Ezra are genuine. In the second place, classical scholars, including some who have no special interest in Jewish history, have shown that in matters of imperial organization the Seleucids to a large extent followed the policy of the Achaemenians, so that it should not surprise us to find them granting the same privileges to the temple at Jerusalem as the Persian kings are said to have granted. The preceding arguments are, of course, secondary to the argument based on parallels found in genuine inscriptions of Hellenistic kings, which are mentioned below. A third point that might be mentioned is the fact that edicts of religious tolerance, in general similar to those ascribed to the later Seleucids, were granted by the early Roman emperors, whom we have no reason to con- sider as innovators in this respect. Turning now to the documents cited in Ant. xii. 138-153, we shall first review briefly the views of those scholars who have expressed only a general or sum- mary opinion about their genuineness (Schubart, Laqueur, Wellhausen, Niese, Graetz, Schiirer, Klaus- ner, Dubnow, Bevan, Meyer, Rostovtzeff), and then consider the arguments of those who have examined one or more of the three documents in some detail (Willrich, Biichler, Tscherikower, Zucker, Bicker- mann). It is disappointing to find that so competent a 141 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII scholar as Schubart in the course of a long and instrue- tive discussion of Hellenistic royal letters dismisses the letters of Antiochus III to Ptolemy and Zeuxis as spurious without attempting to analyse them or to set upcriteria of style applicable to them. Laqueur, dealing with a similarly broad subject, is a little more helpful in showing how the wholly negative criticism of Willrich and Kolbe (concerning the documents in 2 Maccabees) must be considerably restricted in the light of relevant parallels from inscriptions and the bearing of the specific situation. Wellhausen, who holds that in general Josephus’ statements about the policy of Hellenistic kings toward the Jews are to be suspected of exaggeration and apologetic tendencies, refers in detail only to Antiochus III’s letter to Zeuxis on the transportation of two thousand Jewish families from Mesopotamia to Lydia and Phrygia, and questions its authenticity on the ground that the names of the colonists are not given. This objection will be considered below. Niese’s opinion is that the form and contents of all three documents are strongly suspect, but he gives no detailed argument except that Josephus obviously considers the Zeuxis letter to have been written after the conquest of Jerusalem, whereas in fact it must have been written before this. He also refers to Willrich’s criticisms (see below), which, however, he says are only negatively valid, presumably question- ing Willrich’s view that the documents are Jewish inventions of Roman date. Niese suggests that the letter to Zeuxis was put out by the Jews of Phrygia and Lydia who wished to base their claim to civic equality with the Macedonian katorkoi on the alleged colonization by Antiochus III ; on this see below. 748 APPENDIX D Graetz seems to accept the genuineness of two of the three documents, assuming with Grotius that the privileges ascribed therein to Antiochus are identical with the royal φιλάνθρωπα mentioned in 2 Macc. iv. 11 as having been granted to “ John, father of Eupo- lemus.’’ The second document (δ 146) he admits is of doubtful genuineness, but does not explain why. Schiirer, whose work is concerned primarily with the period after Antiochus III, only incidentally mentions the king’s grants to the temple and cult, and assumes that they are historical. Klausner takes for granted the authenticity of all the documents and confines himself, in citing evi- dence, to the argument that the repair of the temple mentioned in Sirach (see Appendix B) indicates the interest of Antiochus in the temple. Dubnow also accepts the three documents as authentic, remarking in a footnote that Niese and Wellhausen have questioned their genuineness but arguing that they should not be wholly rejected merely because certain details are improbable. He further ventures the rash suggestion that Josephus has taken the documents from Polybius, who is quoted in the preceding sections of Ant. xii. Bevan, as usual, takes a sensible view of the prob- lem and balances the probabilities. His brief com- ments are worth quoting in full. “‘ I incline to doubt, with Willrich (Judaica, p. 58) and Biichler (Tobiaden u. Oniaden, p. 143 f.), the genuineness of the letters of Antiochus III, given by Joseph. Arch. xii. § 138 f., not so much because of any impossibility in them (which I do not think Willrich or Biichler succeeds in making out), but because of the readiness with which such documents were forged in post-Maccabaean 149 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII times (see Willrich, Juden u. Griechen, Judaica, passim). If, however, they are not genuine, they are forged by some one familiar with the history of the time and the style of such rescripts. He knew of Zeuxis, the governor of Lydia (perhaps from Polybius), and Ptolemy, the son of Thraseas, the governor of Coele-Syria. (In objecting that Ptolemy was made governor in 218, Juden u. Griechen, p. 40, Willrich is thinking of the date in which he was in the Egyptian service, Polyb. v. 65, 8. That he deserted to the Seleucid in 218 with Ceraeas and Hippolochus, Polyb. v. 70, 10, is a conjecture only. When he was made governor of Coele-Syria there is absolutely nothing to show.) He is also right in exhibiting the Jews as friendly to Antiochus. The detail of the Egyptian garrison, not mentioned in our fragments of Polybius, may therefore be taken as true. That Antiochus should in such circumstances have shown some favours to the Jews and made presents to the Temple is in itself extremely likely.” After reading this, one is inclined to ask the judicious historian of the Seleucid dynasty why the privileges which he admits Antiochus most probably granted to the Jews cannot be just those recorded in the letters cited by Josephus ? In other words Bevan seems less doubt- ful of the genuineness of the documents than he himself claims to be. Eduard Meyer, who has no marked sympathy with the Jews either of antiquity or modern times, objects to what he calls the unjustified doubts of the authen- ticity of the documents expressed by Schubart, and charges that the doubting modern critics of Josephus cannot “ feel themselves ”’ into the ancient situation. As a parallel to the restrictions on foreigners approach- 750 APPENDIX D ing the temple precinct mentioned in the second document, he cites the well-known Greek inscription of Roman times (OGIS 598, cf. Ant. xv. 417), μηθένα ἀλλογενῆ εἰσπορεύεσθαι ἐντὸς Tov περὶ Td ἱερὸν τρυ- φάκτου καὶ περιβόλου, κτλ. Meyer admits that Josephus exaggerates in saying that Antiochus published his programma throughout the entire kingdom. Rostovtzeff does not commit himself about the genuineness of the letter to Zeuxis, which alone he notices, but remarks that its style is singularly like the letter of Antiochus to the city of Amyzon, and adds that “‘ there is no doubt that the letter gives us exactly the normal procedure when the Seleucids founded a military colony.” The extant fragments of the Amyzon inscription (Welles Nr. 40) read, Αμυζονέων χαίρειν----τὸ ἱερὸν ἄσυλον---βασιλέως εὔνοιαν -καὶ μηθενὶ ἐνοχλεῖν ipas—eppwobe. It must be added that the attribution of the Amyzon inscrip- tion to Antiochus III is not certain but probable. Welles takes it to be the writing of a royal official of the king when the latter was active in Caria before the Syrian campaign of 201 B.c. In considering the more detailed treatments of other recent scholars, we shall find it most convenient to take each of the three documents separately, first reporting the negative criticisms of Willrich and Biichler, and then giving the counter-arguments of Tscherikower, Zucker and Bickermann, and the present writer’s as well. 1. The Letter to Ptolemy (au. 138-144) Willrich in some places expresses the opinion that Josephus has taken the Seleucid decrees from such 751 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII apologists as Jason of Cyrene and Pseudo-Hecataeus, and in other places points out that some of the enact- ments attributed to Antiochus III and earlier kings really date from Roman times; but his argument that Jason of Cyrene and Pseudo-Hecataeus wrote in the first century B.c. is far from convincing. The main points of his argument against the authen- ticity of the Ptolemy letter are as follows. The addressee, Ptolemy son of Thraseas, is known to have been governor of Coele-Syria before 218 B.c. but not later. (This argument has been answered by Bevan, see above.) The pro-Jewish provisions of the letter bear a suspicious resemblance to those attributed to Ptolemy Philadelphus in Aristeas and to Persian kings in the book of Ezra. (This argument too has been broadly dealt with in the first part of the present Appendix.) The porticoes of the temple which the king offers to have repaired indicate that the temple of Herod is really in the writer’s mind. The poll-tax was not known in the Seleucid kingdom and was first introduced under Quirinius. (On this point see note a to § 142 on p. 74 and also the discussions of Tscherikower and Bickermann below.) The return of Jewish captives is questionable, for it is difficult to see how Jews could have been taken off if the Egyptian garrison in Jerusalem was forced to sur- render ; this section, therefore, is to be suspected of imitating the reference in Aristeas to the freeing of Jewish captives in Egypt by Ptolemy Philadelphus. (Incidentally, the historicity of the latter story is not wholly disproved by the recent studies of slavery in Ptolemaic Egypt by W. L. Westermann and others.) A final objection raised by Willrich, in common with some other scholars, is that there is no 752 APPENDIX D mention of the Jewish high priest in the letter, as might be expected in an official document. An even more detailed and extended attack on the genuineness of the letter is made by Biichler, who not only takes account of the criticisms of Well- hausen and Willrich but in some cases improves on them or replaces them by other criticisms. Biichler’s arguments are ingenious and elaborate, but some of his statements are inaccurate, and his unsystematic skipping from document to document combined with extreme dialectical subtlety results in some con- fusion of intention. In addition to these defects is the artificiality of treatment involved in his fixed notion that most of the Hellenistic decrees cited in Josephus reflect the Jewish-Samaritan controversies of the first century B.c. The substance of his theory about this particular document seems to be that a Jewish apologist writing in Herodian times has altered an original Samaritan forgery which ascribed to Antiochus III certain grants made to the Samaritan temple on Mt. Gerizim. The following are the salient points of his argument. [ is noteworthy that in the section taken from Polybius that precedes the letter to Ptolemy and relates the conquest of Coele- Syria by Antiochus there is special emphasis on Samaria (not apparent to the present writer), and one may infer that §§ 135-136 originally dealt with . the conquest of Samaria rather than of Judaea ; the former was of greater military importance than Jerusalem, and also had an Egyptian garrison. The reference in § 141 to the importing of wood for the temple is more appropriate to Samaria than to Jeru- salem. On the other hand, Biichler continues, the letter makes the city and temple identical, which 753 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII does not fit the Samaritan theory, since the fortress of Samaria was separate from the temple on Mt. Gerizim except in the time of Gabinius, cf. Ant. xiv. 100. Nor was the senate (γερουσία) of Samaria connected with priests and Levites as in the decree. The assurance of religious and political freedom for the Jews given in § 142 pre-supposes that restrictions of this kind had been imposed on the Jews shortly before, but no such restrictions are likely to have been imposed by either the Ptolemies or the Seleu- cids before Antiochus IV Epiphanes. After going through the list of persecutions in the period after Antiochus Epiphanes, Biichler finds that the implied restrictions and the damage to the temple resulting from the siege must have been those due to Pompey in 63 s.c. He therefore concludes that the letter reflects the liberal enactments of Julius Caesar, who, for example, remitted Jewish taxes for a time. As for the Jewish captives mentioned in the letter, they were probably those taken to Rome by Pompey ; their release may have been due to Mark Antony, who is said by Dio Cassius to have freed the captives taken by Cassius. It is no accident, says Biichler, that the grants actually made by Julius Caesar were ascribed by the Jewish author of the decree to Anti- ochus III, since he meant the document to be an answer to the Samaritans who boasted that Anti- ochus IV had shown special favour to their temple on Mt. Gerizim. The reference to the repair of the porticoes of the temple is to the Herodian temple, but this preserved the architectural features of a much earlier time ; so too the Levites had earlier enjoyed special privileges. The omission of the name of the high priest is a characteristic of forged decrees 754 APPENDIX D ascribed by their Jewish authors to pagan rulers, as is seen from the Aramaic documents in Ezra, which were taken as a model by Hellenistic Jewish apolo- gists. (See the comment on Willrich and the first part of this Appendix, and on Bickermann, below.) Perhaps, Biichler adds, the high priest is not men- tioned here because Hyrcanus II did not enjoy ex- emption from taxation. The mention of the senate under the name of γερουσία points to the Egyptian origin of the decree. Let us now consider the counter-arguments of Tscherikower, Zucker and Bickermann (the last of whom has made so thorough an investigation of the letter to Ptolemy that he has left little to add). Tscherikower points out that Antiochus III’s liberality to the temple is inherently probable in view of the tolerance shown by Ptolemies and Seleucids to the religions of minority groups ; as an example of this he cites the decree of a King Antiochus concern- ing the temple of Zeus (=Baal) in Baetocaece in Syria (OGIS 262=Welles 70). This decree is dated by Welles c. the end of the first century B.c. and is translated by him as follows. ‘‘ King Antiochus to Euphemus, greeting. The inclosed memorandum has been issued. See then that its provisions are carried out as far as concerns you. Report having been brought to me of the ‘ power’ of the god Zeus of Baetocaece, it has been decided to grant him for all time the place whence the ‘ power’ of the god issues, the village of Baetocaece—formerly the property of Demetrius the son of Demetrius and grandson of Mnaseas, . . . of the Apamean satrapy —with all its property and possessions according to the existing surveys and with the harvest of the 755 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII present year, so that the revenue from this may be spent by the priest chosen by the god in the custom- ary manner for the monthly sacrifices and the other things which increase the dignity of the temple, and also that there may be held each month on the fifteenth and thirtieth days fairs free from taxation ; (it has been decided further) that the temple should be inviolable and the village exempt from billeting, as no objection has been raised ; that anyone who should violate any of the above provisions should be held guilty of impiety ; and that copies (of this memorandum) should be inscribed on a stone stele and placed in the same temple. It will be necessary then to write to the usual officials so that these pro- visions may be carried out.” Here a word of caution is in place concerning Tscherikower’s use of this decree. While it is of value in furnishing a model of the Seleucid chancellery style in such matters, the reader may be reminded that it was probably issued by a Seleucid king who was in greater need of support from a local com- munity and therefore more anxious to conciliate it than was the case with Antiochus III who was dealing with the former subjects of his Ptolemaic rival. How- ever, as Bevan has remarked, it is very likely that Antiochus III made an effort to please the Jews, and if he did so, would have chosen some such means as his successor did in trying to please the people of Baetocaece. Tscherikower further argues, convincingly enough, that the tax-exemption and return of the captives mentioned in the letter to Ptolemy were in keeping with the policy of Hellenistic kings, and have a parallel in Antiochus III’s treatment of Lysimachia 756 APPENDIX D in Thrace (cf. Appian, Syria 1). This, then, would make unnecessary Biichler’s assumption that these grants were originally made by Julius Caesar and Mark Antony. Against Willrich’s objection that poll-taxes were not known in the Seleucid kingdom under Antiochus III Tscherikower argues that we know too little about Seleucid taxes to be dogmatic on this point (see also Bickermann below) ; more- over, even if it were true that the Jews at that time paid taxes only through the high priest, as Willrich claims, there is no good reason why the Seleucid king should not have intervened on occasion. These considerations seem to dispose of some of the chief objections raised against the general trustworthiness of the letter to Ptolemy. Like Eduard Meyer and Tscherikower, Zucker also finds support for the historicity of the documents in parallels from Hellenistic decrees, e.g. SEG ii. 663. He notes that in distinction from the Persian decrees quoted in Ezra vi-vii, Antiochus’ grant of exemp- tion from taxes for the gerousia and scribes is some- thing new ; he further supposes that from the earlier Seleucid point of view the gerousia corresponded to the boulé of the Hellenistic city-states, but that in the time of Antiochus III the Jewish gerousta must have been a council of temple officials assisting the high priest, something like the sacred collegium of the Roman empire, hence a ἱερὰ βουλή. Particularly interesting is Zucker’s citation of a verse from Judith (xi. 13-14) which refers to the authority of the gerousza over the temple revenues. In citing the Baetocaece decree as a parallel, he points out that in it tax- exemption is granted for only one year, so that Antiochus III’s grant for three years is exceptional. 757 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII Zucker concludes by expressing the opinion, quite plausible in the present writer’s judgment, that the tax-exemption granted to the temple officials was a tradition inherited by the Seleucids from the Persian kings. To Bickermann we owe the most complete and valuable study of the letter to Ptolemy. Some of the arguments he advances in defence of its genuine- ness have been anticipated by one or another of the scholars mentioned above; accordingly only the more important of the new arguments he has given will be summarized, and no attempt will be made to include all the textual comments, some of them very useful, which he has made. Bickermann regards the letter to Ptolemy as the “Seleucid charter of Jerusalem,’’ and is chiefly interested in trying to show its political motivation and results. He first stresses the importance of the Jews’ services to Antiochus III in furnishing him with provisions, as is indicated by a passage in Polybius, y. 70. 5 (218 B.c.), and in helping to dislodge the Egyptian garrison from the citadel N.W. of the temple, as is indicated by Porphyry ap. Jerome on Daniel xi. 15, “‘ For a long time Antiochus with the help of the Jews besieged the garrison established by Scopas in the citadel of Jerusalem.” He then shows that in the first part of the letter the friendly acts of the Jews are arranged in crescendo order, which is in accord with good chancellery style, cf. Welles Nrs. 22, 71; furthermore the expression of royal gratitude for such services is a feature of official Hellenistic style. Antiochus shows his grati- tude in two ways, by restoring the city and by repopulating it. As parallels to these acts, Bicker- 758 APPENDIX D mann cites the passage in Appian (see above) and the collection of texts published by Holleaux in BCH, 1924, pp. 30 ff. Dealing with the “ dispositions ᾿ in the second part of the letter, Bickermann calls attention to the fact that σύνταξις in ὃ 140 is used in the sense of “ aid,” “ contribution ” (cf. OGIS 1. 13), whereas in Ptole- maic Greek the word means “ salary ’’ ; thus he dis- poses of the theory of Biichler and Reinach that the document is a fabrication of Egyptian Jews. That Antiochus III should have given money for the temple instead of gifts in kind, as did Darius and Artaxerxes according to Ezra vi-vii (here Bicker- mann has made a slip; Artaxerxes gave money, not gifts in kind, according to Ezra vii. 15 ff.) is in keeping with the Hellenistic practice of adaeratio. On the problem of taxation Bickermann, who is a leading authority on the subject, admits that we have no direct evidence for the poll-tax in Seleucid times (see above), but points out that this tax is named among the sources of income of the satraps (read “kings ’’ ?) in Pseudo-Aristotle’s Economics 1346 a, a work which reflects conditions in Asia under the Diadochi. He also argues that there is nothing remarkable in the fact that Antiochus’ letter is addressed to the governor of Coele-Syria and not directly to the Jews, since a number of instances are known of the former practice though it is less usual than the latter; he refers to Welles Nr. 9 and to 1 Mace. xi. 32, 2 Mace. xi. 22. Bickermann reconstructs the political situation as follows. In conformity with the principles of Greek public law Antiochus III everywhere regulated the status of reconquered cities. After taking Jerusalem 759 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII he did the same, and rewarded the Jews for the ser- vices they had rendered him in his war with Ptolemy Epiphanes. In the Greek polis re-establishment of the civic constitution meant autonomy, more or less. In the case of Jerusalem it meant royal recognition of the authority of the Jewish constitution which was nothing else than the law of Moses. From this followed such enactments as the interdiction of access to the temple for non-Jews. In making these grants to the Jews Antiochus was following the example of his Hellenistic predecessors, who in turn had followed the precedent set by the Persian kings. Thus the letter to Ptolemy formed the Seleucid “ charter ”’ of Jerusalem, and was probably renewed by Seleucus IV and Antiochus IV, but eventually revoked by the latter. More speculative is Bickermann’s treatment of the gifts made by Antiochus to the temple. He dis- tinguishes between the daily sacrifices made on behalf of the Jewish people and paid for by them, and the burnt-offering sacrificed on behalf of the king and paid for by him. But, argues Bickermann, Anti- ochus’ contribution amounted to about twice as much as was needed for the royal sacrifices according to Talmudic estimates ; hence we may suppose that the king not only paid the expense of the daily sacrifice made in his name but also some of the expense of the Tamid sacrifice made on behalf of the Jews. For Hellenistic parallels to such contributions he refers to Holleaux’s collection of texts in BCH, 1924. One more important detail is interestingly dis- cussed by Bickermann, namely the absence of the high priest’s name in the letter to Ptolemy. He points out that the Jewish state, being an aristocracy, 760 APPENDIX D was represented by the gerousia in foreign relations. The high priest is not mentioned in the Persian decrees or in the Seleucid documents quoted in 1 and 2 Maccabees before the time of Jonathan, whereas the gerousia continues to be mentioned beside the high priests in documents from the later Hasmonaean period. With this interpretation of the status of the Jewish senate compare that of Zucker above; the two views are not necessarily in conflict, since both Zucker and Bickermann would presumably recognize that in the time of Antiochus III the high priest shared authority over the temple with the gerousia. Bickermann also remarks that in distinction from the Persian kings, who exempted all the clerics of the temple from taxation, Antiochus III limited tax- exemption to the priests and two classes of Levites—a limitation that he believes to be in accord with the policy of Hellenistic rulers toward the oriental clergy. The reader has had placed before him the chief arguments for and against the genuineness of all or most of the first document ascribed to Antiochus III by Josephus. Although certainty is not likely to be attained in such a matter, I believe that the weight of evidence supports those scholars who accept Antiochus’ letter to Ptolemy as an actual decree issued by the king soon after his conquest of Coele- Syria. II. The Ritual Interdictions (xii. 145-146) More of a puzzle in some ways than the letter to Ptolemy is the brief section purporting to be a pro- clamation (πρόγραμμα) which Antiochus III published “ throughout the entire kingdom ” and in which non- Jews are forbidden to enter the temple enclosure, VOL. VII QB 761 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII and all persons are forbidden to bring into Jerusalem the flesh or hides of horses, mules, asseg, ete., under penalty of a fine. The mere prohibition of entrance to the temple enclosure is not remarkable ; such a prohibition, under penalty of death, existed in Roman times, as is proved not only by the statement of Josephus in Ant. xv. 417 but also by the discovery of copies of the original inscription erected in the temple precinct (see above on Eduard Meyer and cf. Schiirer ii. 272 and Iliffe in QSDAP vi. 1936, 1-3). On the fines to be paid to Jewish communities for violation of their religious statutes see note 6 on p. 76 of this volume. But that the Jews at this time or any time should have objected to the bringing into Jerusalem of horses, asses, mules, etc., alive or dead is incredible. This fact makes it impossible to believe that the docu- ment is a Jewish fabrication, as some scholars have claimed ; why should any Jew, however zealous for the prestige of his temple and sacred city, have invented such an unlikely detail? Τὸ has been pointed out that the Jews did not eat such animals ; it should be added that they did not use them as sacrificial animals either, so that there would have been no point in forging a prohibition of their importa- tion into Jerusalem, especially when a good many non-Jews must have known that such animals were permitted to serve as beasts of burden in the city. Biichler’s theory that the document reflects the Jewish-Samaritan controversies of the first century B.c. over the respective merits of the temple in Jerusalem and the temple on Mt. Gerizim is not very convincing. Against this complicated assump- tion that Josephus’ Jewish source has recast an 762 APPENDIX D original Samaritan polemic seeking to show that Antiochus Epiphanes, the desecrator of the temple in Jerusalem, had been very scrupulous in respecting the Levitical prescriptions of the Gerizim temple, it may be argued that such an exaggerated Samaritan claim is inherently improbable, and that even if such a claim had been made by a Samaritan writer, it is difficult to believe that a Jewish apologist would have been naive enough to make the imaginary restrictions apply to Jerusalem. Tscherikower, who upholds the genuineness of the document, attempts to account for the curious restric- tion as well as for the statement about the publishing of the proclamation throughout the entire kingdom by assuming that the decree has been preserved in an imperfect and incomplete form. This is probably true, but does not quite satisfactorily explain the statement about the importation of the animals. I venture to suggest another explanation, on the assumption that the document is not a fabrication. My suggestion is that Antiochus gave orders to the official in charge of such matters to draw up a state- ment protecting the sanctity of the temple, as he had presumably been requested to do by some of the Jewish leaders in touch with the Seleucid court ; but this official, being ignorant of the exact nature of Jewish ritual, simply chose a formula that was in use for the protection of the cults of various Hellenistic and Syrian cities, and slightly altered it to make it apply to Jerusalem in spite of the fact that it did not wholly fit the requirements of the Jews. For an example of such a Hellenistic decree we may cite an inscription from lIalysus in Rhodes (Dittenberger, Sylloge, 3rd ed. 338 = Michel, Recueil 436, referred to 763 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII by Willrich), which prohibits the bringing into the temple or temple precincts any horse, ass, mule, ete. It is also possible, assuming the imperfection and incompleteness of the present text, that the document originally prohibited the importation of all animals on the Sabbath, and that this enactment has, as a result of text corruption, been altered in Josephus’ source to a prohibition of the importation of ritually unclean animals at any time. III. The Letter to Zeuxis (att. 148-153) The same difference of opinion that exists among modern scholars about the genuineness of Antiochus III’s letter to Ptolemy and his proclamation con- cerning the temple and Jerusalem is found in their views concerning the letter to Zeuxis, in which Anti- ochus commands that two thousand Jewish families be transported from Mesopotamia and Babylonia and settled in the rebellious provinces of Lydia and Phrygia to guard the interests of the Seleucid government, and at the same time directs that they be provided with houses and land and be exempted from taxes on produce for ten years. Willrich objects that this document in wholly in the style of the Jewish apologist Pseudo-Hecataeus, the assumed source of the passage in Aristeas §§ 12-13 which states that Ptolemy I transported Jews from Palestine to Egypt and settled them in garrisons there. As we have pointed out in notes to this volume, recent investigations by Hans Lewy and others have shown that some of the fragments attri- buted to Pseudo-Hecataeus are probably from the works of the genuine Hecataeus, a non-Jewish his- 7604. APPENDIX D torian of the early third century B.c., and are in accord with historical fact. Moreover we know from Aramaic and Greek papyri that Jews were actually taken into military service in Persian and Ptolemaic Egypt. Willrich also suggests that the letter to Zeuxis has as its historical basis Herod’s settling of Jewish colonists from Babylonia in Batanaea, cf. Ant. xvii. 23-25. In this case as in other arguments against the genuineness of Hellenistic decrees quoted by Josephus, Willrich seems to be eating his critical cake and having it too. If the letter to Zeuxis is an apologetic Jewish invention modelled on Pseudo- Hecataeus, who must have written before 100 B.c., it cannot also be based on an incident that took place late in Herod’s reign. Incidentally the circumstances of the Herodian settlement of eastern Jews in Batanaea were rather different from those of the alleged settlement by Antiochus III ; in the former case a military group of only six hundred men was involved. But even if the circumstances were more nearly alike, the fact that a quasi-Jewish king like Herod transported Jews from Babylonia (they were originally from Babylonia but later settled at Antioch) to Batanaea is no proof that Antiochus III did not transport Jews from Babylonia to Lydia and Phrygia. Niese, who strongly suspects the genuineness of the letter to Zeuxis, suggests that it was circulated by the Jews of Asia Minor who wished to base their claim to civic equality with the Macedonians on their colonization there by Antiochus III. But the ques- tion remains, even supposing that the Jews of Asia Minor wished to make propaganda of this sort, how did they come to be in Lydia and Phrygia in con- siderable numbers if Antiochus III did not settle VOL. VII 2B2 765 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII them there ? Niese is correct, to be sure, in pointing out that Josephus is mistaken in making it appear that the transportation and settlement took place after Antiochus III’s conquest of Coele-Syria in 201-198 B.c. Nor can we give much weight to the argument of Wellhausen and Willrich that if the letter were genuine it would specify the names of the colonists and the localities in Lydia and Phrygia where they were to be settled. We must remember, as Tscheri- kower remarks, that Antiochus was campaigning in the East (in 206/5 B.c.) and was presumably writing in haste. It cannot be denied that there is room for suspicion of Jewish apologetic retouching of the original letter, as in § 150 where Antiochus refers to the Jews’ “ piety to God ”’ (but see the note on this phrase), and to the testimony of his forefathers concerning the loyalty of the Jews ; but even these complimentary allusions may be genuine, as part of the conventional docu- mentary style (see Bickermann’s treatment of this general subject). It seems to me, then, that there is no convincing evidence against the genuineness of Antiochus III’s letter to Zeuxis. 766 APPENDIX E? SELECTED LITERATURE ON THE ONIADS AND ToBIADS AND PALESTINE UNDER Protemaic Rute (Ant. xii. 154-236) Abel, F. M., “‘ Les confins de la Palestine et de l'Egypte sous les Ptolémées,”’ RB 48 (1939), 207- 236, 531-548 ; 49 (1940), 55-75, 226-239. Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 296. » Ptol., pp. 71-73, 270-271. Biichler, Tobiaden, pp. 8-143. Cuq, Edouard, “ La condition juridique de la Coelé- Syrie au temps de Ptolémée V Epiphane,” Syria 8 (1927), 143-162. Dubnow ii. 26-35. Fruin, R., “‘ Studien in de joodsche Geschiedenis na 333,” Nieuw Theologische Tijdschrift 24 (1935), 101-110 ; 25 (1936), 43-66. Gandz, Solomon, “ The Hall of Reckonings in Jeru- salem,” JQR 31 (1941), 383-404. Graetz ii. 2. 215-241. Gressmann, Hugo, “ Die ammonitischen Tobiaden,’ SBBAW 1921, 663-672. Holleaux, M., “‘ Sur un passage de Flavius Joséphe (Ant. xii. 4), REJ 39 (1899), 161-176. Kahrstedt, pp. 42-46. 9 See also Appendix G, 767 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII Klausner i. 203-213. Meyer, Ursprung ii. 128-136, 462. Momigliano, A., “ I Tobiadi nella preistoria del moto maccabaico,”” ARAST 67 (1932), 165-200. Motzo, Saggi, pp. 180-206. Niese, GGMS iii. 224-227. Otto, Walter, art. “ Hyrkanos,’”’ PW 9 (1916), 527- 534. Publications of the Princeton University Archaeological Expedition to Syria, Div. II, Sec. A. Pt. 1; Div. ITI, Sec. A. Pt. I (H. C. Butler and E. Littmann), 1907. Rostovtzeff, HHW, pp. 340-351, 1400-1403. Tscherikower, pp. 162-183. ἧς “ Palestine under the Ptolemies,’’ Miz- ram 4/5 (1937), 9-90. Wellhausen, pp. 228-237. Willrich, JG, pp. 91-107. τὲ Urkundenfalschung, pp. 76-77. Zeitlin, Solomon, “The Tobias Family and the Hasmoneans,” PAAJR 4 (1933), 169-233. Zucker, pp. 12-32. 768 APPENDIX F SeLectep LireRATURE ON SPARTANS AND Jews (Ant. xii. 226-227, xiii. 164-170) Bévenot, pp. 140-142. Bickermann, E., art. “‘ Makkabderbiicher ” in PW 14 (1930), esp. p. 786. Bichler, Tobiaden, pp. 128-143. Dubnow ii. 86. Freudenthal, pp. 29-30. Fruin, R., ““ De Spartaansche Koning nit I Mace. XII,” Nieuw Theologische Tijdschrift 21 (1932), 350 ff. Ginsburg, Michael, “ Sparta and Judaea,” CP 29 (1934), 117-122. Grimm, pp. 187-191. Meyer, Ursprung ii. 30-31. Momigliano, Prime Linee, pp. 141-170. Schlatter, pp. 15, 389-390. Schubart, W., “‘ Bemerkungen zum Stile helleni- stischer Kénigsbriefe,’’ APF 6 (1920), 324-347. Schiirer i. 237. Willrich, Urkundenfalschung, pp. 23-27. 769 APPENDIX G2 Sevectep LITERATURE ON THE BACKGROUND OF THE Maccasakan Revoir Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 162-174. Bickermann, Elias, Der Gott der Makkabder. 1937. Biichler, Tobsaden, pp. 8-143. Dubnow ii. 39-58. Graetz ii. 2. 268-295, 399-406. Heinemann, Isaak, “‘ Wer veranlasste den Glaubens- zwang der Makkabierzeit ?’, MGW 82 (1938), 146-172. Kahrstedt, pp. 132-145. Klausner i. 218-219, 276-287. Kolbe, pp. 150-154. Meyer, Ursprung ii. 121-166. Momigliano, A., “1 Tobiadi nella preistoria del moto maccabaico,” ARAST 67 (1932), 165-200. Momigliano, A., Prime linee di storia della tradizione maccabaica. 1931. Motzo, Saggi, pp. 66-214. Niese, GGMS iii. 214-234. . Kritik der becden Makkabderbiicher. 1900. Rostovtzeff, HHW, pp. 703-705. Schlatter, A., Jason von Kyrene. 1891. Schiirer i. 179-200. @ See also Appendix E. 770 APPENDIX G Tscherikower, pp. 193-216, 383-398. Wellhausen, pp. 232-241. Willrich, JG, pp. 115-125. » Urkundenfialschung, pp. 91-96. Zeitlin, Solomon, “‘ The Tobias Family and the Has: moneans,” PAAJR 4 (1933), 169-223. 771 APPENDIX H SreLEcTeD LITERATURE ON THE SELEUCID ERA IN 1 AND 2 MaccaBEES AND THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE Has- MONAEAN PERIOD Abel, F.-M., “ L’ére des Séleucides,” RB 47 (1938), 198-213. Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 299. Bévenot, pp. 24-28 and passim. Bickermann, Elias, art. ““ Makkabierbiicher’”’ in PW 14 (1930), 779-784. Bickermann, Elias, GM, pp. 155-168. Cavaignac, E., “La chronologie des Séleucides d’aprés les documents cunéiformes,” RA 28 (1931), 73-80. Ginzel, F. K., Handbuch der mathematischen u. tech- nischen Chronologie ii. 60 ff. 1911. Kahrstedt, pp. 118-132. Kolbe, Walther, Beztrdége zur syrischen u. jiidischen Geschichte. 1926. Kolbe, Walther, ‘“‘ Die Seleukidenara des ersten Makkabierbuches,”’ Hermes 62 (1927), 225-242. Kromayer, J., “ Die Eroberung Jerusalems durch Herodes,” Hermes 29 (1894), 263-271. Kugler, F. X., Von Moses lis Paulus, pp. 301-418. 1922. Mahler, Eduard, Handbuch der jiidischen Chronologie, pp. 402-439. 1916. 772 APPENDIX H Meyer, Ursprung ii. 121-166, 205-278. Motzo, Saggi, pp. 101-150. Niese, B., “ Zur Chronologie des Josephus,” Hermes 28 (1893), 194-229. Niese, B., Krittk, pp. 78-96. Olmstead, A. T., ““ Cuneiform Texts and Hellenistic Chronology,” Class. Phil. 32 (1937), 1-14. Otto, Walter, “ Zur Geschichte der Zeit des 6ten Ptolemiers,’ ABAW, 1934. Schiirer i. 32-40, 140 and passim. Sidersky, D., ‘‘ Contribution ἃ l'étude de la chrono- logie néo-babylonienne,” RA 30 (1933), 57-71. Smith, Sidney, “The Chronology of Philip Arrhidaeus, etc.,”’ RA 22 (1925), 179-197. Tscherikower, pp. 162-269, 383-398. Unger, G. F., “ Die Seleukidenira der Makkabier- biicher, SBMAW, 1895, 244-281. Zeitlin, Solomon, Megillat Taanit as a Source for Jenish Chronology, etc. 1922. VOL. VII 2858 173 APPENDIX I SELEcTED LITERATURE ON ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES AND THE SAMARITANS (Ant. xii. 257-264) Bevan, H. Sel. ii. 174. Bikerman (Bickermann), E., ““ Un document relatif ἃ la persécution d’Antiochos IV Epiphane,” RHR 115 (1937), 188-223. Biichler, Tobiaden, pp. 152-171. Meyer, Ursprung ii. 154-155. Montgomery, James A., The Samaritans, pp. 77-78. 1907. Motzo, Saggi, pp. 180-206. Niese, Kritik, pp. 106-108. Willrich, Urkundenfalschung, pp. 14-16. 774 APPENDIX J¢ Setecrtep LirerRaATURE ON THE HELLENISTIC AND Roman Decrees ΙΝ An7. XII-XIV Bévenot, pp. 12-16 and passim. > Brucklemeyer, Max, Beztrage zur rechtlichen Stellung der Juden im riimischen Reich. 19589. Biichler, Tobiaden, pp. 277-398. = “ Die priesterlichen Zehnten und die rémi- schen Steuern in den Erlissen Casars,”’ Fest- schrift . . . Steinschneiders, pp. 91-109. 1896. Chapot, Victor, La province romaine proconsulaire d’ Asie, pp. 182-186. 1904. Ginsburg, Michel, Rome et la Judée. 1928. Graetz, Heinrich, “ Die Stellung der kleinasiatischen Juden unter der Rémerherrschaft,”’ MGWJ 30 (1886), 329-346. Graetz, Heinrich, Geschichte der Juden iii. 2. 657-673. Grimm passim. Gutschmid, Alfred von, Kleine Schriften ii. 303-315. Heuss, A., Die vilkerrechtlichen Grundlagen der rimi- schen Aussenpolitik in republikanischer Zeit (Kho Betheft 31). 1933. (Does not mention the Jews, but is pertinent.) Holmes, T. Rice, The Roman Republic iii. 507 ff. # See also Appendices B, C, L. ὃ Not seen by translator. 775 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII-XIV Homolle, Th., “ Le proconsul Rabirius,”’ BCH 6 (1882), 608-612. Judeich, Walther, Casar im Orient, pp. 119-141. 1885. Juster i. 129-158. Laqueur, pp. 221-230. ‘Griechische Urkunden in der jiidisch- nelle wissen Literatur,’ HZ 136 (1927), 229- 952, Mendelssohn, Ludwig, De senati consultis Romanorum ab Josepho . . . relatis commentatio, 1874. Mendelssohn, Ludwig, “‘ Senati consulta Romanorum quae sunt in Josephi Antiquitat.,” Acta Societatis Philol. Lipsiensis 5 (1875), 87-288. Mendelssohn, Ludwig (and F. Ritschl), ““ Nochmals der rémische Senatsbeschluss bei Josephus XIV, 5,” Rhein. Mus. 30 (1875), 419-435. Meyer, Ursprung ii. 246-278. Momigliano, Prime Linee, pp. 32-32, 151-170. i Ricerche, pp. 192-221. Mommsen, Th., ‘“‘ Der Senatsbeschluss Jos. Ant. 14. 8. 5,” Hermes 9 (1875), 281-291. Motzo, Saggi, pp. 207-214. Niese, B., ““ Bemerkungen ἄρον die Urkunden bei Josephus,” Hermes 11 (1876), 466-488. Niese, B., ‘‘ Eine Urkunde aus der Makkabierzeit,” Orientalische Studien Th. Noldeke genidmet ii. 817- 824. 1906. 4 Raillard, J., Die Anordnungen des M. Antonius im Orient in den Jahren 42-31. 1894. Reinach, Th., “ Antiochus Cyzicéne et les Juifs,” REJ 38 (1899), 161-171. Ritschl, Friedrich, “‘ Eine Berichtigung der Consular- fasten, etc.,”” Rhein. Mus. 28 (1873), 586-614. 2 Not seen by translator. 776 APPENDIX J Ritsch], Friedrich, ‘“‘ Rémische Senatusconsulte bei Josephus,” Rhein. Mus. 29 (1874), 337 Ε΄; 30 (1875), 428 ff. Rosenthal, Ferdinand, ‘“‘ Die Erlisse Casars und die Senatusconsulte im Josephus Alterth. XIV, 10,” MGW 23 (1879), 176-183. Roth, Otto, Rom und die Hasmonder. 1914. Schiirer i. 220-263, 344-348 ; iii. 67-69. Taubler, Eugen, Imperium Romanum, pp. 157-187, 239- 254. 1913. Unger, G. F., “ Zu Josephos, I: Die unpassend eingelegten Senatusconsulte,” SBMAW, 1895, pp. 551-604. Viereck, Paul, Sermo graecus quo senatus populusque romanus. . .in scriptis publicis ust sunt, pp. 91-116. 1888. @Wandel, E., Der Triumvir M. Antonius und das Heilige Land. 1901. Willrich, Urkundenfalschung, pp. 1-9, 36-85. 2 Not seen by translator. 777 APPENDIX Κο SeLectep LITERATURE ON THE HasMONAEANS IN Rappinic TRADITION Allon, G., “‘ The Attitude of the Pharisees toward Roman Rule and the Herodian Dynasty ”’ (in Hebrew), Siyyon (Zion) 3 (1935), 300-322. Aptowitzer, V., Parteipolitik der Hasmoniierzeit im rabbinischen und pseudoepigraphischen Schrifttum. 1927. Brand, Joshua, “‘ The Temple of Onias ” (in Hebrew), Yavneh 1 (1939), 76-84. Biichler, Tobiaden, passim. Darmsteter, James, “‘ Les Parthes ἃ Jérusalem,” Journal Asiatique, Sér. 9, vol. 8 (1894), 43-54. Derenbourg, J., Essai sur Vhistoire et la géographie de la Palestine. Premiére Partie. 1867. (Still the most useful collection of rabbinic traditions about this period.) Dubnow ii. 121-259 passim. Finkelstein, Louis, The Pharisees. 2 vols. 1938. Fishman, J. L., ‘““ The Maccabaean Period in our Ancient Literature’’ (in Hebrew), Sinai 2 (1938/9), 59-77. Gaster, Moses, “‘ Megillat Antiochus,” Z'vransactions of the Ninth International Congress of Orientalists held at London, 1892, vol. ii. 1893. * See also the Appendix on Jewish Sects in the last volume of this translation. 778 APPENDIX K Gaster, Moses, “ Demetrius and the Seder Olam, etc.,”’ Festschrift . . . Simonsens, pp. 243-252. 1923. Geiger, Abraham, “ Sadducéer und Pharisder,” Jiidische Zeitschrift fiir Wissenschaft und Leben, 2 (1863), 11-54. Ginzberg, Louis, The Place of Halakah in Jenish Learning (in Hebrew). 1931. Ginzberg, Louis, Eine unbekannte jiidische Sekte. Pt. I. 1922. Graetz ii. 2. 296-344; iii. 1. 1-195 and appended Noten 1, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16. Kaminka, Armand (Aaron), “ Hillel’s Life and Work,” JQR, N.S. 30 (1939), 107-122. Klein, Samuel, “ A Chapter in Palestine Research towards the End of the Second Temple ” (in Hebrew), Magnes Anniversary Volume, pp. 216- 292. 1938. Lehmann, J., ““ Le procés d’Hérode, Saméas et Pol- lion,” REJ 24 (1892), 68-81. Lewy, Hans, “ Ein Rechtsstreit um den Boden Palas- tinas im Altertum,’”” MGWJ 77 (1933), 84-99, 172-180. Lichtenstein, Hans, “ Megillat Taanit : Die Fasten- rolle, εἷς... HUCA 8/9 (1931/2), 257-371. Momigliano, Prime Linee, pp. 48-65. Schiirer, vol. i passim. Tscherikower passim. Tchernowitz, Chaim, ‘ Demai ” (in Hebrew), Jenish Studies in Memory of George Alexander Kohut, pp. 46-58 Hebrew section. 1935. Wellhausen, J., Die Phariséer und die Sadducder, 2nd ed. (unrevised). 1924. Zeitlin, Solomon, Megillat Taanit. 1922. APPENDIX L?¢ SeLecrep LITERATURE ON THE STATUS OF JUDAEA UNDER Roman Rute 63-37 B.c. Arnold, W. T., The Roman System of Provincial Ad- ministration, etc., 3rd ed. rev. by E. S. Bouchier. 1914. Dessau, Hermann, Geschichte der rimischen Kaiserzeit, li. 2. 749-760. 1930. Dubnow ii. 229-259. Ginsburg, Michel, Rome et la Judée, pp. 78-115. Goldschmid, Léopold, “ Les impéts et droits de douane en Judée sous les Romains,”’ REJ 34 (1897), 192-217. Graetz iii. 1. 150-195. Gulack, Asher, “ The Roman Method of Collecting Taxes in Palestine ” (in Hebrew), Magnes Anni- versary Volume, pp. 97-104. 1938. Gulack, Asher, “ Boulé and Strategia : a Contribu- tion to the Study of Roman Fiscal Administra- tion in Palestine”’ (in Hebrew), TYarbiz 11, (1939/40), 119-122. Heichelheim, F., Roman Syria in An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome ed. by Tenney Frank, iv, 1938. Jones, A. H. M., The Herods of Judaea, pp. 1-49. 1938. Kahrstedt, pp. 97-108. @ See also Appendix J. 780 APPENDIX L Laqueur, pp. 142-221. Manfrin, P., Gli Ebrez sotto la dominazione romana, ii. 314-342. 1890. Marquardt, Joachim, Rémische Staatsverfassung, ii. 180-204 (2nd ed. rev. by H. Dessau and A. v. Do- maszewski). 1884. Momigliano, Ricerche, pp. 183-221. Mommsen, Theodor, Provinces of the Roman Empire, ii. 189-193 (trans. by W. P. Dickson). 1887. Otto, Herodes, pp. 19-37. Schalit, A., Roman Administration in Palestine (in Hebrew). 1937. Schiirer i. 338-360 ; ii. 192-194. Stevenson, G. H., Roman Provincial Administration, etc., pp. 36-93. 1939. Unger, G. F., “ Zur Josephos, IV. Die Republik Jerusalem,” SBM AJ, 1897, pp. 189-222. Willrich, Hugo, Das Haus des Herodes, pp. 1-40. 1929. Zucker, pp. 50-67. 781 APPENDIX M SeLecrep LITERATURE ON HasMONAEAN COINAGE Cooke, G. A., A Textbook of North-West Semitic In- scriptions, pp. 352-356. 1903. Graetz iii. 2. 822-844. Hill, George F., Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Pales- tine, xc-xevi, 184-219. 1914. Madden, Frederic W., History of Jenish Coinage. 1864. Narkiss, M., Coins of Palestine (in Hebrew). Vol. i, 1936. * Reifenberg, Adolf, Ancient Jewish Coins. 1940, Schiirer, vol. i passim. α Not seen by translator. ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE EXPLANATORY NOTES AND APPENDICES ABAW = Abhandlungen der Bayrischen Akademie der Wis- senschaften. Abel = Petre F.-M. Abel, Géographie de la Palestine, vol. i, 1933 ; vol. ii, 1938. Abrahams, Campaigns =Israel Abrahams, Campaigns in Palestine from Alexander the Great (Schweich Lec- tures). 1927. AJA = American Journal of Archaeology. AJP = American Journal of Philology. Andrews =H. T. Andrews, Trans. and Comm. The Letter of Aristeas in R. H. Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepi- grapha of the Old Testament, ii. 85-122. Ant. =Jewish Antiquities of Josephus. APF =Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung. Aptowitzer = V. Aptowitzer, Parteipolitik der Hasmo- nierzeit, etc. 1927. ARAST = Atti della reale Accademia delle Scienze di Torino. ARSP=Annali della R. Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Lettere, Storia e Filosofia. Ath. Mitt. = Athenische Mittheilungen. A.V. = Authorized Version of the Bible. Avi Yonah =M. Avi Yonah, Map of Roman Palestine, 2nd ed. 1940. BASOR = Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Re- search. BCH = Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique. Bevan, H. Sel.=Edwyn R. Bevan, The House of Seleucus. 2 vols. 1902. Bevan, Ptol. =Edwyn Bevan, A History of Eqypt under the Ptolemaic Dynasty. 1927. Bévenot =Hugo Bévenot, Die beiden Makkabéerbiicher. 1931. 783 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII-XIV Bickermann, GM = Elias Bickermann, Der Gott der Makka- bier. 1937. Bikerman, Inst. Sél. =E. Bikerman (Bickermann), Institu- tions des Séleucides. 1938. Bloch = Heinrich Bloch, Die Quellen des Flavius Josephus, ete. 1879. Biichler, Tobiaden = Adolf Biichler, Die Tobiaden und die Oniaden, ete. 1899. CAH =Cambridge Ancient History. CAP =R. H. Charles (ed.), Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the O.T., 2 vols. 1912. Chamonard =Joseph Chamonard’s translation of Ant. xi-xv in @uvres Completes de Flavius Joséphe, vol. iii, 1904. CIL = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Cook, RAP=Stanley A. Cook, The Religion of Ancient Palestine in the Light of Archaeology. 1930. CP =Classical Philology. Dalman, Sacred Sites =Gustaf Dalman, Sacred Sites and Ways (translated by Paul Levertoff). 1935. Debevoise = Neilson C. Debevoise, A Political History of Parthia. 1958. Derenbourg =J. Derenbourg, Essai sur 1 Histoire et la Géographie de la Palestine, vol. i, 1867 (all published). Dittenberger, see OGIS. Dubnow =Simon Dubnow, Weltgeschichte des jiidischen Volkes (trans. from Russian by A. Steinberg), vol. ii, 1925. Finkelstein =Louis Finkelstein, The Pharisees. 2 vols. 1938. Freudenthal =J. Freudenthal, Hellenistische Studien. 1874— 1875 (Jahreshericht des jiidisch-theologischen Seminars Fraenkelscher Stiftung). Fruin=R. Fruin, ‘‘ Studien in de joodsche Geschiedenis na 333,” Nieuw Theologische Tijdschrift 24 (1935), 101-110 ; 25 (1936), 43-66. Fuchs =Leo Fuchs, Die Juden in ptolemdischer und rémi- scher Aegypten. 1924. Ginsburg = Michel Ginsburg, Rome et la Judée. 1928. 784 ABBREVIATIONS Graetz = Heinrich Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, vol. ii. 2 (3rd ed.), no date ; vol. iii. 1 (5th ed.), 19053 vol. iii. 2 (5th ed.), 1906 (vol. iii ed. by M. Brann). Grimm =Carl Ludwig W. Grimm, Comm. on 1 Maccabees in O. F. Fritzsche, Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Hand- buch zu den Apokryphen des Alten Testaments, Dritte Lieferung, 1853. Heichelheim =F. Heichelheim, Roman Syria in An Eco- nomic Survey of Ancient Rome ed. by Tenney Frank, vol. iv, 1938. Holleaux =M. Holleaux, ‘‘Sur un passage de Flavius Josephe (Ant. xii. 4),” REJ 39 (1899), 161-176. Holmes=T. Rice Holmes, The Roman Republic, vol. iii, 1923. Hélscher=Gustav Hélscher, Paldstina in der persischen und hellenistischen Zeit. 1903. HTR= Harvard Theological Review. HUCA = Hebrew Union College Annual. ΗΖ = Historische Zeitschrift. Jacoby, FGH =Felix Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechi- schen Historiker. JHS =Journal of Hellenic Studies. JOAI=Jahreshefte des oesterreichischen archiologischen In- stituts. JPOS =Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society. JQR =Jewish Quarterly Review. Judeich = Walther Judeich, César im Orient. 1885. Juster=Jean Juster, Les Juifs dans l’Empire romain. 2 vols. 1914. Kahrstedt =Ulrich Kahrstedt, Syrische Territorien in hel- lenistischer Zeit. 1926. Klausner = Joseph Klausner, History of Israel (in Hebrew), vol. i, 1909 ; vol. ii, 1924. Klein, 2 Y =Samuel Klein, The Land of Judah (in Hebrew). 1939. Kolbe = Walther Kolbe, Beitrdge zur syrischen und jiidi- schen Geschichte. 1926. Kugler=Franz Xaver Kugler, Von Moses bis Paulus. 1922. 785 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII-XIV Laqueur =Richard Laqueur, Der jiidische Historiker Fla- vius Josephus. 1920. Lichtenstein = Hans Lichtenstein, ‘“‘ Die Fastenrolle, ete.,” HUCA 8/9 (1931/2), 257-371. Lue. = Lucianic recension of Septuagint. Magie = David Magie, De Romanorum iuris publici sacri- que vocabulis sollemnibus in graecum sermonem con- versis. 1905. Meecham =H. G. Meecham, The Oldest Version of the Bible. 1982. Meyer, Ursprung = Eduard Meyer, Ursprung und Anfinge des Christentums, vol. ii, 1925. MGWJ = Monatsschrift fiir die Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums. ᾿ Momigliano, Prime Linee=A. Momigliano, Prime Linee di storia della tradizione maccabaica. 1981. Momigliano, Ricerche=A. Momigliano, ‘ Ricerche sul- Τ᾿ organizzazione della Giudea sotto il dominio romano (63 a.c.-70 pv.c.),” ARSP 1934, pp. 183-221 (Pt. I). Momigliano, I Tobiadi = A. Momigliano, “ I Tobiadi nella preistoria del moto maccabaico,” ARAST 67 (19382), 165-200. Montgomery, Dan.=James A. Montgomery, Comm. on Daniel (ICC). 1927. Moore, Judaism =George Foot Moore, Judaism in the First Centuries of the Christian Era, vols. i-ii, 1927; vol. iii, 1930. Motzo, Saggi = Bacchisio Motzo, Saggi di storia eletteratura giudeo-ellenistica. 1924. Niese, GGMS=Benedictus Niese, Geschichte der griechi- schen und makedonischen Staaten, vol. i, 1893 ; vol. ii, 1899 ; vol. iii, 1903. Niese, Kritik = Benedictus Niese, Kritik der beiden Makka- bierbiicher. 1900. Oesterley =W. O. E. Oesterley, Trans. and Comm. on 1 Maccabees in R. H. Charles, Apocrypha and Pseud- epigrapha of the O.T. i. 59-124. OGIS=Wilhelm Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inseripti- ones Selectae, vol. i, 1903 ; vol. ii, 1905. 786 ABBREVIATIONS Otto, Herodes=Walter Otto, Herodes (revised offprint from PW). 1913. Otto, Hyrkanos = Walter Otto, art. “ Hyrkanos”’ in PW 9 (1916), 527-534. PAAJR = Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research. Preisigke, Fachwérter=Friedrich Preisigke, Fachwérter . . . in den griechischen Papyrusurkunden, etc. 1915. PW =Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll, Realencyclopiidie der classi- schen Altertumswissenschaft. QSDAP = Quarterly Statement of the Department of Antiqui- ties in Palestine. RA = Revue d’ Assyriologie. RB= Revue Biblique. Reinach = Theodore Reinach, notes on Ant, xii-xy in Guvres de Flavius Joséphe. REJ = Revue des Etudes Juives. Rhein. Mus. = Rheinisches Museum, ete. RHR = Revue d Histoire et des Religions. Richards and Shutt =G. C. Richards and R. J. H. Shutt, “* Critical Notes on Josephus’ ‘ Antiquities,’ ”’ Classical Quarterly 31 (1937), 170-177. Riciotto, GG =Giuseppe Riciotto, Flavio Giuseppe. .. . La Guerra Giudaica, Iibri I-IT. 1987. Riciotto, Introduzione=Giuseppe Riciotto, Flavio Giu- seppe, lo storico, ete. 19837. Rostovtzeff, HHW —=Michael Rostovtzeff, The Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World. 3 vols. 1941. SBBAW =Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie der Wissenschaften. Phil.-Hist. Cl. SBMAW =Sitzungsberichte der philologischen Klasse der k. b. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Miinchen. Schalit = A. Schalit, Roman Administration in Palestine (in Hebrew). 1937. Schlatter=D. A. Schlatter, Geschichte Israels von Alex- ander dem Grossen bis Hadrian, 3rd ed. 1925. Schlatter, Theol. Jos. =D. A. Schlatter, Die Theologie des Judentums nach dem Bericht des Josefus. 1932. 787 JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, XII-XIV Schiirer = Emil Schiirer, Geschichte des jiidischen Volkes im ae tee SEG =Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. Taubler, Imp. Rom. = Eugen Taubler, Imperium Romanum. 1913. Tramontano=R. Tramontano, La lettera di Aristea a Filocrate. 1931. Tscherikower = Avigdor Tscherikower, Jews and Greeks (in Hebrew). 1930. Viereck = Paul Viereck, Sermo graecus quo senatus populus- que romanus . . . in scriptis publicis usi sunt. 1888. Watzinger, Denkmiéler =Carl Watzinger, Denkmdler Pa- listinas, vol. i, 1938 ; vol. ii, 1935. Welles, Roy. Corr. =C. Bradford Welles, Royal Correspond- ence in the Hellenistic Period. 1984. Wellhausen =Julius Wellhausen, [sraelitische und jiidische Geschichte, 8th ed. 1921. Willrich, JG =Hugo Willrich, Juden und Griechen vor der makkabdischen Erhebung. 1895. Willrich, Urkundenfilschung =Hugo Willrich, Urkunden- Ffilschung in der hellenistisch-jiidischen Literatur. 1924. ZAW =Zeitschrift fiir alttestamentliche Wissenschaft. Zeitlin, MT =Solomon Zeitlin, Megillat Taanit as a Source For Jewish Chronology, ete. 1922. ZNW =Zeitschrift fiir neutestamentliche Wissenschaft. Zucker = Hans Zucker, Studien zur jiidischen Selbstverwal- tung im Altertum. 1936. Printed in Great Britain by R. ἃ ΚΕ. Crark, Limitep, Edinburgh (3 THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY VOLUMES ALREADY PUBLISHED LATIN AUTHORS Ammianus Marcetiinus. J.C. Rolfe. 3 Vols. (2nd Imp. revised.) Aputeius: Tue Gotpen Ass(Meramorpuoses). W. Adling- ton (1566). Revised by S. Gaselee. (7th Imp.) Sr. Aucustine, Conressions or. W. Watts (1631). 2 Vols. (Vol. I 7th Imp., Vol. II 6th Imp.) Sr. Aucustine: Serecr Letters. J. H. Baxter. (2nd Imp.) Avsonius. H.G. Evelyn White. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Bepe. J. E. King. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Boreruius: Tracts anpD De ConsoLatTionE PHILOSOPHIAE. Rey. H. F. Stewart and E. K. Rand. (6th Imp.) Carsarn: ALEXANDRIAN, AFRICAN AND SPANISH Wars. A.G. Way. Carsan: Crvinr Wars. A. Ὁ. Peskett. (5th Imp.) Carsar: Gatiic War. H. J. Edwards. (10th Imp.) Cato anp Varro: De Re Rustica. H. B. Ash and W. Ὁ. Hooper. (3rd Imp.) Catrutius. IF. W. Cornish: Trsuttus. J. B. Postgate; and Pervicitium Veneris. J. W. Mackail. (13th [mp.) Crersus: De Mepicina. W. G. Spencer. 3 Vols. (Vol. I 3rd Imp. revised, Vols. II and III 2nd Imp.) Cicero: Brutus anp Oratror. G. L. Hendrickson and H. M. Hubbell. (3rd Imp.) Cicero: De Fato; Parapoxa Srorcornum; De Parti- TIoNE Oratorta. H. Rackham. (With De Oratore, Vol. II.) (2nd Imp.) Cicero: Der Fryisus. H. Rackham. (4th Imp. revised.) 1 THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY Cicero: De Inventionr, ete. H. M. Hubbell. Cicero: De Natura Deorum anp Acapemica. H. Rack- ham. (2nd Imp.) Cicero: Dre Orricus. Walter Miller. (7th Jmp.) Cicero: Dre Oratrore. E. W. Sutton and H. Rackham. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Cicero: Dre Repusiica ΑΝ De Leersus. Clinton W. Keyes. (4th Imp.) Cicero: Der Senectrutr, De Amicrt1a, De ΠΙΨΙΝΑΤΙΟΝΕ. W. A. Falconer. (6th Imp.) Cicero: In Catitinam, Pro Murena, Pro Sutra, Pro Fracco. Louis E. Lord. (3rd Imp. revised.) Cicero: Letrrers tro Arricus. E. O. Winstedt. 3 Vols. (Vol. 1 6th Imp., Vols. II and III 4th Imp.) Cicero: Lerrers to nis F'rtenps. W. Glynn Williams. 3 Vols. (Vols. I and Il 3rd Imp., Vol. Ill 2nd Imp. revised and enlarged.) Cicero: Puiviprics. W.C. A. Ker. (3rd Imp.) Cicero : Pro Arcuta, Post Repirum, De Domo, Dre Harus- prcum Responsis, Pro Prancro. N. H. Watts. (3rd Imp.) Cicero: Pro Carcina, Pro Lece Manirta, Pro CLuentio, Pro Rasrrio. H. Grose Hodge. (3rd Imp.) Cicero: Pro Mitone, In Pisonem, Pro Scauro, Pro Fonrero, Pro Rasrrio Postrumo, Pro Marcetto, Pro Licario, Pro Recre Detoraro, N.H. Watts. (2nd Imp.) Cicero: Pro Qurxcrio, Pro Roscro Amertno, Pro Roscro Comoepo, Conrra Ruttum. J. H. Freese. (3rd Imp.) [Cicero]: Rurrortca ap Herennium. H. Caplan. Cicero: Tuscutan Disputations. J.E. King. (4th Imp.) Cicero: Verrine Orations. L. H.G. Greenwood. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 3rd Imp., Vol. 11 2nd Imp.) Craupian. M. Platnauer. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Cotume ta: De Re Rustica; Dre Arsporisus. H. B. Ash, E. 5. Forster, E. Heffner. 3 Vols. (Vol. I 2nd Imp.) Currius, Q.: History or ALEXANDER. J.C. Rolfe. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Frorus. E.S. Forster; and Cornetius Nepos. J.C. Rolfe. (2nd Imp.) Frontinus: STRATAGEMS AND Aquepucts. C. E. Bennett and M. B. McElwain. (2nd Imp.) Fronto: Corresponpence. C. R. Haines. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 3rd Imp., Vol. Il 2nd Imp.) 2 THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY Getutus. J.C. Rolfe. 3 Vols. (Vol. I 3rd Imp., Vols. II and III 2nd Imp.) Horace: Opes anp Epopes C. E. Bennett. (14th Imp. revised.) Horace: Satires, Episries, Ars Portica. H.R. Fairclough. (9th Imp. revised.) Jerome: Sevecr Lerrers. F. A. Wright. (2nd Imp.) JuvVENAL AND Persius. G.G. Ramsay. (7th Imp.) Livy. B. O. Foster, F. G. Moore, Evan T. Sage and A. C. Schlesinger. 14 Vols. Vols. I-XIII. (Vol. I 4th Imp., Vols. II, III, V and IX 3rd Imp., Vols. IV, VI-VIII, X-XII 2nd Imp. revised.) Lucan. J.D. Duff. (3rd Imp.) Lucretius. W.H.D. Rouse. (7th Imp. revised.) Martrat. W.C.A.Ker. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 5th Imp., Vol. II 4th Imp. revised.) Mrxor Latin Poets: from Pustitius Syrus to Rutixius Namatranus, including Grarrrus, Catpurnius Srcr 108, Nemesranus, Avrianus, with ‘ Aetna,” ‘‘ Phoenix’ and other poems. J. Wight Duff and Arnold M. Duff. (3rd Imp.) Ovi 2 Tue Art or Love ann oTHER Poems. J.H. Mozley. (3rd Imp.) Ovip: Fasri. Sir James G. Frazer. (2nd Imp.) Ovip: Herorpes anp Amores. Grant Showerman. (5th Imp.) Ovip: Meramorpuoses. F. J. Miller. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 10th Imp., Vol. II 8th Imp.) Ovip: Tristra anp Ex Ponto. A. L. Wheeler. (37rd Imp.) Perronius. M. Heseltine; Seneca: ApocoLocynrosis. W.H.D. Rouse. (9th Imp. revised.) Prautus. Paul Nixon. 5 Vols. (Vol. I 6th Imp., Vol. II 5th Imp., Vol. III 3rd Imp., Vols. 1V and V 2nd Imp.) Pursy: Lerrers. Melmoth’s translation revised by W. M. L. Hutchinson. 2 Vols. (6th Imp.) Pury: Narurat History. 10 Vols. Vols. I-V and IX. H. Rackham. Vols. VI and VII. W. H. S. Jones. (Vols. I-III 3rd Imp., Vol. ΓΝ 2nd Imp.) Proprertius. H.E. Butler. (6th Imp.) Prupentius. H.J. Thomson. 2 Vols. Quintitian. H. E. Butler. 4 Vols. (37rd Imp.) Remarss or Oxtp Latin. E. H. Warmington. 4 Vols. Vol. I (Ennius and Caecilius). Vol. II (Livius, Naevius, 3 THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY Pacuvius, Accius). Vol. III (Lucilius, Laws of the XII Tables). Vol. LV (Archaic Inscriptions). (2nd Imp.) Satiust. J.C. Rolfe. (4th Imp. revised.) Scriprores Histrortaz Aveustar. D. Magie. 3 Vols. (Vol. I 3rd Imp., Vols. II and III 2nd Imp. revised.) Seneca: Apocotocyntosis. Cf. Perrontus. Seneca: Epistutar Morares. R. M. Gummere. 3 Vols. (Vol. I 4th Imp., Vols. II and III 3rd Imp. revised.) Seneca: Morat Essays. J. W. Basore. 3 Vols. (Vol. II 3rd Imp. revised, Vols. | and III 2nd Imp. revised.) Seneca: Tracepres. F. J. Miller. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 4th Imp., Vol. 11 3rd Imp. revised.) Siponrus: Porms anp Lerrers. W.B. Anderson. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 2nd Jmp.) Situs Iraticus. J. D. Duff. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 2nd Jmp., Vol. II 3rd Imp.) Statius. J.H. Mozley. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Sueronius. J.C. Rolfe. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 7th Imp., Vol. II 6th Imp.) Tacirus: Dratocus. Sir Wm. Peterson; and Acricona AND GerMANIA. Maurice Hutton. (6th Imp.) Tacrrus: Huisrorres anp Annats. C. H. Moore and J. Jackson. 4 Vols. (Vols. I and II 4th Imp., Vols. III and IV 2nd Imp.) Terence. John Sargeaunt. 2 Vols. (7th Imp.) Yertutytruan: Aprotocia AND De Specracuus. Τὶ R. Glover; Mrinucius Ferix. G. H. Rendall. (2nd Imp.) Vaterius Fraccus. J. H. Mozley. (2nd Imp. revised.) Varro: De Lineva Latina. R. 6. Kent. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp. revised.) Vevterus Parercutus anp Res GestarE Divi Avueustt. F. W. Shipley. (2nd Jmp.) Vireiz. H.R. Fairclough. 2 Vols. Vol. I 19th Jmp., Vol. II 14th Imp. revised.) Virruvius: De Arcuirectura. F.Granger. 2 Vols. (Vol.I 3rd Imp., Vol. If 2nd Imp.) GREEK AUTHORS Acuities Tatius. S. Gaselee. (2nd Imp.) ΔΈΝΕΑΒ Tacricus, ASCLEPIODOTUS AND ONASANDER. The Illinois Greek Club. (2nd Imp.) 4 THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY Arscuines. C.D. Adams. (2nd Imp.) Agscuytus. H. Weir Smyth. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 6th Imp., Vol. II 5th Imp.) AvcrpHron, AELIAN AND Puitostratus: Lerrers. A. R. Benner and F. H. Fobes. ApotLoporus. Sir James G. Frazer. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 3rd Imp., Vol. 11 2nd Imp.) Aprotitontus Ruopius. R.C. Seaton. (5th Imp. Tue Apostotic Faruers. Kirsopp Lake. 2 Vols. (Vol. 8th Imp., Vol. 1 6th Imp.) Appran’s Roman History. Horace White. 4 Vols. (Vol. 1 4th Imp., Vols. 11 and IV 3rd Imp., Vol. UI 2nd Imp.) Aratus. Cf. CaLtimacuus. ArisTopHANES. Benjamin Bickley Rogers. 3 Vols. (5th _ Imp.) Verse trans. AnistoTte: Art or Rueroric. J. H. Freese. (3rd Imp.) AristoTLe: ATHENIAN ConsTITUTION, EupEm1an Eruics, Virtues AND Vices. H. Rackham. (3rd Imp.) ARIsToTLe: GENERATION OF Anrmats. A.L. Peck. (2nd Imp.) AristotLe: Merapuysics. H.Tredennick. 2Vols. (3rd Imp.) AristoTLteE: Merrreoroxroeica. H. D. P. Lee. ΑΒΙΒΤΟΤΙΕ: Mrvor Works. W. S. Hett. ‘‘ On Colours,” **On Things Heard,” ‘“‘ Physiognomics,” “On Plants,” “On Marvellous Things Heard, ” ** Mechanical Problems,” “On Indivisible Lines,” “ Situations and Names of Winds,” ‘‘ On Melissus, Xenophanes, and Gorgias.” (2nd Imp.) AristoTLe: NicomacaEean Eruics. H. Rackham. (6th Imp. revised.) ARISTOTLE: Orconomica ΑΝ Macna Moratia. G. (Ὁ. Armstrong. (With Metaphysics, Vol. II.) (37rd Imp.) ARISTOTLE: On THE Heavens. W.K.C. Guthrie. (37rd /mp.) ARISTOTLE: Own THE Sout, Parva Naturatia, On Breatu. W.S. Hett. (2nd Imp. revised.) ARISTOTLE: OrnGanon—Tue Carrecories; On INTERPRETA- tron. H. P. Cooke; Prior Anatytics. H. Treddenick. (3rd Imp.) ARISTOTLE : ORGANON—SOPHISTICAL REFUTATIONS. CoMING- TO-BE AND Passtnc-away. E.S. Forster. On rue Cosmos. D. J. Furley. ArIstoTLe: Parts or Anrmats. A. L. Peck; Morion ano Procression oF Animats. Εἰ, 5. Forster. (3rd Jmp.) 5 THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY AnistoTLe: Puysics. Rev. P. Wicksteed and F. M. Corn- ford. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 2nd Imp., Vol. 11 3rd Imp.) AnisToTLe: Porrics and Loneinus. W. Hamilton lyfe; De- METRIUS ON StyLeE. W. Khys Roberts. (5th Imp. revised.) AnistoTLe: Poxitics. H. Rackham. (4th /mp.) AnistoTLe: Prosrems. W.S. Hett. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp. re- vised.) AristoTLe: RueroricA AD ALExANDRUM. H. Rackham, (With Problems, Vol. II.) Arran: History or ALEXANDER AND Inpica. Rey. E. lliffe Robson. 2 Vols. (Vol. 1 3rd Imp., Vol. Il 2nd Imp.) Atuenarus: Derpnosopuistar. C. B. Gulick. 7 Vols. (Vols. I, [LV-VII 2nd Imp.) St. Basiz: Lerrers. R. J. Deferrari. 4 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Catumacuus: Hymns anp Epicrams, AND LycopHron. A. W. Mair; Aratus. G. R. Mair. (2nd Imp.) Crement oF Atexanpata. Rey.G. W. Butterworth. (3rd Imp.) Coxiutuus. Cf. Oprran. Darunis anD Cutor. Cf. Loneus. DemostHenes I: Otynturacs, Puitippics and ΜΊΝΟΗΝ Orations: I-XVII ann XX. J. H. Vince. (2nd Imp.) Demostuenes II: De Corona anp De Fatrsa Lecartione. C. A. Vince and J. H. Vinee. (3rd Imp. revised.) Demostuenes III: Merpras, ANDROTION, ARISTOCRATES, Trmocrates, Anistoceiron. J. H. Vince. (2nd Imp.) Demostuenes 1V-VI: Privare Orations anD In NEAERAM. A. T. Murray. (Vol. "Ν᾽ 2nd Imp.) DemostHENES VII: Funerat Speecu, Erotic Essay, Exorpra anD Lerrers. N. W. and N. J. DeWitt. Dro Casstus: Roman History. Εὖ. Cary. 9 Vols. (Vols. I and II 3rd Imp., Vols. ΠΠ1-ἰ|κ 2nd Imp.) Dio Curysostom. 5 Vols. Vols. 1 and II. J. W.Cohoon. Vol. III. J. W.Cohoon and H. Lamar Crosby. Vols. IV and V. H. Lamar Crosby. (Vols. [-ἰν 2nd Imp.) Drioporus Sicutus. 12 Vols. Vols. I-VI. C. H. Oldfather. Vol. VII. C.L. Sherman. Vols. [IX and X. Russel M. Geer. (Vols. I-IV 2nd Imp.) Diocenres Larrtius. R.D. Hicks. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 4th Jmp., Vol. Il 3rd Imp.) Dionysius or Haricarnassus: Roman Antiquities, Spel- man’s translation revised by E. Cary. 7 Vols. (Vols. I-V 2nd Imp.) THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY Epictetus. W. A. Oldfather. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 3rd Imp., Vol. Il 2nd Imp.) Evurivipes. Α. 8. Way. 4 Vols. (Vols. I and II 7th Imp., Vols. III and IV 6th Imp.) Verse trans. Eusesrus: Eccrestastican History. Kirsopp Lake and J.E.L. Oulton. 2 Vols. (Vol. 13rd Imp., Vol. II 4th Imp.) Gaen: On THE NaturatFacutties. A.J. Brock. (4th Imp.) Tue Greek AntHotocy. W. R. Paton. 5 Vols. (Vols. I and II 5th Imp., Vol. III 4th Imp., Vols. 1V and V 3rd Imp.) Tue Greex Bucoxric Poets (THEeocritus, Brox, Moscuus). J. M. Edmonds. (7th Imp. revised.) Greek Erecy anp [AMBUS WITH THE ANACREONTEA. J. M. Edmonds. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 3rd Jmp., Vol. 11 2nd Imp.) Greek Matuematicat Works. Ivor Thomas. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Heropves. Cf. THEopHRAsTUS: CHARACTERS. Herovortus. A.D. Godley. 4 Vols. (Vols. I-III 4th Imp., Vol. IV 3rd Imp.) Hesiop anp THE Homeric Hymns. H. 6. Evelyn White. (7th Imp. revised and enlarged.) HippocraTeEs AND THE FRAGMENTS OF Heracteitus. W.H.S. Jones and E. T. Withington. 4 Vols. (3rd Imp.) Homer: Iurap. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols. (Vol. 1 7th Imp., Vol. Il 6th Imp.) Homer: Opyssey. A.T. Murray. 2 Vols. (8th Imp.) Isarus. E.S. Forster. (3rd Imp.) Isocrates. George Norlin and LaRue Van Hook. 8 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Sr. Jonn DamascenE: Bartaam AND JoasaApH. Rey. G. R, Woodward and Harold Mattingly. (3rd Imp. revised.) Josepuus. Η. St. J. Thackeray and Ralph Marcus. 9 Vols. Vols. I-VII. (Vol. V 3rd Imp., Vols. I-IV, VI and VII 2nd Imp.) Juvian. Wilmer Cave Wright. 3 Vols. (Vols. I and II 3rd Imp., Vol. ΠΠ| 2nd Imp.) Loneus: Dapuyis anp Cutor. Thornley’s translation revised by J. M. Edmonds; and Parruenius. 8. Gaselee. (4th Imp.) Lucian. A. M. Harmon. 8 Vols. Vols. I-V. (Vols. I and II 4th Imp., Vol. III 3rd Imp., Vols. lV and V 2nd Imp.) Lycoruron. Cf. CaLiimacuus. 7 THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY Lyra Grarca. J. M. Edmonds. 3 Vols. (Vol. I 4th Imp., Vols. II (revised and enlarged) and 111 3rd Imp.) Lysias. W.R. M. Lamb. (3rd Imp.) Mayeruo. W.G. Waddell; Protemy: Terrasretos, F. E. Robbins. (3rd Imp.) Marcus Auretius. C. R. Haines. (4th Imp. revised.) Menanper. F.G. Allinson. (3rd Imp. revised.) Miyor Arric Orators. 2 Vols. Κὶ. J. Maidment and J.O. Burtt. (Vol. I 2nd Imp.) Nownos: Dronystaca. W.H. D. Rouse. 3 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Oprran, Cot.utuus, TrypHroporus. A. W. Mair. (2nd Imp.) Papryri. Non-Lirerary Serecrions. A. S. Hunt and (Ὁ. C. Edgar. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Lairerary ΘΕΙΕΟΤΙΟΝΒ. (Poetry). D. L. Page. (3rd Imp.) Partuenius. Cf. Loneus. Pausantas: Descriprion of Greece. W. H. 8. Jones. 5 Vols. and Companion Vol. arranged by R. E. Wycherley. (Vols. I and III 3rd Imp., Vols. II, 1V and V 2nd Imp.) Puito. 10 Vols. Vols. I-V. F. H. Colson and Rey. G. H. Whitaker; Vols. VI-I[X. F. H. Colson. (Vols. I-III, V-IX 2nd Imp., Vol. ΓΝ 3rd Imp.) Two Supplementary Vols. ‘lranslation only from an Armenian Text. Ralph Marcus. Puitostratus: THe Lire or Arottonius oF Tyana. F.C, Conybeare. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 4th Imp., Vol. {1 3rd Imp.) Puitosrratus: Imacines; Catuistratus: Descriptions. A. Fairbanks. (2nd Imp.) Puitostratus AND Euwnarius: Lives oF THE Sopuists. Wilmer Cave Wright. (2nd Imp.) Pixpar. Sir J. E. Sandys. (7th Imp. revised.) Prato 1: Eurnyruro, Aroroey, Criro, PHarepo, PHarepnvs. H. N. Fowler. (11th Imp.) Prato Il: THearrerus anp Sopuist. H.N. Fowler. (4¢h Imp.) Rates III: Sratresman, Paitesus. H. N. Fowler; Ion. W.R.M. Lamb. (4th Imp.) Prato IV: Lacues, Proracoras, Meno, Euraypemus. W.R.M. Lamb. (3rd Imp. revised.) Praro V: Lysis, Sympostum, Gorcras. W. R. M. Lamb. (5th Imp. revised.) Prato VI: Craryztus, Parmentpes, Greater Hippias, Lesser Hirrias. H.N. Fowler. (4th mp.) 8 THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY Prato VII: Trraeus, Carrias, CriropHo, Mrenexenvs, Ept- sTULAE. Rey. R.G. Bury. (3rd Imp.) Prato VIII: CHarmrpes, Arciprapes, Hipparcuus, THE Lovers, THeaces, Mryos anp Errnomis. W.R. M. Lamb. (2nd Imp.) Prato: Laws. Rey. R. G. Bury. 2 Vols. (3rd Imp.) Prato: Reruszric. Paul Shorey. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 5th Imp., Vol. II 4th Jmp.) Protrarcn: Moratra. 14 Vols. Vols. I-V. F.C. Babbitt; Vol. VI. W.C.Helmbold; Vol. X. H.N. Fowler. (Vols. I-VI, X 2nd Imp.) Prorarcn: THe Paratret Lives. B. Perrin. 11 Vols. (Vols. I, II, VI, VII and XI 3rd Imp., Vols. III-V and VIII-X 2nd Imp.) Potysius. W.R. Paton. 6 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Procorius: History or rHE Wars. H. B. Dewing. 7 Vols. (Vol. I 3rd Imp., Vols. I1-VII 2nd Imp.) Protemy: ΤΕΈΤΒΑΒΙΒΙΟΒ. Cf. Manetuo. Qurytus Smyrnarus. A.S. Way. (3rd Imp.) Verse trans. Sextus Emprricus. Rev. R. G. Bury. 4 Vols. (Vol. I 3rd Imp., Vols. Il and III 2nd Imp.) Sopuoctes. F. Storr. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 10th Imp., Vol. I 6th Imp.) Verse trans. Srrazo : Geocrapny. Horace L. Jones. 8 Vols. (Vols. I, V and VIII 3rd Imp., Vols. II1-IV, VI and VII 2nd Imp.) TuropHrastus: CuHaractrers. J. M. Edmonds; Herropes, etc. A. D. Knox. (3rd Imp.) THEorpHrastus: Enquiry ito Puants. Sir Arthur Hort. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Tuucypipes. C.F. Smith. 4 Vols. (Vol. I δέῃ Imp., Vols. II-IV 3rd Imp.) TrypHioporus. Cf. Oppran. XenopHon: Cyroparpra. Walter Miller. 2 Vols. (Vol. I 4th Imp., Vol. 11 3rd Imp.) XenopHon: Hettenica, AnaBasis, APOLOGY, AND SyMmpro- βιῦμ. C. L. Brownson and O. J. Todd. 3 Vols. (Vols. I and III 3rd /mp., Vol. II 4th Imp.) ΧΈΝΟΡΗΟΝ : Mrmorasitia AND Orconomious. Εἰ. C. Mar- chant. (3rd Imp.) XenopHon: ὅσβιρτα Νίινοβα. E.C. Marchant. (3rd Imp.) (For Volumes in Preparation see next page.) 9 TIE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY VOLUMES IN PREPARATION GREEK AUTHORS ArtraAn: On tHe Nature or Anrmars. A. F. Scholfield. Axrsop AND OTHER Faputists. B. E. Perry. AnistoTLe: Hisrory or Antmats. A. L. Peck. Catimacuus: Fracments. C. A. Trypanis. Prorimnus. A. H. Armstrong. LATIN AUTHORS Sr. Aveustine: Crry or Gop. Cicero: Pro Srstio, In Νατινιῦμ, Pro Carrio, De Pro- vinciis ConsuLarisus, Pro Batso. J. H. Freese and ἢ. Gardner. PHAEDRUS AND OTHER Fasuuists. Β. E. Perry. DESCRIPTIVE PROSPECTUS ON APPLICATION LONDON CAMBRIDGE, MASS. WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD HARVARD UNIV. PRESS Cloth 15. Cloth $2.50 10 0841 ™“ as a aOM, = 6ey mage om ey. riage oie @¢- Denes ἌΝ 4 Γὰδ eer ts 4 Uo te oe ae eae 6 ὲ Ja ΤΗΣ Ἢ bd nod Ty =o τ : Mer εὐ ee ‘eG a ᾿ νὰ οὐ τ Ὁ αὐϑὸῪ = ῃ ἂν δ" 7 ih ie ins ΤΟΥ near ΠΝ ἡ {ΠῚ ny a Yo Hebei ae Ϊ Τῇ aah i Hints ΐ i 4“ : ἘΜ i ᾿ hee ἢ i fal r aha Mie at ΚΜ ΜΙΝ ἣν ΠΤ NMA Hv ft WER GAs ty erably Lease ll ΦΗ͂ ᾿ ΟΣ ΔῊΝ τ soe τσ att ee τς. at Aa aos 2) ἜΝ aa | it WY TESTS ᾽ ᾿ δ ὃ bi) +